The reign7 of Paul I is merely a dark episode between the second and the third phase. He was now forty-two years old: a short, ugly, bald, sour-tempered man, of diseased nerves. He hardly concealed15 his joy as he hastened to the throne and strove to obliterate16 the memory of his great mother. If she must have an imperial funeral, his martyred father shall have one also. He digs up the corpse17, or what is left of it after thirty-four years, puts it in a magnificent coffin18, and makes the survivors19 of the conspiracy20 of 1762 walk humbly21 behind it, before they are exiled. St. Petersburg is still a land of rumours22, and we do not know precisely23 what form his mad idea took. Some say that there was body enough left to seat in the throne; some say that the skull24 was put upon the altar and crowned with a superb diadem25; some say that only the boots and a few fragments of Peter III were found. Whatever there was received an imperial funeral; and the bones of Potiamkin were dug up and cast into a ditch. The usual golden shower descended26 upon the new brood of favourites.
Then Paul began to enforce his grand schemes of military reform—and alienate27 the army. They must abandon those new and serviceable uniforms which Potiamkin had given them. They must return to powdered hair and pigtails. Paul went along the line, on parade, and used his cane28 freely. Old General Suvoroff grumbled29, and was banished30; though he had to be recalled when war broke out. A regiment31 one day threw Paul into one of his hurricanes of rage. “March—to Siberia,” he thundered; and they marched, but were stopped on the way. Everything must be done on the German model. Anything that reminded him of France was anathema32. More than 12,000 people were exiled or imprisoned33 in four years, generally for trivial offences. He made some useful changes, but so many that were petty and irritating that men thought him insane. He was, in fact, on the road to insanity35. He suffered from insomnia36, and took opium37. People fled at his approach.
Paul sincerely wanted peace, but the French were overrunning Europe, and he joined forces with Austria against them. Austria co-operated so badly that his army, ably led by Suvoroff, had to retreat disastrously38. Bonaparte watched him astutely40, and bribed41 his chief ministers. Next England irritated him. Like Catherine, he challenged England’s right to search neutral vessels42, and, whereas England kept its Russian prisoners, Bonaparte sent home, neatly43 dressed and armed, those that had been taken by France. When England went on to take Malta, Bonaparte had an easy victim. Paul had become grand master of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, and he considered that this gave him a special interest in Malta.
At the beginning of 1801 Paul was pledged to France and set about the formation of a league against England. And on March 24th, after a gloomy reign of four and a half years, Paul met the end he had expected. He had heavily fortified44 the Mikhailovski Palace, in which he lived, but about midnight (March 23-24) Count Zuboff, Count Pahlen, General Bennigsen, and a few others entered his chamber45, roused him, and invited him to abdicate46. He refused, and it is presumed that a scuffle followed. It is at least certain that Paul was strangled. It was officially announced that Paul died of “apoplexy.” “Isn’t it time they invented a new disease in Russia?” said Talleyrand when he heard. Napoleon was furious.
Alexander I lay upon his bed, dressed, when Count Zuboff rushed in to say that “all was over.” He started, but he was at once addressed as Emperor and could not misunderstand. He had agreed to the enforcement of his father’s abdication47, but had assuredly done no more. Whether he had looked beyond or no we cannot say, but Alexander was a high-minded man, a new type of Romanoff. While they talked, Paul’s widow came and heard the news. She shrieked48 that she was Empress, and begged the soldiers to support her rights. There was a second horrible scene in the darkness of that winter night. They drew her away, and, when the day broke, St. Petersburg burst into open and enthusiastic rejoicing, such as Romans had shown at the death of Domitian, that the gloomy and misguided Paul had gone the way of so many Tsars and princes. Strangers embraced in the streets. There was no trial, but those who had been in the plot were leniently49 removed.
