The Tsar’s mother died soon after his accession, and the customary place of chief favourite and virtual ruler fell to Boris Ivanovitch Morozoff, who had for the preceding three years had charge of the prince’s education. Morozoff had the ambition and moral indelicacy which were common to his time and class, and he and his friends grew rich. But there was one cloud on the horizon of their prosperity. Alexis must soon marry, and behind the bride, whoever she might be, Morozoff and his friends saw the usual crowd of greedy relatives hastening to Moscow and clamouring for wealth and power. Morozoff cleverly conceived his plans to avoid this danger.
In the early part of the year 1647 the thrilling message went through the Empire that the young Tsar would choose a bride, and every noble or commoner who had, or thought that he had, a youthful daughter with the required degree of health, beauty, and virtue8, made application to the officials. A swarm9 of officers spread over the Empire and conducted the preliminary examination. Then some two hundred picked beauties, rotund and blushing, were drafted to the imperial palace and packed into what might seem to be a large harem. At night, when the palpitating maids had retired10 to bed, the Tsar and his medical attendant went from bed to bed and inspected the very wakeful beauties. The golden rose fell on this occasion to Euphemia Voievolojski, the daughter of a noble who was in poor circumstances. But the unexpected honour was too much for the obscure provincial11 girl. She fainted from joy and agitation12, and the party of Morozoff, who were apprehensive13 of the coming of rivals, put a grave interpretation14 upon her weakness. She must be epileptic, and entirely15 unfit to rear a brood of little Romanoffs; and poor Euphemia and her relatives, who for a moment had had golden visions, were dispatched to Siberia.
Morozoff had another plan for marrying the Tsar. An obscure man of the boyar class named Miloslavski had two pretty daughters, and Morozoff designed to wed16 one and make a Tsarina of the other. Whether he was already in love with Anna Miloslavski, or whether he merely felt it prudent17 to annex18 her and her relatives when the Tsar married her sister, is not apparent. It is enough that Alexis married Maria, and ten days afterwards Morozoff wedded19 her sister Anna, and neatly20 secured the linking of the ambition of Miloslavski with his own. Legend afterwards said that the two girls had, not long before, sold mushrooms in the public market at Moscow. Certainly their father had been poor and insignificant21, and just as certainly he and his relatives at once began to heap up wealth by every corrupt device known in the tradition of the Moscovite court. Other Miloslavskis came to court, and a fresh brood of parasites23 fastened upon the veins24 of the country.
The Tsar was a good-humoured, indulgent man. Good-humour, which really meant an indolent and short-sighted habit of extracting whatever pleasure the actual circumstances afforded, was at that time, and remained until the present crisis, the chief characteristic of Russia. The democratic peasant of the primitive25 tribe had relieved his labours with the song and the dance. The serf now had little joy in life, but, while the song and dance were banned, a new and potent26 element of gaiety had been introduced: brandy. Everybody drank, and nearly everybody drank copiously27. Alexis himself was sober in habit, though even he liked to intoxicate29 others at his table, but drunkenness was the daily rule. The Patriarch of Moscow got drunk, the priests and monks30 got drunk, and the people—as far as their means went—followed the example of their lords and pastors31. Vast quantities of wine, hydromel, and especially brandy were consumed, and pepper was mixed with the brandy to improve its sting. Babies drank neat brandy. Wives lay drunk, side by side with their husbands, in a state of alarming deshabille, in the sleighs and coaches which ran noisily along the street. The few who resisted were, as a jest, compelled to drink. Even nuns33 and delicate young girls had more than once the option of emptying a flagon of brandy or enduring a whipping. Women at times prostituted themselves, and men sold their clothes, in order to get the precious vodka.
Russian life generally did not rise much above this level. The people were, as I said, so illiterate34 and ignorant that scarcely one in a thousand could read. Superstition35 throve in proportion to the ignorance, and vice22 and brutality36 were not far behind. Women were atrociously treated. The women of the richer class contrived38, as we shall see, to creep through the restrictions39 imposed upon them and share the license40 of their lords, but in the great mass of the people the mother had a generally deplorable position. Wives were often whipped or beaten until the blood flowed, and many a brutal37 husband rubbed salt into the wounds. At times a frantic41 wife killed her husband, and in such cases the law exacted an awful penalty. In other cases bloodshed was too common an event to be severely42 punished. Moscow was distinguished43 among European cities for violence and bloodshed.
