He returned from Scotland at the end of July, after an absence of sixty-three days[128] and from a letter of the Lord Treasurer11 (Winchester) to him soon afterwards (24th August 1560), it is evident that his detractors had been at work in his absence.[129] The old Marquis loved to[100] stand well with all men, but his tendencies we know now to have been “Philipian,” and he wrote to the Secretary: “In the meantime all good Councillors shall have labor12 and dolor without reward; wherein your part is most of all mens; for your charge and paynes be farre above all oder mens, and your thanks and rewards least and worst considered, and specially13 for that you spend wholly of yourself, without your ordinary fee, land, patent, gift, or ony thing, which must nedes discomfort14 you. And yett when your counsell is most for her Majesties15 honour and profitt, the same hath got hinderance by her weke creditt of you, and by back councells; and so long as that matter shall continue it must needs be dangerous service and unthankful.”
Less than three weeks after this letter was written, the Bishop16 of Aquila went to Greenwich about the Austrian match, which still dragged on, when, to his surprise, the Queen told him flatly she had altered her mind, and would not marry at all. The Bishop then sought out Cecil, who, he knew, was now in semi-disgrace, owing to the efforts of Dudley in his absence. The Secretary was not in the habit of wearing his heart upon his sleeve, and if he did so on this occasion to Philip’s minister, it may be concluded that it was from motives17 of policy, which are not very far to seek. “After exacting18 many pledges of strict secrecy19, he said that the Queen was conducting herself in such a way that he thought of retiring. He said it was a bad sailor who did not enter port if he could when he saw a storm coming on, and he clearly foresaw the ruin of the realm through Robert’s intimacy20 with the Queen, who surrendered all affairs to him and meant to marry him. He said he did not know how the country put up with it, and he should ask leave to go home, though he thought they would cast him into the Tower first. He[101] ended by begging me in God’s name to point out to the Queen the effect of her misconduct, and persuade her not to abandon business entirely21, but to look to her realm; and then he repeated to me twice over that Lord Robert would be better in Paradise than here.”[130] After this Cecil told the Ambassador that Dudley “was thinking of killing22 his wife,” which on the following day the Queen partly confirmed by mentioning to the Bishop that she was “dead or nearly so.” The Bishop’s comment upon this is, that “Cecil’s disgrace must have great effect, as he has many companions in discontent, especially the Duke of Norfolk.… Their quarrels cannot injure public business, as nobody worse than Cecil can be at the head of affairs, but the outcome of it all might be the imprisonment23 of the Queen, and the proclamation of the Earl of Huntingdon[131] as King. He is a great heretic, and the French forces might be used for him. Cecil says he is the real heir of England, and all the heretics want him. I do not like Cecil’s great friendship with the Bishop of Valence.”
Shortly after this was written, the tragic24 fate of Amy Robsart was announced. For months past there had been rumours26 of the intention of Dudley to have his wife killed, in order that he might marry the Queen, and as the date of Cecil’s conversation with the Bishop is not quite certain, it is possible that he may have spoken with the knowledge that she was already dead. In any[102] case, however, it is certain that, at this time, Cecil feared that the Queen’s passion for Dudley would bring about the downfall of the edifice27 he had so laboriously28 built, and he sought if possible to lay the foundation for his future action. The friendship with the Guisan Bishop, Monluc, was clearly a feint, as was also the idea that the French would help Huntingdon to the detriment29 of their own Queen Mary Stuart, but it would serve to arouse the jealousy30 of the Spaniards, and would incline them to Cecil’s side to prevent it. Dudley had in Cecil’s absence gained most of the advanced Protestant party to his side by his open championship of their ideas, and the Secretary, finding himself distrusted by his friends, was obliged to endeavour to discredit31 Dudley, to gain the sympathy of the Spanish Bishop, and, through him, of the “Philipians,” who were already opposed to Dudley as an upstart and a friend of France. Regarded in this light, Cecil’s unwonted frankness to the Spanish Ambassador is intelligible32 enough. If things went well with the Queen, the “Philipians” could keep him in office, and if disaster befell her, he dissociated himself from her before the catastrophe33, and made common cause with the party which in such case would certainly be uppermost.
The danger, however, soon blew over, for Amy Robsart’s death caused so much scandal as to cover Dudley with obloquy34, and render him powerless for a time, during which Cecil regained35 his influence. How completely he did so is seen in Dudley’s enigmatical letter to him at the time when he was first feeling the effect of the odium of his wife’s death. The real meaning of the letter is not intelligible. Dudley had retired36 from court, probably to Wanstead, and had been visited by Cecil, who was having close inquiry37 made into the death of Lady Robert. He appears to have made some friendly promise to Dudley, who is effusively38 grateful.[103] “The great frendshipp you have shewyd towards me I shall not forgett. I pray you lett me hear from you what you think best for me to doe; if you doubt, I pray you ask the question (of the Queen?), for the sooner you can advyse me the more I shall thank you. I am sorry so sodden39 a chaunce shuld brede me so great a change, for methinks I am here all this while as it were in a dream.”[132] Dudley’s retirement40 and pretended disgrace, to save appearances, did not last long; and when he came back to court he found Cecil in full favour again.[133] Whilst Lord Robert was away Cecil had extracted a positive assurance from the Queen direct, that she would not marry Dudley. Cecil had thereupon made another attempt to revive the Archduke’s negotiation,[134] and at the same time had sounded the Spanish Ambassador about marrying Catharine Grey to a nominee41 of Philip; this being a prudent42 attempt to obtain a second connecting link with Spain, now that the negotiations43 with the Archduke had been worn nearly threadbare.