Alexander I, the monarch11 who opens the new phase, came to the throne with large and vague and lofty ideals. Not only should Russia become happy and prosperous under his benevolent50 despotism, but all Europe should be illumined. He averted51 the threatened war with England, which had sent a fleet to the Baltic, and reaffirmed the friendship with Napoleon. His new minister of foreign affairs, Kotchubey, agreed with him. Russia must be kept clear of the entanglement52 of war and concentrate upon internal reform. Kotchubey had soon to give place to the Pole Czartoryski, who more sincerely shared Alexander’s romantic idealism. The Tsar of Russia was to inaugurate “a new era of justice and right” for the whole of Europe. An envoy53 was sent to London to propose—there is nothing new under the sun—a sort of League to Enforce Peace. England and Russia, the two powers which desired no further territory, were to form its nucleus54. Other Powers might join.
One hears plainly the echo of the French humanitarians55 and the English whom they inspired. But how was the league to enforce peace upon France? Russia moved slowly toward war. In 1804 the Duc d’Enghien was murdered, and Alexander was outraged57. He came to an agreement with England to chastise58 Napoleon: only—as far as Alexander was concerned—for his monstrous59 breaches60 of international law. Napoleon became Emperor and King of Italy, and Alexander was further outraged. Kings were born, not made. In 1805 he joined the Austrians on the battle-fields of Italy.
The story of Alexander I, the monarch who was going to impose peace upon a foolish and distracted world, is one long story of wars, and it does not enter into the scheme of this book to describe wars. How far Alexander was to blame for the entry of his country into the struggle against Napoleon, or into Napoleon’s struggle against England, is a point on which opinions differ. His entire change of attitude—from neutrality to war against France, then to friendship with Napoleon, then back to the English alliance—annoyed his ministers and people, and lays him open to a charge of nervous instability. Such a charge he would have rebutted61 with warmth and astonishment62. His portrait is familiar: a smooth-faced, dignified63 man, reflecting righteousness in every feature. He would have given a hundred reasons for each change in his policy. We will notice these and the issues of his wars briefly64, before we consider his personality and his domestic work.
His first war ended in the historic rout65 of Austerlitz (1805), and his optimism was sadly clouded. But when his mind was fixed66 upon what he regarded as a righteous cause, he could be obstinate67. Prussia and Austria came to terms with France, and Alexander’s advisers69 were for doing the same, but he refused. He entered the new coalition70 (Russia, Prussia, Sweden, and England). Napoleon smote71 the Prussians at Jena, frightened the Swedes into peace, and inflicted72 appalling73 losses upon the Russians at Eylau. Alexander would not desist. He saw the King of Prussia and swore eternal alliance, and Napoleon overran Poland (1806-7). But Napoleon understood the naive74 mind of the Tsar, and knew that he was angry at the remissness75 of England in supporting him. Before long he met Alexander on a raft in the middle of the Niemen, and the charm of his manner and righteousness of his proposals won the large heart of the Tsar; besides that Napoleon cleverly conveyed to his mind the impression that he thought seriously of choosing Alexander’s sister Anna as his second wife. At the entreaty76 of his new friend Napoleon spared the sovereignty of Frederick William of Prussia, though he relieved him of his Polish gains and turned Poland into a Duchy of Warsaw.
Kornilov, the ablest of recent Russian historians, maintains that Alexander was not duped. He wanted time, and played his cards skilfully77. It is not easy to credit Alexander with such subtlety78; and there are those who think that Alexander sacrificed his honour and the interest of his country. He was to break with England, when all St. Petersburg had been educated to admire England, and he was not to receive Constantinople as his reward. St. Petersburg was thoroughly79 angry at the change of policy, and Alexander had to change his ministers. The Russian ambassador at Paris secured a confidential80 document in which Napoleon declared that Russia was the natural ally of Austria and inevitable81 enemy of France. Still Alexander persisted, though he was not a very useful ally. He did, it is true, make war upon Sweden because it would not place an embargo82 on British ships; but out of that war he got the remainder of Finland, with 900,000 souls, for Russia.