Vice and coarseness were still common enough all over Europe, but it is the almost unanimous opinion of the foreign visitors to Russia at the time, who wrote their impressions, that vice was particularly free at Moscow. Unnatural44 vice was a matter of jest. When the theatre became popular, as it presently did, the vice was coarsely suggested on the stage. Word and gesture everywhere were licentious45. As the immense majority of the Russian families, which were usually large, huddled46 over the stove in one room, day and night, during the six months’ winter, the atmosphere that the children breathed may be left to the imagination. Except amongst the wealthier nobles, who were being modified at this time by foreign culture and refinement47, manners were indescribably gross. On all this the mass of the clergy48 had, and purported49 to have, no influence. The greater part of the monks were as gross as the monks of Europe had been generally before the Reformation, and the false standards of the better monks—who laid a fierce anathema50 upon chess or the dance or Sunday-work and a blessing51 upon ignorance—made their influence small and ineffective. Kiss the ikons and be docile52, was the general philosophy they recommended.
Ivan the Terrible, by Antokolsky
That the early Romanoffs made a few improvements in this chaotic53 and half-barbarous world is not saying very much to their credit. But beyond a vague perception that more foreign light must be imported they had no plan or statesmanship, and they proceeded piece-meal, under pressure. The foreign merchants who were introduced or permitted to enter kept industry and trade in their own hands, and did little for the native development of Russia. The avarice54 and corruption of the court and officials thought only of extortion, never of wise development. The people, even of Moscow, sank under taxation55 and injustice56, and a certain measure of independence grew out of their very misery57.
One day in the summer of 1648 the Tsar and the Patriarch were returning to the palace from some ceremony when a frantic group of the people approached with cries of grievances58. They were, as usual, driven off; but the distress59 was acute and soon an angry and dangerous throng60 of soldiers, artisans, and small merchants and shop-keepers besieged61 the Kreml and demanded the justice of the Tsar upon the bloodsuckers. Either in fear or in anger—for Alexis was apt to boil over when the misdeeds of some noble “son of a bitch” (as the Emperor put it) were brought to his notice—the Tsar handed over to the mob two of the most hated officials, and they were savagely62 murdered. The Clerk of the Council, who was held particularly responsible for the salt-tax, which restricted the supply of salt-fish, was assassinated63 on a dung-hill. The whetted64 appetite then turned against Morozoff’s palace, but it was ingeniously protected from destruction by the Tsar’s sending to the mob an assurance that it was his own property. Morozoff himself was hidden in a monastery65 until the fury of the storm spent itself, but the Tsar had to promise to punish him, and to appoint a reform-commission. The autocrat66 shed a flood of facile Moscovite tears as he protested that the people’s grievances should be remedied; and his servants discreetly67 scattered68 money amongst the soldiers, who formed the more dangerous part of the mob. The fires which now threatened the entire city were extinguished, and the people slowly and sullenly69 returned to discipline.
The insurrection had spread to the provinces, and the former republics of Pskoff and Novgorod showed that their spirit of independence was not extinct. Pskoff, in fact, inaugurated a genuine rebellion and had to be reduced by the imperial troops, after a siege. Novgorod plundered70 the stores of its foreign merchants and murdered more than one supporter of the corrupt autocracy71. When the Archbishop Nikon (of whom we shall see more) attempted to defend the cause of the Tsar (as he was careful to write to that monarch72), his palace was invaded and he sank under a rain of stones which nearly ended his life. Only the sworn promise of a reform of the Empire put an end to the bloody73 insurrection.
It was under these circumstances, and with the added evil of an economic system which failed yearly and a constant danger from the Poles, that the second Romanoff began the reform of his kingdom. Morozoff was condemned74 to a luxurious75 internment76 in a monastery, from which he contrived for a long time to watch his interests and influence the Tsar, and the sturdy Archbishop of Novgorod began to enjoy favour. A commission of inquiry77 was appointed, and many reforms of the taxes, the administration of justice, and the court were brought about.
In 1652 the Patriarch of Moscow died, and Nikon, who had steadily78 advanced, was appointed to fill his place. For the next six years Nikon was chief favourite and councillor, and his story is so characteristic of the time that it must be briefly79 told. He was the son of a provincial peasant: a man of robust80 constitution and conscience, and of no small ambition. His success as a ruler of monks had won for him the archbishopric of Novgorod, and he knew how to capture the nervous and superstitious81 monarch. He claimed visions, and his shrewdness was at least supported by a vigorous will. Before long the Tsar was little more than an instrument of his will, and an abject82 spiritual pupil. He would protest with tears that he was unworthy to wear the crown, and it was only by reliance upon the Patriarch’s strong counsel that he was dissuaded83 from abdicating84.