But the Spanish-Austrian family were not responsive. They had been fooled more than once, and were determined44 that Elizabeth should not lead them into a position compromising to their dignity; but it was necessary for those who had the welfare of England at heart to take some steps which should render Dudley’s hopes unrealisable. The Protestant party in the Council, with Cecil’s acquiescence47, again brought up the proposal of the new King of Sweden, Eric XIV. He was an eager suitor, and had been trying to gain a hearing at intervals48 since before Mary’s death; and in answer to private messages from England, intimated his intention[104] of coming himself to win his bride. The Protestants were overjoyed; for this would have been an ideal solution for them, especially now that the situation had been unexpectedly changed by the death of the young King of France, Mary Stuart’s husband (5th December 1560). This event, which took away much of the Guises49’ power, and weakened Mary’s connection with France, now governed by her mother-in-law, Catharine de Medici, who hated her, banished50 in a large measure Philip’s dread51 of her accession to the English throne; and the Catholics in England thought they saw daylight ahead, if the Queen died childless.
It was natural, therefore, that the Protestants should make a counter move, and actively52 revive the idea of the Swedish match. It was equally to be expected that when Dudley thus found himself without any party at all but his personal friends, he should seek support in a fresh quarter. He was without shame, scruple53, or conscience. He had betrayed, or was ready to betray, every person or cause that trusted him; his sole object was to force or cajole the Queen into marrying him, and he grasped at any aid towards it. In January 1561 his brother-in-law, Sir Henry Sidney, a Catholic, and a friend of Spain, came to the Bishop of Aquila, and assured him that Dudley was innocent of his wife’s death, though public opinion was universally against him. Sidney then went on to say that, as Elizabeth’s desire to marry Dudley was evident, it was surprising that the Spanish party had not helped him in his object, and thus gained his gratitude54, in return for which “he would hereafter serve and obey your Majesty55 like one of your own vassals56.” The Bishop was not eager, for he had been tricked before when the Sidneys were the intermediaries; but when Sidney promised that if Dudley were aided to marry the Queen, he would restore the Catholic religion in England, the[105] Churchman listened. He could be no party, of course, he said, to a bargain about religion; but if Dudley really wished to repent57 in this way, he should be delighted. The Queen acquiesced58 in the intrigue59, and eagerly listened to the Spaniard’s advocacy of Dudley’s suit, though doubtless she did not know that her English suitor had promised, in the event of his marriage, to hand over the whole government to the King of Spain, and fully60 restore the Catholic faith.[135]
As some earnest of the Queen’s and Dudley’s chastened hearts, the Bishop had urged that English plenipotentiaries should be sent to the Council of Trent, and the English bishops61 released who were imprisoned62 for refusing the oath of supremacy63. Dudley was willing to promise that or anything else; but in so important a matter of State as the recognition of the Pope’s Council, the co-operation of Cecil was needed. He was, of course, opposed to Dudley’s suit, but had not interfered64 openly to stop these negotiations, the Bishop says, in consequence of his having been bribed65 by the grant of some emoluments66 enjoyed by Parry, who had recently died, but more probably because he may really have been at the bottom of these negotiations, and he knew that he could checkmate Dudley more effectually, if necessary, at a later stage.[136] As we have seen, his opposition67 to strong forces was rarely direct. He knew in this case that the Queen would resent open thwarting68 from him; and that it would also have the effect of offending the Catholics, and renewing the quarrel with Dudley and[106] his friends. So when he was consulted, he feigned69 to welcome the project of sending English representatives to the Council of Trent, and at once proceeded to kill it with kindness.