The two Emperors met again at Erfurt in 1810. Napoleon had there a mighty83 gathering84 of his royal vassals85, partly to impress Alexander, and he seemed to succeed. In later years, however, Napoleon himself considered that Alexander was fooling him. He said that the Tsar had “the duplicity of a Byzantine Greek.” Napoleon was a judge of duplicity, but I prefer to believe in the simple-mindedness of Alexander, and do not even see ground to seek psychological explanations of his vacillations. He respected to the end the genius of Napoleon, but the alliance was hollow, and in the next year the causes of quarrel multiplied. Napoleon said no more about the Tsarevna Anna: he married an Austrian. He seemed anxious to turn Poland into a French province. On the other hand, Napoleon complained that his ally spoiled his continental87 blockade against England, and put heavy duties on French wine. Alexander, pushed by intriguers, got rid of his ablest minister, Speranski, who was pro-French, made peace with Turkey and Sweden, and at length entered into an alliance with England and Sweden. Both Emperors now massed their troops at the frontier and joined them.
Napoleon’s famous Russian campaign of 1812 need not be described here. The Poles hailed him as a deliverer, and he ran on until the continuous retreat of the Russians and the appalling desolation they created as they retreated made him uneasy. It was Alexander’s generals who were responsible for that strategy. The Tsar himself expressed impatience88. At length, on September 15th, Napoleon gazed upon the golden roofs of Moscow and felt that the end was in sight. How could Russia yield its ancient capital and not acknowledge defeat? The next day began the historic fire of Moscow, already evacuated89 by its population. Whether or no General Rostopchin ordered the fire, the Tsar was not privy90 to it. He wept when he heard of the tragedy. But it was a tragedy for Napoleon also. The grip of winter soon began to close upon the desolated91 land. The Tsar was whipping up his weary people with manifests after manifests, imploring92 them to break the tyrant93 and help to take “the blessings94 of liberty” to other nations. We shall see presently that at this period he became almost fanatically religious.
The Red Square, Church of St. Basil and Redeemer Gate, Moscow
At the head of his inspirited troops—he would, he said, not again leave his armies to unenterprising generals, who could only retreat—Alexander followed the pale and emaciated95 remnant of Napoleon’s “grand army” across the corpse-strewn wastes. Then came Leipsic, the first nail in Napoleon’s coffin. The Austrian statesman Metternich saw the Tsar at Frankfort, and was for moderation in victory. On to Paris, said the Tsar; and the encircling movement pushed the French gradually in toward their capital. He was at Paris for the end, and he spent a few weeks in London before he returned to receive a magnificent, and not unmerited, ovation96 at St. Petersburg.
Alexander went himself to Vienna for the Congress which was to settle the map of Europe. Again one must glance at his portrait to imagine him at Vienna. He was the modest arbiter97 of the destinies of Europe, the conqueror98 of Napoleon, Behind the scenes, however, was a limping diplomatist named Talleyrand, who had returned to office with Louis XVIII, and he and Metternich and Castlereagh ruled. Against Alexander’s wish Poland was again divided, only Cracow and its district receiving a republican independence. Napoleon suspended their intrigues99 for a season by his dramatic return, but after Waterloo the monarchs and statesmen met again at Paris to complete their work.
Here the personality of Alexander attracted considerable, and not very flattering, attention, and we may linger over one of the last bits of personal romance—of very chaste100 romance—in the story of the Romanoffs. In the house adjoining his hotel, and connected with it, Alexander established a lady who was soon known to all Paris. This was the Baroness102 Barbara Juliana von Krüdener. In her youth Juliana had been a fascinating and gay lady, of Prussian birth, who had virtually deserted103 her elderly and prosy German baron101 for a French officer. Her nerves deteriorated104 with her charms, and in 1804, her fortieth year, she had been very seriously converted. A gentleman who was paying court to her had fallen dead at her feet. Wandering to and fro in a state of extreme nervousness, she came into touch with the Moravian Brethren and “got religion.” The long war and comprehensive disturbance105 of Europe had led to remarkable106 eruptions107 of mysticism. Napoleon was anti-Christ: the end of the world was at hand. Prophets arose in every German village; and Juliana eagerly sought them. She became convinced that it was her mission to preach the millennium108 which was to precede the end.