The Tsar, like his predecessors85, loved the elaborate ritual of the Church, and Nikon interested him in the work of ecclesiastical reform. The Slav translation of the Bible was very corrupt, and the corrupt texts and ancient superstitious usages were to be rooted out. While Poles and Swedes and Turks threatened—while the country rotted in ignorance and economic folly—an immense zeal87 was concentrated upon the purification of the text of the Scriptures88 and upon such grave issues as the shaving of the beard, and the number of fingers that one must use in making the sign of the cross. The court was purified of “heretics” and the forces of the Empire were put at the Patriarch’s disposal for the purification of the entire country. Easy-going Russia had as yet not recognised its many heresies89. Provided that one repudiated90 the Pope one was esteemed91 orthodox; and indeed most of the priests and monks were too densely92 ignorant to examine a man’s orthodoxy.
It was now seen that a vast amount of heresy93 existed in Russia, and every weird94 phase of dissent95 was truculently96 persecuted97. Whole colonies of monks were infected, and in places their monasteries98 sustained for several years the attacks of imperial troops. Nikon was astute99 as well as ambitious. He would invite some ragged100 popular fanatic101 of Moscow to drink wine at his table, and would make great nobles tremble before his power. He acquired enormous wealth, made an impressive display of pomp and luxury, and contrived to indulge the heavy sensuality which then belonged to all classes. Russia had become an autocracy. Nikon would make it a theocracy102.
But in such a court a man must have the truculence103 of Ivan the Terrible or Peter the Great to hold such a power, and the undercurrents of intrigue104 began in 1657 to weaken the Patriarch’s position. Old believers, dissenters105, and discontented nobles concentrated their hatred106 upon him. It was in the summer of 1658 that he began to perceive the effect. A foreign prince was to be entertained, and Nikon was not invited to the banquet. He complained, and was insulted; and he next perceived that Alexis was absent from his functions. He resolved to try a desperate remedy. Summoning his clergy and the people, he solemnly and tearfully laid his sacred vestments upon the altar and declared that enemies compelled him to abandon his high office. He retired to the New Jerusalem monastery near Moscow to await the summons of the Tsar to return to office, but no summons came.
For several years Nikon fiercely fought his clerical and lay opponents from the monastery. “Brigand, pagan, stinking107 dog,” he howled at his enemies; and they retorted that he was a “mad wolf.” In 1664 two high oriental prelates, the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, visited Moscow, and it was felt that they might be induced to end the scandal by condemning108 Nikon’s reforms. But Nikon was undoubtedly109 right, and the Tsar had to end it in his own way. The Patriarch was degraded and imprisoned110 for life in a distant monastery. The issue is a sad page of ecclesiastical history. The ageing Nikon lit up the monastery with debauch111. Not only did his large consumption of brandy immoderately increase, but he loved to have women, especially young women, brought into the monastery and stupefied with drink. At night his cell took on a Rabelaisian aspect; and he died in an odour of sulphur, and was solemnly buried with all the honours of a patriarch, in the year 1681.
By this time another interesting revolution had taken place at the court. Power had passed to the Miloslavskis, the family of the Tsarina, and they followed the familiar tradition. It may at least be said that under their lead, and that of the boyar Nastchokin, a measure of reform was carried out, and the country was strengthened against its enemies. The Cossacks of the south were still under the dominion112 of Poland, and, after many years of oppression and revolt, they appealed to Moscow for help and protection. In 1654 the Tsar declared war upon Poland and wrested113 a good deal of Russian territory from it. The Swedes also were at war with Poland, and in the north the ambition of Russia clashed with that of Sweden. Alexis made peace with Poland and entered upon an unsuccessful war with Sweden. It ended indecisively, and the Poles returned to the attack and inflicted114 severe defeats upon the Russians. The war later ended in a costly115 compromise.
The economic condition of the country was such that the new drain caused frightful116 distress, and the people of Moscow stirred once more. Copper117 roubles had had to be coined, and poverty became deeper. One summer day in 1662 the Tsar was at chapel118 in his country mansion119, a few miles from Moscow, when he was told that a crowd from Moscow beset120 the palace and clamoured to be heard. His officers had dared to tear down a placard on which they had exposed their grievances. The pious28 Tsar vigorously refused to leave his devotions for so profane121 a cause, but he was overruled, and he confronted the mob. He would, he said, proceed to Moscow at the close of the service and make an inquiry. He must come at once, with them, they answered; and a few of the bolder climbed the balcony and pulled at his cloak. He was, however, permitted to return and finish his devotions after he had taken a solemn oath to inquire into their grievances. When he came down to carry out his promise, he found that a larger and more violent crowd surrounded the palace. Two regiments122 of the militia123 were summoned and, as the vast crowd still jeered124 and flourished weapons, the order was given, and thousands of the people were shot. Hundreds of others were afterwards exiled, and the growing spirit of popular independence was, apparently125, stifled126.