The situation in England was an extremely critical one. Much public dissatisfaction existed at the Queen’s questionable70 behaviour, and the Catholics, especially, were greatly disturbed in consequence of the attitude of Mary Stuart. The treaty of Edinburgh, the result of so much thought and labour, had not been ratified71 by Mary and her husband when the latter died; and in answer to requests on the part of the English Government, through Throgmorton and Sir Peter Mewtys, that she would ratify72 it, Mary declined until she had by her side some of her Scottish Councillors. The Scottish Parliament had been summoned in accordance with the treaty, before the latter had been accepted by the sovereign, and consequently her refusal to ratify the treaty raised a host of difficulties on all sides. It was felt universally that Mary might well expect now the countenance74 of Philip in her pretensions75 to the English crown, whilst all that was Catholic in France looked to her uncles, the Guises, as leaders. The combination was too strong for Cecil to face directly, in addition to the Queen’s caprice and the factions76 of the English court, and his method of dealing77 with the matter was characteristically prudent. During the progress of Dudley’s negotiations with the Spaniard to bring back England to Catholicism, the puritan Earl of Bedford was sent to France, ostensibly to ask Mary again to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, and to condole78 with her for the loss of her husband; but his real object was to bring about an understanding with the Duke of Vend79?me,[137] Coligny, and the French Protestants.[107] At the same time Randolph was entrusted80 with an important message to the Protestant nobles of Scotland. He was to tell them that the Protestant princes of Germany were firmly united; that the French reformers were now the stronger party; that the Queen of England would stand by the Scots; and to exhort81 them to be true to the Protestant faith, no matter what efforts might be made to move them. Randolph was also to approach even Scottish Catholics, and point out what a favourable82 opportunity now occurred, the Queen of Scots being free of her French connection, to form a close union between England and Scotland.[138]
But whilst this seed was germinating83 it was necessary for Cecil to dally84 with the Catholics and “Philipians” in England. He accordingly went (March 1561) to the Spanish Ambassador with a message—secretly purporting85 to come from the Queen, but ostensibly from himself—to the effect that it would be a great favour to the Queen “and a help to this business” if Philip would write her a letter as soon as possible, “urging her, in the interests of her country, to marry at once; and, as she is disinclined to marry a foreigner, he advises her to choose one of her own subjects, who, in such case, would receive Philip’s friendship and support.” Cecil affected86 to urge this course very warmly upon the Bishop, who, however, was wary87, and insisted upon knowing definitely whether the Queen herself had sent the message. The only answer that Cecil would give was that it was not fair to drive a modest maiden88 like the Queen up in a corner, and make her personally responsible for steps leading to her own marriage. But he told the Bishop that the reason Philip’s letter was necessary, was that the Queen should submit it to a packed deputation of both Houses of Parliament, so that her marriage with Dudley might, in[108] appearance, have the sanction of her people. No course so likely as this to frustrate89 the match could have been devised, as Dudley himself saw, for he fell ill of vexation; but, as the Bishop says, he was faint-hearted, and lacked ability and courage to break through the snares90 that Cecil had spread for him. The Bishop divined the plan very soon. “The deputation is being arranged,” he says, “to suit him and the heretics, who have entire control of the Queen.… She dares not go against Cecil’s advice, because she thinks that both sides would then rise up against her.”
Cecil, “who,” he says, “is entirely pledged to these unhappy heresies91, and is the leader of the business,” tried on more than one occasion to draw the Spanish Bishop into religious controversy—the Bishop thought, with the object of discovering whether Dudley or the Queen had gone further in their pledges than he had been told. He suggested that the Pope should send theologians to England to discuss religion with English divines, but the Bishop would not hear of it. Then he proposed that the Bishop himself should secretly meet the Archbishop of Canterbury (Parker) and endeavour to bring about a religious modus vivendi; to which the Spaniard replied, that if they were sincere in their desire to agree, they had better begin with the main points of difference, instead of discussing secondary points of dogma.[139]
Cecil assured him that the Queen would send representatives to the Pope’s Council, on condition that it was held in a place satisfactory to other princes; that the Pope or his legate should preside over the Council, not so as to infer that he was the ruler of it, but only the president of its deliberations; that questions of faith might be decided92 by Holy Scripture93, the consensus94 of divines,[109] and the decisions of early councils; that the English bishops should be recognised as equals of the rest; and other conditions of the same sort, which obviously frustrated—as they were meant to do—all hope of the religious compact, upon which Dudley’s hopes were ostensibly built. In the court, we are told, Cecil went about saying that the Queen wished to send her envoys95 to the Council, but that a Council could not judge questions of faith, nor could the Pope, as of right, claim to preside.[140] On the one hand, he reprehended96 the Bishop of Winchester (Horn) for preaching against the authority of the Councils, and caused a meeting of bishops to be called at Lambeth, to settle a profession of faith to be sent to the Council; whilst, on the other, he told the Spaniard that if when the Pope wrote to the Queen he did not give her her full titles of Queen of England and Defender97 of the Faith, she would not receive his letters. Well might Quadra say: “I do not know what to think of it all: these people are in such a confusion that they confound me as well. Cecil is a very great heretic, but he is neither foolish nor false, and he professes98 to treat me very frankly99. He has conceded to me these three points, which I consider of the utmost importance, however much he may twist them to the other side.” Whoever else may have been confused, we may be certain that Cecil knew what he was about, for he completely hoodwinked and conciliated the Spanish Bishop and the Catholics until his new combination was consolidated100.[141] The English Catholics were more leniently101 treated; and the Queen and[110] court were almost inconveniently103 friendly with Quadra, who was obliged to whisper to his friends that it was all make-believe. He said more truly than he thought at the time. At the end of April, Cecil’s arrangements were complete, and the mask could be dropped safely.