In 1814 she met the Tsarina Elizabeth at Baden, and through her she attempted to reach the Tsar. Alexander refused for some time to see her, but he in turn went to Baden in 1815 and he allowed her to call. She found him in a receptive mood. Since the burning of Moscow he had spent much time over the Scriptures109, and he was at this moment brooding over the open page, seeking in vain the remedy of his mysterious restlessness. Juliana harangued110 him, stormily, for three hours, and captured him. He brought her to Paris, put her in the house next his own, and attended her prayer-meetings. Nobles and famous writers of Paris attended. Over all the horrors of the past men saw dawning the glory of a new religious epoch111.
All this has more historical and practical import than may be imagined. Alexander invented a “Holy Alliance” of monarchs to put into force the lofty moral tenets of the new mysticism. He showed the Baroness one day—she annoyed him afterwards by claiming that she had written it—the draft of a manifest of the Alliance. In three short articles the royal signatories would bind113 themselves thenceforward to be guided, in domestic and foreign policy, by “the precepts114 of that holy religion [Christianity], namely, the precepts of Justice, Charity, and Peace.” The whole document breathed the spiritual exaltation in which the Tsar was at the time. The King of Prussia signed it without wincing—to oblige his friend. Francis of Austria, very pious, but taught by the Jesuits to suspect heresy115 everywhere, consulted Metternich, who said it was a harmless piece of folly116. He signed it. Castlereagh advised the English Prince Regent that it was a piece of sublime117 mysticism and nonsense; and the gay Regent accepted it in principle, without signing it, and assured the Tsar that he would follow its “sacred maxims118.” The Pope refused to sign.
The practical importance of the matter is that the Holy Alliance became, in effect, an alliance for the bloody119 suppression of democracy and enlightenment, and the charter drawn120 up by Alexander became the code of his persecuting121 successors and their nationalist supporters. Western Christianity became faithless; it compromised with democracy, with science, with liberalism. So the “holy religion” must be the uncompromising Church of Russia, with its profound reverence122 for autocracy and its hostility123 to enlightenment.
Alexander became sensitive that his association with the Baroness made him seem rather ridiculous. He got rid of her, and from that time maintained only a coldly polite correspondence. The astute39 Metternich gained increasing influence over him, and there was no vagueness about Metternich. Kings must guard their crowns, and ministers their portfolios124, against anybody—adventurers or democracies—who wanted them. When the Greeks rose against Turkey in 1821 the Baroness rushed to St. Petersburg and urged her pupil to take up “the holy war.” Metternich told him that the situation was that the Greeks had rebelled against their lawful125 sovereign, the Sultan. So Alexander would not send a gun to aid either the Slav or Greek victims of the terrible Turk. The whole Russian nation opposed him. When a great flood brought tragedy upon St. Petersburg in 1824, men said that God was punishing the Tsar. He was troubled, but did nothing. Justice, Charity, and Peace he still loved; but he would lend no aid to insurrection. For the remainder of his life he defended the absolute divine right of kings and assisted in attempting to retard126 the birth of modernism.
The Poles felt his gradual deterioration127. Russian Poland was at first, with a show of generosity128, converted into an autonomous129 kingdom under the Russian crown. Alexander was the king; though the Poles had their old flag with the white eagle. The Grand Duke Constantine was commander of the army; though it was a Polish army. An officer of Napoleon’s army was made Viceroy, and a general amnesty was granted. But Warsaw was far away, and the harsh Constantine and the Tsar’s more reactionary130 ministers ruled it. The Diet was soon left in abeyance131, and the promises of reform unfulfilled. The Poles angrily muttered that they had been duped, and secret societies spread, with a result which we shall see later.
But we are passing to Alexander’s last phase, the phase of reaction, without having considered the reforms which came of his early humanitarian56 zeal132. He had, we saw, been educated (in part) by humanitarians like La Harpe, imbued133 with the French spirit. Catherine herself had, as I said, leaned to reaction, and let her reforms droop134, in her later years; and the interlude of Paul’s reign had been thoroughly bad. Yet Alexander came to the throne with a magnificent resolution to reform Russia. He was dreamy by temperament135, and he had neither the positive knowledge nor the quality of painstaking136 perseverance137 which were necessary to construct a detailed138 scheme of reform for so comprehensively backward a country. However, he appointed a Committee of Reform, and he followed its deliberations with keen interest.