Favourite succeeded favourite at court. Nastchokin and the Miloslavskis gave way to a new and remarkable127 noble named Artaman Matveeff. Nikon had, as I said, disposed the Tsar in favour of progress, of a kind, and Matveeff was for still larger and more comprehensive progress. The industrious128 and gifted son of a small official, he had become one of the most accomplished129 and refined of the progressive party. His wife was a Scottish woman of the Hamilton family. Like so many other foreigners, many of the Scots who were driven from their country by Cromwell found their way to Moscow and settled in trade there. The foreign colony outside the walls grew, and its comparative refinement and culture impressed the imagination of many of the Russians. Matveeff married the refugee, and his home had a western complexion130. The Scottish lady would not be confined behind curtains. The furniture was of the more elegant western kind. A library, and even a chemical laboratory, formed part of the establishment.
Matveeff seems to have won the attention of the Tsar in the course of some employment about the court, and he went on to secure his friendship. He was promoted to the office of chief minister, and the Tsar liked to visit him in his stimulating131 home. We may presume that it was in the foreign quarter, where the neat brick villas132, surrounded by flower-gardens and shrubs133, were in vivid contrast to the dull and slovenly134 aspect of the clusters of wooden Russian houses. A new romance of the court was born of this intercourse135.
Matveeff adopted a beautiful orphan136 girl named Natalia Naryshkin, whose father had been a captain of the militia. The Tsar, whose wife had died in 1667, without (as we shall see) leaving a very promising137 heir to the throne amongst her numerous children, was much struck with the charm of Natalia, as she waited at table. Legend says that he at once offered to “find her a husband.” He at all events decided138 to marry her, and told Matveeff. But the courtier was too prudent to provide a wife for the Tsar in this personal fashion. He persuaded Alexis to issue the customary summons to a competition of health and beauty, and some hundreds were lodged139 in the palace and gravely inspected. There seems to have been some danger of Natalia losing her fortune, or else the comedy was carried out very thoroughly140. Another maiden141 was selected, and the opponents of Matveeff pressed her charms. But it was decided that her hands were too thin for a model of Russian beauty, and the intrigue was defeated. The Tsar duly discovered the grace and gifts of the pretty brunette Natalia—which he was not supposed to have seen in any respectable Russian house—and in January, 1671, she was raised to the throne.
The young girl had no conception of the opposition142 which her entrance into the court would cause. Not only were the brother and other relatives of the late Tsarina entrenched143 in lucrative144 positions, but several of her children survived, and a grim silent struggle for the succession grew up about the ageing monarch. Every act of the new mistress was invidiously discussed. She declined to be secluded145 in women’s quarters; she refused to have closed curtains to her litter when she went abroad; she despised paint and the tawdry display which Russian women usually made. A Russian envoy146 who had visited Italy brought news of a magical form of entertainment known as a theatre, in which painted scenes of castles and landscapes were put together and disappeared, and life was remarkably147 imitated. Natalia and Matveeff set up a theatre, and, although they did not venture beyond biblical plays, the monks and reactionaries148 and envious149 made a great outcry. She brought into the world, on May 20th, 1672, a wonderfully vigorous boy—the future Peter the Great—and malicious150 tongues whispered that such a child was assuredly not the son of Tsar Alexis, whose earlier sons had been feeble. Two daughters followed in the next three years, and the silent struggle became more tragic151. Which of the two families—that of the first or the second Tsarina—would secure the succession? The Tsar himself brooded over the difficult problem; and in the midst of his brooding, in 1676, he died, and left the settlement to the court.
Maria Miloslavski had had thirteen children, and of these two sons and six daughters were alive when the Tsar died. The younger son, Ivan, was a weak-witted boy whom none could seriously regard as a future ruler of Russia. The two eldest152 sons had died. There remained Prince Feodor, and the Miloslavskis had little trouble in securing his accession. A charge of magic and other evil practices was trumped153 up against Matveeff, and he was flogged and sent to Siberia. Natalia and her three children were still at court, and she made a spirited stand against the grown-up daughters of her predecessor86 and the three aunts who lived at court with them. Her brother Ivan was banished154, and she seemed to be in danger of losing all hope, when a fresh court-revolution modified and complicated the struggle.