At the instance of Randolph the Scottish Lords of the Congregation had commissioned James Stuart, Mary’s natural brother, afterwards Earl of Murray, who was already in English pay, to visit his sister in France, and influence her to return to Scotland pledged to the treaty of Edinburgh, and to place herself in the hands of the Protestant party. For the moment the Guises in France were in disgrace, and plotting for their own advancement104, so that it suited them to appear to acquiesce46 in an arrangement which promised that their niece should take possession of her kingdom without disturbance105. James Stuart, carefully coached by Throgmorton, went back to London with the assurance that all was well.[142] Mundt, in Germany, had drawn106 the league closer between England and the Princes; Bedford in France had completed a cordial arrangement with Vend?me, Coligny, and the Protestants; Philip’s Netherlands were in seething[111] discontent, his coffers were empty and he was in a death grapple with the Turk for the mastery of the Mediterranean107. There was nothing for England to fear, therefore. Circumstances and Cecil’s diplomacy108 had placed once more all the cards into his hands, and again he could go forward on a straight course.
The pretext109 for a change was given by the secret presence of a papal nuncio in Ireland. English Catholics were suddenly proceeded against all over the country for attending mass. Sir Edward Waldegrave and other ex-members of Mary’s Council were thrown into the Tower; the Pope’s legate, who was hurrying with all sorts of concessions110, and an invitation to Elizabeth to send envoys to the Council of Trent, was refused admittance into England; and the old Bishop of Aquila found once more that Cecil had outwitted him. There were no more conciliatory religious discussions or amiable111 attentions; on the contrary, the Ambassador, to his intense indignation, was accused of taking part in plots against the Queen, and found himself slighted on all sides. A great outcry took place that a conspiracy112 of Catholics had been discovered to poison the Queen, the rumour25 in all probability being part of the general plan to weaken and discredit the Catholic party; and Cecil himself drew up a paper, still extant,[143] urging her Majesty not to place any apparel next her skin until it had been carefully examined, that no perfume should be inhaled114 by her which came from a stranger, that no food should be consumed by her unless it was dressed by her own cooks, that twice a week she should take some contra pestum, that the back doors of her apartments should be strictly115 guarded, and so forth116. Whether Cecil was really apprehensive117 of danger to the Queen at the time is uncertain; but this general change of attitude towards[112] the Catholics in less than four months suspiciously coincided with the successful consolidation118 of the Protestants throughout Europe, and the paralysation for harm both of Spain and France in the matter of Mary Stuart.
How far Dudley was sincere in his approaches to the Catholics on this occasion may be doubted. He would have been willing, of course, to have paid any price—or rather have made his country pay any price—for his marriage with the Queen; but there are circumstances which tend to the belief that he and Cecil, for once, had joined their forces, Cecil probably promising45 his support to Dudley’s suit in exchange for this clever “entertaining” of Spain and the Catholics until the Protestant coalition119 was formed. In any case, Dudley was in nowise cast down at the rupture120 of the negotiations, but remained on excellent terms with Cecil, and flirted121 with the Queen more furiously than ever. In the meanwhile the King of Sweden had made all preparations for visiting England. The extreme Protestant party had continued to encourage him during the time that the Queen, Cecil, and Dudley were lulling122 the Catholics; but now that the Catholic mask had been dropped, Eric’s visit was very inconvenient102 to the Queen. Mary Stuart was a widow, and every court in Europe was intriguing123 for her marriage.[144] Elizabeth knew that if she was forced into a marriage with the King of Sweden, Mary would[113] immediately be wedded124 to a nominee of Philip, for which object Cardinal125 Lorraine was already planning. Eric was therefore refused a passport into England;[145] the Lord Mayor was ordered to suppress the prints which had been scattered126 by the Protestants, representing Elizabeth and Eric XIV. together (July 1561),[146] and the embarrassment127 of the Swede’s advances was postponed128 until a more convenient season.
The English Catholics were naturally losing heart. They had looked in vain for help from Philip ever since the Queen’s accession. The war party in the Spanish King’s councils had ceaselessly urged him to overturn Elizabeth and the “heretics” before their power was consolidated. Feria and his successor the Bishop had done their best to keep alive the hopes of Elizabeth’s enemies in England; but as year followed year and leaden-footed Philip moved not the English Catholics began to cast their eyes elsewhere. Mary Stuart arrived in Scotland (19th August 1561) surrounded by her Lorraine kinsmen129. Elizabeth now thoroughly130 distrusted her, for she saw that she was her match in dissimulation131, at all events, and made some show of intercepting132 her on the voyage;[147] but her Scottish subjects of all faiths were ready to welcome the young half-foreign Queen from whom they hoped so much. The country was practically in a condition of anarchy133; but the administration, such as it was, was in the hands of the reform party under Maitland and James Stuart. Although herself devoutly134 following the Catholic faith—to the disgust of the predominant party—the Queen soon after her arrival confirmed the free exercise of the Protestant worship, and for a time both she and her ministers [114]were popular. To the north, therefore, the English Catholic party now cast their eyes. Catharine Grey had recently contracted a doubtful marriage with the eldest135 son (Hertford) of the Protector Somerset, and was out of the question as a Catholic candidate; but Mary Stuart’s claim to the English throne was in many respects better than that of Elizabeth herself. Lady Margaret Lennox, too, was busy in the north of England, where the population was mainly Catholic, plotting for the marriage of her son and the subsequent raising of the country in the interests of Mary and a Catholic England.