During many years, especially from 1807-1812, Alexander had for this work the splendid ability and devotion of a remarkably139 enlightened and democratic statesman named Speranski. Professor Kornilov regards him as “one of the most remarkable statesmen in all Russian history.” He was the son of an obscure priest, a child of the people; and his large mind and great capacity for detail enabled him to give definite shape to the Tsar’s vague dreams of justice. He not only studied the new democratic constitution of the United States, of which the Tsar obtained a copy from Washington, but he followed Napoleon’s constructive140 work with much sympathy and admiration141. To Speranski the Tsar owed the great scheme of reform which at first he made some effort to impose upon Russia. It, unhappily, remained for the most part a paper-scheme. Years afterwards, in 1830, the rebellious142 Poles found a copy of Speranski’s liberal constitution and printed it, but Nicholas I emphatically suppressed it.
The first task was to reform the central part of the administration, which was chaotic143. Eight ministries144 were created, and, although the Tsar made the inevitable blunder of appointing favourites rather than competent men in some cases, the change helped to create a more effective machine. The heads of the departments were to form a cabinet, or Council of Ministers, responsible to the Emperor, and below them the administrative145 structure went down gradually as far as the Mir, or village-council. The legislative146 machinery147 also began with the Mir, and ended with the Duma, or national council, from which there could be an appeal to the Imperial Council. The administration of justice was to begin in the village and end in a reconstituted Senate; and Speranski sketched148 a new code of laws on the model of the Code Napoleon.
Of this great scheme very little was carried out. The reformed Senate found most of its proposals opposed by the Imperial Council, and the Tsar himself, who was to be guided by it, chafed149 when it did not fall in with his wishes, and often issued ukases in defiance150 of the opinion of the majority. The new code of laws was put upon the shelf, and remained there until the reign of Nicholas I. The hierarchy151 of popular councils was not created. Alexander seemed to shrink from the logical consequences of his “sacred maxims” when they were drawn out on paper by a practical statesman, and he lent too ready an ear to the reactionaries152. As his piety153 increased, the conservatives found it convenient to represent to him that these progressive ideas were associated with atheism154 and revolt. The familiar type of political adventurer, a man named Arakcheeff, appeared at court and secured wealth and power. This man and his associates suggested to Alexander, in 1812, that Speranski was promoting Freemasonry and subversive155 ideas, and the great statesman—a man so far from Voltaireanism that he had translated “The Imitation of Christ” into Russian—had to go. The Tsar wept maudlin156 tears while he dismissed him.
The ministry157 of education, or of National Enlightenment, whose task was vital to the reform of the country, seemed to make greater progress. Alexander entrusted158 it to his mother’s educational adviser68, Count Tzadovski, and his own tutor Muravieff. Afterwards it was controlled by Prince Golitzin, a follower159 of the new mysticism, but a serious and liberal statesman. He was a patron of the Protestant Bible Society, which Alexander permitted to open premises160 in St. Petersburg in 1812. Alexander found from two to three million rubles a year for the education department, and paid out of his own purse for the translation of western works. Students were sent abroad for pedagogical training, and after a time training-colleges were established in Russia. Three new universities (Dorpat, Kazan, and Kharkoff) were founded, and these and the older universities were to become central points in a scheme of enlightenment for the various districts of Russia.
It is, however, usual to exaggerate the work done. We have already heard much about the reforms of various rulers—of Philaret, of Peter I, of Elizabeth, and of Catherine—but the fact remains161 that far more than ninety per cent of the Russian people were still illiterate162 and densely163 ignorant at the death of Alexander, and, although we shall hear of further reforms, at least eighty-five per cent of the Russian people were illiterate at the beginning of the twentieth century. The sum provided for education was ludicrously insufficient164 for the task, and the opposition165 was considerable. Merchants grumbled that they must pay for the teaching of something more than reading, writing, and arithmetic; the bulk of the nobles wanted only a military education for their sons. In all about 200 higher schools (with classes of Latin and Greek) and 2,000 elementary schools were founded: barely enough to educate the five per cent of the population which was attracted to new ideas. The work, like all the other reforms, languished166 in Alexander’s later years, and was deliberately167 checked, in the interest of the dynasty, by his successor.