The young Tsar, Feodor, was an invalid155. Few expected him to live long, and the prospect156 gave edge to the keen rivalry157 for power. But a former tutor of Feodor’s elder brother now crept into favour and cut out the Miloslavskis. This man and his brother were admirers of Poland, and, in order to prepare the way for Polish influence, they induced the sickly Tsar to wed a young and undistinguished woman of Polish extraction named Agatha Grouchstska. Polish nobles and officers flocked to the court, and an entirely new prospect was opened when, in July, 1681, a child was born. Natalia and her children were now living in a village not far from Moscow. The Miloslavskis had been disposed to make a nun32 of her, but they were now fighting desperately158 for their own power. Agatha, to their relief, died in childbirth, and the baby died a few weeks later. The resolute159 friends of Poland made a last effort. They induced the dying Tsar to wed a relative of his dead wife. But death made an end of the mockery. Feodor died, in his twenty-first year, a few weeks after his marriage, and the intriguing160 Poles were swept out of court.
Before the Miloslavskis had time to marshal their forces, the friends and relatives of Natalia, the Naryshkin, got together the boyars and persuaded them that the boy Peter was now the only possible heir to the throne. The elder prince, Ivan, son of the first wife of Alexis, was, as I said, an obvious imbecile. Peter, on the other hand, was a sturdy and intelligent boy who promised to become a vigorous man. Before the day was out on which Feodor died Natalia was summoned to Moscow by the news that her son was Tsar, and she herself soon rejoiced in the titles of Tsaritsa and Regent. Her brother was recalled, and a speedy messenger was sent to bring back her friend and patron, Matveeff, from Siberia. It was on April 27th, 1682, that Feodor died and Natalia returned to power. On May 11th Matveeff arrived from Siberia, and received the respect of the troops. The new regime seemed to be solidly established. And four days later Moscow was shaken by one of the most sanguinary revolutions that we find in its chronicles, and the Miloslavskis returned to power. The story of that revolution introduces us to one of the strangest princesses of the Romanoff house, who was to rule Russia for the next seven years.
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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wed
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| v.娶，嫁，与…结婚 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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annex
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| vt.兼并，吞并；n.附属建筑物 | |
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wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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parasites
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| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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copiously
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| adv.丰富地，充裕地 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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intoxicate
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| vt.使喝醉，使陶醉，使欣喜若狂 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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pastors
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| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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46
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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47
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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49
purported
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| adj.传说的，谣传的v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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51
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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52
docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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53
chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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54
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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55
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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56
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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57
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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58
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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59
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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60
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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61
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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63
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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64
whetted
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| v.（在石头上）磨（刀、斧等）( whet的过去式和过去分词 )；引起，刺激（食欲、欲望、兴趣等） | |
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65
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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66
autocrat
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| n.独裁者；专横的人 | |
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67
discreetly
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| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
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68
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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69
sullenly
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| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
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70
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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72
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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73
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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74
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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75
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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76
internment
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| n.拘留 | |
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77
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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78
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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79
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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80
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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81
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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82
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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83
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
abdicating
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| 放弃（职责、权力等）( abdicate的现在分词 )； 退位，逊位 | |
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85
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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86
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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87
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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88
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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89
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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90
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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91
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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92
densely
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| ad.密集地；浓厚地 | |
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93
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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94
weird
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| adj.古怪的，离奇的；怪诞的，神秘而可怕的 | |
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95
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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96
truculently
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97
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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98
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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99
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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100
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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101
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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102
theocracy
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| n.神权政治；僧侣政治 | |
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103
truculence
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| n.凶猛，粗暴 | |
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104
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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105
dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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106
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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107
stinking
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| adj.臭的，烂醉的，讨厌的v.散发出恶臭( stink的现在分词 )；发臭味；名声臭；糟透 | |
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108
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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109
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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110
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
debauch
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| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
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112
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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113
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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114
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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116
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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117
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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118
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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119
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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120
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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121
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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122
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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123
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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124
jeered
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| v.嘲笑( jeer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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126
stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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127
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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128
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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129
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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130
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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131
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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132
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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133
shrubs
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| 灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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134
slovenly
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| adj.懒散的，不整齐的，邋遢的 | |
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135
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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136
orphan
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| n.孤儿；adj.无父母的 | |
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137
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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138
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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139
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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140
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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141
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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142
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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143
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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144
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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145
secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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146
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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147
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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148
reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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149
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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150
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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151
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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152
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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153
trumped
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| v.（牌戏）出王牌赢（一牌或一墩）( trump的过去分词 )；吹号公告，吹号庆祝；吹喇叭；捏造 | |
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154
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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156
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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157
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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158
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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159
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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160
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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