In the meanwhile Elizabeth was somewhat roughly demanding to know why Mary delayed the ratification136 of the treaty of Edinburgh, and jealously watching for any signs of matrimonial negotiations to her detriment. The Earl of Arran, Elizabeth’s candidate for Mary Stuart’s hand, was extremely unpopular with the Scottish people, and soon became impossible as a consort137 for the Queen; and the carefully laid plans of Elizabeth and Cecil in Scotland were seen to be at the mercy of a secret matrimonial intrigue, which might be sprung upon them at any moment. Maitland of Lethington, Mary’s Secretary of State, ostensibly a Protestant, went to London[148] and saw Cecil in September, in the hope of arranging matters. He professed138 to be sanguine139 about the Arran marriage; but though bound to the English interest, he protested more than once on his return, in letters to Cecil, upon the pressure exerted upon his mistress to renounce140 her English birthright, and even begged the Secretary to furnish him with a draft of a reply for Mary to send which he thought might satisfy Elizabeth. Whilst Lord James, Maitland, and Cecil were trying to conciliate and calm matters, the zealot Knox and his like were clamouring[115] for extreme measures and embittering141 spirits on both sides. Cecil in vain counselled Knox to be moderate; the reply reproaches him for “swimming betwixt two waters,” and throws all the blame for the troubles on moderate statesmen like Lord James and Lethington, “whose mistaken forbearance and gentleness” he denounces. The young Queen, he says, will never be of “our opinion, and in very deed her whole proceedings142 do declare that the Cardinal’s lessons are so deeply imprinted143 on her heart, that they … are like to perish together.… In communication with her I espied144 such craft as I have not found in such age.”
This opinion must only be accepted as that of a bitterly severe man on one whose position was as difficult as can well be conceived. English Catholics, Mary knew, now looked to her as their only hope. She was a daughter of kings, brought up in a deep school of statecraft, and was determined to resist the demanded renunciation of her birthright in England at the bidding of a rival. Her letter to Elizabeth (5th January 1562)[149] explains why she declined to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, pathetically pleads that the clause in the treaty renouncing145 her rights to the English succession was agreed to without her authority, and she appeals to the generosity146 of so near a cousin not to make her a stranger to her own blood. She will, she says, make a new treaty on Elizabeth’s own terms, if her rights to succeed, failing Elizabeth’s issue, are not prejudiced. But on this point Elizabeth would never give way. As we have seen, it was the keynote of Cecil’s policy all his life to secure England from the presence of a probable enemy on the Scottish border, and this question of Mary’s claim to the English succession, especially with her marriage still undecided, touched the heart of the whole matter.[116] It was evident, moreover, that at this juncture147 the great trial of arms between the Catholics and Protestants throughout Europe was at hand. The war of religion was already looming148 near in France and Flanders, papal emissaries had incited149 armed revolt in Ireland against the Queen’s Protestant measures, and English Catholics were in a dangerous state of ferment150.[150] It was therefore of the most vital interest, not only to England and Elizabeth, but to the reform party throughout Europe, that no advantage should be given in Scotland to vigilant151 enemies, who, by the control of that country, would have been enabled to ruin the acknowledged head of the Protestant confederacy. It is the fashion to accuse Elizabeth and Cecil of unprincipled rancour against Mary Stuart. Generosity and magnanimity, it may be conceded, were not conspicuous152 characteristics of either of them. But before judging too harshly, it should be considered that their lives, the freedom and independence of England, and the fate of the reformed religion depended almost inevitably153 upon the course of events in Scotland, and both Elizabeth and her minister would have been false to their trust if they had not availed themselves of all the means which circumstances and the feeling of the times placed in their hands to prevent Mary Stuart and her country from precipitating154 their downfall.