The next great problem was the emancipation168 of the serfs, and here the Tsar’s vacillation86 between his sentiments of benevolence169 and his vague perception that they threatened the aristocratic system is more apparent than ever. Catherine had had the same experience. She had spoken of liberty and equality; and she had bestowed171 upon her favourites hundreds of thousands of serfs who would, she must have known, be regarded and treated as cattle. The restriction172 of the freedom of the peasant, by which Godunoff had converted him into a serf, really handed over his freedom to the higher authorities or put it into the hand of the landowner. When a peasant wished to move, he might secure permission from his lord by a payment of money. When a noble obtained a grant of new lands he had to buy, or obtain by favour, a great batch173 of serfs to work it. In practice the wealthy landowners bought and sold the population just as cotton-planters then did in America, and the serfs were generally treated with brutality174.
Nearly every other country in Europe had long since abolished serfdom, and Alexander saw clearly enough how inconsistent the institution was with his “sacred maxims.” He discussed with his friends this “barbarous” traffic in human beings, and we can understand how they assisted him to salve his conscience. Reform must be gradual; an evil which was centuries old, and rooted in the very structure of Russian society, could not be cured in a day. In other words, the great sacrifice, which justice demanded, must be thrown upon a later generation. Alexander expended175 his zeal upon small alleviations of the sufferings of the serfs. He forbade the masters to break up families, or to enforce marriage upon reluctant serfs. He restricted the right of punishment, opened the courts to the serf, and set aside large sums for the emancipation of batches176 of serfs. He had a pamphlet published in which owners were urged to treat the serfs humanely177 and promote emancipation. So much was done under pressure of the humanitarians, but it was only a trifling178 mitigation of the worst evil of medi?val Russia, and the new regulations were not properly enforced. Russia was the land of the wealthy. The millions of descendants of the original free Slavs must toil179 on in squalor and ignorance. The day of reckoning was still to come.
Arakcheeff tried an experiment in this connection which was bitterly resented. He induced the Tsar to settle regiments180 of soldiers, with their families, on the crown-lands, in military colonies. They were to be special breeding grounds for recruits, and were to spread amongst the peasants the spirit of military discipline. They were so carefully organised—for Arakcheeff had ability—that even the mother was provided with a set of rules which she must hang beside the holy ikons. The peasants hated the innovation, and on Arakcheeff’s own estate they rebelled and killed his mistress, who ruled them with the brutality that he encouraged. The institution was afterward112 suffered to decay.
In the fiscal181 world, which was but another section of the Augean stable of the Russian system, Alexander set out to make enlightened reforms, and ended in the usual listlessness. The treasury182 had long been artificially filled by the excessive creation of paper-money. Alexander recalled a large proportion of it, but the strain of the war put an end to this reform. An Imperial Bank was founded, a sinking fund was started, and it was decided183 to publish an annual budget. It was proposed, and partly attempted, to relieve the duty on the importation of raw materials and impose heavy duties on luxuries. At the same time the abandonment of Catherine’s extravagance at court relieved the exchequer184. These reforms were, like the others, a comparatively slight mitigation of a great evil, and were in Alexander’s later years suffered to droop.
In fine one must mention prison-reform, though the state of Russian jails decades later does not dispose us to attach much importance to it. During Alexander’s earlier years, we saw, there was at St. Petersburg a great regard for English ideas, and at that time England was producing many humanitarians. Robert Owen was then elaborating his comprehensive and advanced schemes of reform, from the betterment of schools and prisons to the substitution of arbitration185 for war. It is the enfeebled echo of these liberal English ideas, and of American and French ideas, that we find in the Russian schemes. One of the English prison-reformers, Mr. Venning, asked permission to visit the Russian jails. The Tsar, who was still in his early humanitarian fervour, gladly assented186, and asked Venning to make a report to him on what he saw. As a result a Society for the Welfare of Prisoners was founded at St. Petersburg, and afterwards at Moscow.
These liberal ideas represent, it must be understood, the early attitude of the Emperor. After the fall of Speranski in 1812, and especially after the Tsar’s close association with Metternich in 1814, Alexander passed slowly from a state of nebulous zeal for Charity and Justice to an attitude of positive reaction, tempered by a faint lingering glow of his early dreams. Metternich persuaded him that the real struggle of light and darkness was the struggle of the enlightened monarchies187 against these democratic and “atheistic” emanations from the smothered188 volcano of the French Revolution. In private he cynically189 observed to his friends: “I have the Tsar safely at anchor.” The humanitarian ideas on which the United States had been set up, and the early and sane34 part of the French Revolution had been based, remained in the mind of Europe. They threatened the restored monarchies, which reverted190 to medi?val ideas of their power, and the terrible conflict which fills the first half of the nineteenth century in Europe began long before the death of Alexander. It is to his credit that he recognised the blunders and crimes of his fellow-monarchs and never entirely191 sacrificed his early ideals.
But the sinister192 Arakcheeff and the dreamy Golitzin spoiled the efforts of Speranski. Golitzin introduced to the Tsar a “converted atheist” named Magnitski, an abominable193 adventurer, and the man was put in control of the universities. The higher teaching was reduced to a comedy. Golitzin himself was too liberal and cultivated for the plotters, and Admiral Shishkoff replaced him in charge of the ministry of National Enlightenment. Shishkoff hated liberalism, and would suffer no education that did not strengthen in the pupils’ mind a spirit of blind subservience194 to the Church and the autocracy. A third power among the reactionary forces was the Novgorod abbot, Photi, a zealot of the old type who gathered about him a crowd of aristocratic women and worked through them. Professors who had any tincture of liberalism were now expelled from the schools. Some of the new schools were suffered to disappear, and in all, lower and higher, the teaching was rendered ridiculous by the fierce determination to protect the pupils’ respect for his pastors195 and masters. Political economy and the new discoveries of science were rigorously banned. The Russophile school was established; the fight against enlightenment was inaugurated.
But enlightenment could no more be suppressed in Russia than in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and France, where the Papacy and the restored monarchs used the old bludgeons against it. A large part of the nobles was, as in France before the Revolution, imbued with the new ideas; and the economic and other reforms were creating a middle class which, as in England, gave many recruits to the humanitarian cause. Students, teachers, writers, medical and other professional men joined the emancipated196 nobles. The army of light began slowly to gather round its various banners and face the army of darkness. As repression197 increased, the many societies and liberal journals were merely driven underground and their rhetoric198 became more fiery199. There were “unions” for everything of an advanced nature. In obscure clubs young men began to talk even of a Russian Republic. The Tsar’s refusal to help the Slav and Greek rebels against the Turk increased the anger of the liberals and gave them a basis in the popular mind.
By the year 1824 Alexander had fallen into so morbid200 a state that he spoke170 of resigning. He wept over his Bible and wondered if his sins were not the curse of Russia. Even his domestic life was a burden. He had married a Princess of Baden, and her lack of good looks was not redeemed201 by any other charm except the cold adornments of virtue202 and piety. She dressed dowdily203, and she generally presented at his board a face as melancholy204 as her creed205. For many years Alexander had lived apart from her, and he had no children. The genial dignity and self-esteem of his earlier years broke down altogether. His next brother, Constantine, had made a morganatic marriage, and forfeited206 the throne, and Alexander distrusted the third brother, Nicholas. Alexander slowly and sadly drifted toward the grave. His courtiers discovered a plot against the autocracy, but he would do nothing. He died on December 1st, 1825: a high-minded, well-meaning man, too little endowed in intellect and strength of will to solve the mighty problems which were raised by his own ideals.