Cecil’s position in London also was surrounded with difficulties. The Catholics, even those about the Queen,[117] were busy, and reports of plans for poisoning Elizabeth continued without cessation. Everything, great and small, had to be done by Cecil. “He has,” writes the Bishop of Aquila, “absolutely taken possession of the Queen and Council, but he is so perplexed156 and unpopular that I do not know how he will be able to stand if there are any disturbances157.”[151] The Queen, moreover, fell ill: “she is falling away and is extremely thin, and the colour of a corpse158.” The sorely tried Secretary, bearing upon his shoulders everybody’s burden, frequently sick himself,[152] but working early and late, endeavouring to keep a middle course whilst holding to his policy, naturally aroused no enthusiasm. Extreme men of all parties cavilled159 at his methods; only the Queen grew in her trust of him, for she at least understood, as perhaps no other person did, that he was almost the only person near her who was not bribed. The city and the trading classes, however, by this time had seen the good results of his commercial and fiscal160 policy. From the first days of the reign73 he had set about reforming the currency, and he enters in his diary for 29th May of this year (1561) a statement which shows that his labours at last bore fruit. “Base monies decried161 and fine silver coined,” he writes; and in November a proclamation was issued that Spanish gold and silver money, which during the debasement of English coin had been a favourite form of currency, should no longer be allowed, but should be taken to the Queen’s mint for exchange into English coin. “The Queen,” grumbles162 the Spanish Ambassador, “makes a profit on it, as she did with the other money she called in.” No doubt she did, but the new pure coinage[118] placed English merchants at an immense advantage in trading abroad, and they thanked Cecil for it.[153] “There hath,” says Camden, “been better and purer money in England than was seen in two hundred years before, or hath been elsewhere in use throughout Europe.” Nor was this all. Shipbuilding under subsidy164 had progressed very rapidly, and English commerce was penetrating165 into regions hitherto unapproached.[154] The Hawkinses had already shown the way to the West Coast of Africa, but the Portuguese166 had so far successfully resisted the establishment of a regular trade. English ships, however, now found their way down to Elmina, on the Gold Coast, with frequency distressing167 to the Portuguese; whilst English and Scotch privateers, and pirates who called themselves such, preyed168 almost unchecked upon Spanish and Flemish small craft about the Channel. Against both of these grievances169 the Spanish and Portuguese ministers complained often and bitterly. Throughout his life Cecil set his face against piracy113 in all its forms, as being inimical to legitimate170 trade, and at his instance five of the Queen’s ships were fitted out (1561) for the purpose of suppressing the corsairs; but to the other complaint he turned a very different face.
A syndicate had been formed, in which Dudley, Wynter (Master of the Ordnance), Gonson (Controller of the Navy), Sir William Garrard, and probably the Queen herself, had shares, to send out a strong expedition[119] to establish a permanent trading-station on the Gold Coast.[155] There were to be at least four ships, one of which, the Mignon, belonged to the Queen. Protests and remonstrances171 from Portuguese and Spaniards were freely made to Cecil, who replied they could not prevent merchants from going to trade where they thought fit. When the Bishop of Aquila pressed him further, he answered, “that the Pope had no right to partition the world and to give and take kingdoms.… This idea is the real reason which moved them to oppose the legality of our denunciation of these expeditions much more than any profit they expect to get.… They think this navigation business will be a good pretext for breaking the peace, as your Majesty must needs uphold the Pope’s authority, against which, both here and in Germany, all will join. I feigned not to understand Cecil’s meaning, and treated the matter as concerning the King of Portugal only” (27th November 1561).[156] A draft reply in Cecil’s hand to similar remonstrances from the Portuguese Ambassador in April of the same year, is[120] still more dignified172: “The Queen does not acknowledge the right of the King of Portugal to forbid the subjects of another prince from trading where they like, and she will take care that her subjects are not worse treated in the King of Portugal’s dominions173 than his are in hers.”[157]
Amidst his manifold public anxieties Cecil had to bear his share of private trouble. His notes in the Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield record the successive births and deaths of two infant William Cecils, one at Cannon174 Row in 1559, and the other at Wimbledon in 1561; but at this period he had a daughter and a son living, by his second wife. Thomas, his only son by his first marriage with Mary Cheke, was now a young man of twenty, and in order that he might receive the polish fitting to the heir of a great personage, his father consulted Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, the Ambassador in Paris, in the spring of 1561, with regard to sending him thither175. Cecil’s own idea was to place him in the household of Coligny, the Admiral of France, now one of the acknowledged leaders of the Protestant party; but Throgmorton, who foresaw, doubtless, the rapidly approaching civil war, dissuaded176 him from this. “Though you have made the best choice of any man in France, yet for some respects I think the matter should be deferred177.” His advice was that lodgings178 should be taken for young Cecil near the embassy, where he might share the Ambassador’s table. The youth, he thought, should be “taught to ride, play the lute155, dance, play tennis, and use such exercises as are noted180 ornaments181 of courtiers.”