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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enjoyment
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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reign
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disorder
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monarchs
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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12
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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13
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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14
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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15
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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16
obliterate
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| v.擦去，涂抹，去掉...痕迹，消失，除去 | |
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17
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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18
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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19
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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20
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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21
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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22
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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23
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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24
skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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25
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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26
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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27
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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28
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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29
grumbled
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| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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30
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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32
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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33
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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35
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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36
insomnia
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| n.失眠，失眠症 | |
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37
opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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38
disastrously
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| ad.灾难性地 | |
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39
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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40
astutely
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| adv.敏锐地；精明地；敏捷地；伶俐地 | |
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41
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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42
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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43
neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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44
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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45
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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46
abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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47
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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48
shrieked
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| v.尖叫( shriek的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
leniently
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| 温和地，仁慈地 | |
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50
benevolent
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|
| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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51
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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52
entanglement
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| n.纠缠，牵累 | |
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53
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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54
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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55
humanitarians
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| n.慈善家( humanitarian的名词复数 ) | |
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56
humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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57
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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58
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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59
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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60
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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61
rebutted
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| v.反驳，驳回( rebut的过去式和过去分词 )；击退 | |
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62
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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63
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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64
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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65
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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66
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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67
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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68
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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69
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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70
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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71
smote
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
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72
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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74
naive
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| adj.幼稚的，轻信的；天真的 | |
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75
remissness
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| n.玩忽职守；马虎；怠慢；不小心 | |
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76
entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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77
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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78
subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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79
thoroughly
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|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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80
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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81
inevitable
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|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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82
embargo
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| n.禁运（令）；vt.对...实行禁运，禁止（通商） | |
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83
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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84
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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85
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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86
vacillation
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| n.动摇；忧柔寡断 | |
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87
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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88
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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89
evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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90
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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91
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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92
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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93
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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94
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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95
emaciated
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|
| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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96
ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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97
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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98
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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99
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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100
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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101
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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102
baroness
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| n.男爵夫人，女男爵 | |
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103
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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104
deteriorated
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| 恶化，变坏( deteriorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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106
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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107
eruptions
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| n.喷发，爆发( eruption的名词复数 ) | |
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108
millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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109
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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110
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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112
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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113
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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114
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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115
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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116
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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117
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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118
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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119
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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120
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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121
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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122
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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123
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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124
portfolios
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| n.投资组合( portfolio的名词复数 )；（保险）业务量；（公司或机构提供的）系列产品；纸夹 | |
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125
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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126
retard
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| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
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127
deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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128
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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129
autonomous
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| adj.自治的；独立的 | |
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130
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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131
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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132
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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133
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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134
droop
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| v.低垂，下垂；凋萎，萎靡 | |
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135
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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136
painstaking
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| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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137
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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138
detailed
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|
| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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139
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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140
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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141
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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142
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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143
chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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144
ministries
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| （政府的）部( ministry的名词复数 )； 神职； 牧师职位； 神职任期 | |
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145
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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147
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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148
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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150
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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151
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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152
reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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153
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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154
atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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155
subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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156
maudlin
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| adj.感情脆弱的，爱哭的 | |
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157
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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158
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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160
premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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161
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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162
illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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densely
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| ad.密集地；浓厚地 | |
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164
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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166
languished
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| 长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 )； 受折磨； 变得（越来越）衰弱； 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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169
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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170
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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171
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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173
batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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174
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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176
batches
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| 一批( batch的名词复数 )； 一炉； （食物、药物等的）一批生产的量； 成批作业 | |
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humanely
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| adv.仁慈地；人道地；富人情地；慈悲地 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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179
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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181
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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182
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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183
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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184
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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185
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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186
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187
monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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188
smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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189
cynically
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| adv.爱嘲笑地，冷笑地 | |
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190
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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191
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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192
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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193
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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194
subservience
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| n.有利，有益；从属（地位），附属性；屈从，恭顺；媚态 | |
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195
pastors
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| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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196
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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197
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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198
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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199
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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200
morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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201
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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202
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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203
dowdily
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| adv.懒散地，下流地 | |
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204
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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205
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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206
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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