[158] A subsequent recommendation of Thomas Windebank, the young man’s governor, to the effect that it would be well to accept Throgmorton’s offer, although Sir William Cecil was loth to trespass182 on his[121] friend’s hospitality, in order that the youth “might learn to behave himself, not only at table, but otherwise, according to his estate,”[159] leads us to the conclusion that Thomas Cecil had thitherto not been an apt scholar. Some of the details of Thomas’s journey are curious. In addition to Windebank he was accompanied by two servants, and three geldings, which, Throgmorton thought, might as well be sold, as he could obtain others in Paris. The lodgings in Paris for the party and horses would cost about ten sun-crowns a month, and in addition to the money they brought they should have a letter of credit for three hundred crowns. Young Thomas had been to France before by way of Calais,[160] and on this occasion, that he might see fresh country, he went by Rye, Dieppe, and Rouen; and the intention was that he should stay in or near Paris for a year, and then proceed to Italy. Windebank appears to have been unequal to his task, and to have had no control over Thomas. In vain Sir William pressed both his son and Windebank to send him an account of their expenses, and from the first it is seen that the father was misgiving183 and anxious. Cecil was a reserved man, full of public affairs; but this correspondence[161] proves that he was also a man of deep family affection, and, above all, that he regarded with horror the idea that any scandal should attach to his honoured name. In his first letter to his son, 14th July 1561, after the arrival of the latter in Paris, he strikes the note of distrust. “He wishes him God’s blessing184, but how he inclines himself to deserve it he knows not.” None of his son’s three letters, he complains, makes[122] any mention of the expense he is incurring185. He urges him at once to begin to translate French; and then says, “Fare ye well. Write every time somewhat to my wife.” To Windebank the anxious father is more outspoken186. How are they spending their time, he asks, and heartily187 prays that Thomas may serve God with fear and reverence188. But Thomas seems to have done nothing of the sort; for, in nearly every letter, Windebank urges Sir William to repeat his injunctions about prayer to his son. But the scapegrace paid little heed189.
As soon as they arrived in Paris, Thomas sold his horse for forty crowns, and kept the money for his own spending. Throgmorton was soon tired of him, and advised that he should be sent to Orleans or elsewhere, away from the heat and distractions190 of Paris; but Thomas was well satisfied where he was. “Of study there is little or nothing yet,” he coolly writes to his father, after he had been in Paris for a month. They were still sight-seeing, and he grows almost eloquent191 in his description of a fight he had seen at court between a lion and three dogs, in which the latter were victorious192. They lodged193 in the house of a gentleman, “a courtier and learned, but of indifferent good religion,” to whom they paid three hundred crowns a month for board and lodging179; but this was not by any means all the expense. The heir spent ￡20 for his winter clothes; he must have a fashionable footcloth for his riding nag163. The horses, too, were expensive, and Sir William complained. All gentlemen of estimation here ride, writes Windebank, and if he follow not the manner of the country, he will be less considered: “if all gentlemen ride, it is not meet for Mr. Thomas to go afoot.”
The father was accompanying the Queen during the autumn on her progress through Essex, and writes from various country-houses to his son and Windebank, begging[123] the former to study, to pray, to avoid ill company, to take heed of surfeits194, late suppers, prodigality195, and the like; but apparently196 to no effect. Thomas wrote rarely and badly, his French did not improve, and he still failed to write to his learned step-mother, greatly to his father’s anger. At length he fell seriously ill, and promised amendment197, which for a time seemed hopeful.
Through all the father’s anxiety his master passions for books, heraldry, and gardening are discernible, as well as his pride of race. He constantly orders Windebank to send him stated books, and to keep on the look-out for new plants, or good gardeners, that may be sent to England. In September he requests that some booksellers’ catalogues may be forwarded, that he may select some books to “garnish” his library. He was anxious that his son should study the genealogy199 and alliances of noble French families, and prays that a herald198 may be engaged to instruct him. But Thomas soon relapsed, and rumour of his ill-behaviour reached Sir William, not at first from Windebank. In March 1562 an angry and indignant letter went from Cecil to his son, reproaching him for his bad conduct. There was no amendment, he said, and all who came from Paris gave him the character of “a dissolute, slothful, negligent200, and careless young man,” and the letter is signed, “Your father of an unworthy son.” A week later, 2nd April, Cecil wrote a characteristic and affecting letter to Windebank, which deserves to be quoted nearly in full, for it shows us the man more clearly than reams of State papers. “Windebank,” it runs, “I am here used to pains and troubles, but none creep so near my heart as doth this of my lewd201 son. I am perplexed what to think. The shame that I shall receive to have so unruled a son grieveth me more than if I had lost him[124] in honest death. Good Windebank, consult my dear friend Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, to whom I have referred the whole. I could be best content that he would commit him secretly to some sharp prison. If this shall not seem good, yet would I rather have him sent away to Strasburg if possible, or to Lorraine, for my grief will grow double to see him before some sort of amends202. If none of these will serve, then bring him home and I shall receive that which it pleaseth God to lay on my shoulders; that is, in the midst of my business, for comfort a daily torment203. If ye shall come home with him, to cover the shame, let it appear to be by reason of the troubles there.[162] I rather desire to have this summer spent, though it were but to be absent from my sight. I am so troubled as well, what to write I know not.”
Windebank had been protesting for some time his own unfitness—which was obvious—and sending hints of the ill-conduct of his charge, who had borrowed money on the credit of others, and scandalised his friends by his dissoluteness; but at last the long-suffering tutor rebelled, and wrote, 26th April, to Cecil, “I have forborne to write plainly, but now I am clean out of hope, and am forced to do so. Sir, I see that Mr. Thomas has utterly204 no mind nor disposition205 to apply to any learning; being carried away by other affections that rule him, so that it maketh him forget his duty in all things;” and with this Windebank resigns his charge, for Thomas had openly defied him; advocates his immediate3 recall if the war in France will allow him to come, or otherwise that he should be sent to Flanders. But Windebank himself had had enough of Thomas Cecil, and refused to accompany him further.
This instructive correspondence helps us to see[125] that, beyond even his wounded paternal206 affection, Sir William Cecil’s deepest feeling was sensitiveness to the opinion of the world about him. That his son should be unworthy touched him to the quick; but that the world should see any shame or reproach resting upon the heir of his house and name, was unendurable agony to one whose main social aims were to trace an ancient ancestry207 and head a noble posterity208.
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1
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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13
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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effusively
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| adv.变溢地，热情洋溢地 | |
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sodden
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| adj.浑身湿透的；v.使浸透；使呆头呆脑 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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42
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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46
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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48
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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49
guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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50
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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53
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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54
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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55
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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56
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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57
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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58
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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59
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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60
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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61
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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66
emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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thwarting
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| 阻挠( thwart的现在分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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71
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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73
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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76
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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77
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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condole
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| v.同情；慰问 | |
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vend
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| v.公开表明观点，出售，贩卖 | |
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80
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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82
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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83
germinating
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| n.& adj.发芽（的）v.（使）发芽( germinate的现在分词 ) | |
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84
dally
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| v.荒废(时日)，调情 | |
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85
purporting
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的现在分词 ) | |
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86
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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87
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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88
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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89
frustrate
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| v.使失望；使沮丧；使厌烦 | |
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90
snares
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| n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 )；圈套；诱人遭受失败（丢脸、损失等）的东西；诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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91
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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92
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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93
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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94
consensus
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| n.(意见等的)一致，一致同意，共识 | |
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95
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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96
reprehended
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| v.斥责，指摘，责备( reprehend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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98
professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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99
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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100
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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101
leniently
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| 温和地，仁慈地 | |
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102
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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103
inconveniently
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| ad.不方便地 | |
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104
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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105
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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106
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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107
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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108
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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109
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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110
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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111
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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112
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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113
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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114
inhaled
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| v.吸入( inhale的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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116
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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117
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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118
consolidation
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| n.合并,巩固 | |
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119
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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120
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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121
flirted
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| v.调情，打情骂俏( flirt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
lulling
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| vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的现在分词形式） | |
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123
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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124
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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126
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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127
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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128
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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129
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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130
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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131
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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132
intercepting
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| 截取（技术），截接 | |
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133
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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134
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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135
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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136
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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137
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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138
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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139
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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140
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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141
embittering
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的现在分词 ) | |
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142
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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143
imprinted
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| v.盖印（imprint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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144
espied
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| v.看到( espy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145
renouncing
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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146
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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147
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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148
looming
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| n.上现蜃景（光通过低层大气发生异常折射形成的一种海市蜃楼）v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的现在分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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149
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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151
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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152
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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153
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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154
precipitating
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| adj.急落的，猛冲的v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的现在分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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155
lute
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| n.琵琶，鲁特琴 | |
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156
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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157
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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158
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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159
cavilled
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| v.挑剔，吹毛求疵( cavil的过去式 ) | |
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160
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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161
decried
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| v.公开反对，谴责( decry的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162
grumbles
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| 抱怨( grumble的第三人称单数 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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163
nag
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| v.(对…)不停地唠叨；n.爱唠叨的人 | |
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164
subsidy
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| n.补助金，津贴 | |
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165
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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166
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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167
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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168
preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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169
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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170
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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171
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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172
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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173
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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174
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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175
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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176
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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178
lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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179
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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180
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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181
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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182
trespass
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| n./v.侵犯，闯入私人领地 | |
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183
misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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184
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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185
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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186
outspoken
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| adj.直言无讳的，坦率的，坦白无隐的 | |
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187
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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188
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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189
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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190
distractions
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| n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 )；娱乐，消遣；心烦意乱；精神错乱 | |
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191
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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192
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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193
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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194
surfeits
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| v.吃得过多( surfeit的第三人称单数 )；由于过量而厌腻 | |
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195
prodigality
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| n.浪费，挥霍 | |
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196
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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197
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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198
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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199
genealogy
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| n.家系，宗谱 | |
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200
negligent
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| adj.疏忽的；玩忽的；粗心大意的 | |
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201
lewd
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| adj.淫荡的 | |
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202
amends
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| n. 赔偿 | |
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203
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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204
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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205
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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206
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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207
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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208
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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