He was the second son of Alexander II. The eldest11 son had died in 1865 of consumption, but Alexander was a man of exceptionally strong constitution. There is a tradition that he could take a horse-shoe in his mighty12 hand and bend it until the points touched. Such a youth would make a fine soldier, and as a soldier he was trained. He was cool, courageous13 (as he showed on various occasions), regular in life, sincerely religious, and very little cultivated. When his brother died, he had to be prepared for the business of ruling a very unruly Empire. But he was now twenty years old, dull in intellect, and altogether indisposed to acquire the varied14 culture which his future required. One of his tutors was the famous Pobiedonostseff: who was not at that time a pronounced reactionary15, but his office prepared the way for power in his reactionary days. It is said that his wife, the Princess Dagmar of Denmark, induced him to prepare more carefully for the throne; but that seems to be a legend of the court. All that men knew about him was that he liked soldiering and music and patronised historical research, and thought that there were far too many Germans in Russia.
On this last feature some built a faint hope. Germany was now an Empire, and the “League of the Three Emperors” (Germany, Austria and Russia) boded16 no good for democracy. Bismarck encouraged both the policy of repression17 in Russia and the policy of aggression18 abroad because he did not wish to see Russia develop her mighty resources. On the other hand, Alexander was a soldier, a man steeped in the Romanoff tradition of a divine autocracy and entirely19 out of sympathy with humanitarian20 or progressive ideas. The only question was whether from policy he would follow the lead of Melikoff. When the oath of allegiance was taken he announced, ambiguously, that he would walk in the steps of his father. Which set of steps? Melikoff showed him the draft of a pseudo-constitution initialled by the late Tsar. “There will be no change,” he said. But men were uncertain. The fearful end of his father must have embittered21 him. The rebels were, of course, drastically punished. Eight hundred more arrests were made. Sophia Perovskaia, the wonderful woman of those bloody22 days, and four others were executed. There is a grounded suspicion that they were first tortured. Another woman was condemned23, but she was pregnant, and her sentence was changed to exile.
It is thought by many that an injudicious step taken by the revolutionaries helped to fix the Tsar’s plan. They somehow got into his hands a long letter or manifesto24, in which, while pleading for reform, they very plainly held a sword over his head; and their demands were not at all moderate. I doubt if Alexander III ever hesitated. His strong and narrow mind and soldierly attitude disposed him to “enforce discipline.” Pobiedonostseff was soon at his side. He was Procurator of the Holy Synod (since the preceding year). When Melikoff’s scheme was brought forward for discussion he bitterly opposed it, and predicted that it would ruin Russia. He was now a Russophile of the narrowest and most fanatical description. Alexander leaned to that side. The German Emperor had, he said, warned his father against making any concessions25 to constitutionalism. The “Holy League”—a fanatical Russophile society led by the Grand Duke Vladimir—pressed for coercion27.
Out of the struggle there emerged at last (on April 29th) the new Tsar’s message to his people. It was probably written by Pobiedonostseff. In it Alexander firmly contended that the autocracy was of divine origin, and he would protect it against all encroachments. But the reforms granted by his father would not be withdrawn28. Education, popular councils, municipal institutions, and so on, were to be maintained. The people were to be admitted to some share in the management of the Empire’s affairs. That was to be the note of the new reign7: something more moderate than Pobiedonostseff and less “advanced” than Melikoff.
Melikoff resigned, and his place as Minister of the Interior was taken by General Ignatieff, a man of moderate conservative views, or a man who at least felt the need of concessions. On the one hand he looked with criminal toleration upon the massacres29 of the Jews which now broke out all over Russia. On the other he advised the Tsar that large reforms were needed. The peasants were assisted in paying off the crippling annual interest on their “emancipation.” Popular councils were set up in Poland, Siberia, and the Baltic provinces, which had not hitherto had them. Above all he devised, and imposed upon the Tsar, a feeble pretence30 of a national parliament. Members of the provincial31 councils—“informed men,” as they were diplomatically called—were gathered into a deliberating assembly at St. Petersburg, and it was through them that the reforms were gradually drafted. There was an improvement in the harsh manner of collecting the taxes, and the burden was shifted a little more on to the shoulders of the wealthy. Ranks were opened for the peasants.
The conservatives stormed the Tsar with protests against these dangerous concessions, and in the spring of 1882 General Ignatieff was forced to retire. His place was taken by Count Dmitri Tolstoi, one of the men of the last reign whom liberals hated above all others. He had been the Minister of Education during the late Tsar’s drastic restriction34 of the schools and universities. He and Pobiedonostseff and a few other rabid Slavophiles now closed round Alexander III and dictated35 the policy of his reign. That policy was one of, at home, unswerving, unscrupulous, unmerciful Russification; that is to say, complete obliteration36 of all criticism of the autocracy in native Russia and all religious or racial characters in the subject-provinces of alien race or religion. Abroad, the policy was naturally Pan-Slav, aggressive, imperialistic37; but here the Emperor and his limited resources curbed38 the fanatics39, so that the reign passed without a war. Russia was orientated40 for the final struggle in the next reign. For the reign of Alexander we need only glance at the various branches of the machinery41 of despotism which was created for the defence of the Romanoffs.
Education was the great source of evil, but in a world where education was now adopted as an elementary principle of civilisation it was no longer possible to return to the absolute illiteracy42 of the Middle Ages. A compromise was found in the easy distinction between sound and unsound education. The figures of educational progress during the reign of Alexander III are at first sight impressive. In 1877 the eight universities had had 5629 students: in 1886 the number had arisen to 14,000. In the same period the number of high schools rose from 200 to about a thousand: the number of elementary schools from 25,077 to 35,517. There were now, in all, more than two million pupils in the elementary schools of the Empire. It should be added that the population of the Empire was now 113,000,000; that most of the schools were founded, independently of St. Petersburg, by the zealous43 Zemstvos; and that very many of them were mere45 huts or sheds with ludicrously incompetent46 teachers.
Count Tolstoi, having been for sixteen years Minister of Education, controlled this department in the interest of the Slavophiles and imperialists. Pobiedonostseff, indeed, wanted to have all the elementary schools put under the control of the Holy Synod, or under the clergy47. I have said little about the Russian Church during this period for a reason which will be understood. It was a mere docile48 instrument of the dynasty. Its ordinary priests were rough, ignorant men, little superior to the peasants themselves. Its higher clergy murmured not one single syllable49 at the cruelty, just as they had murmured none at the earlier vices50, of the Romanoffs.
The Zemstvos, however, in most cases refused to hand over their schools, and the secular51 part of the government had neither the funds to devote to the work nor the wish to have serious trouble with the Zemstvos. We shall see that they found it easier to capture the Zemstvos themselves and control their action. The Holy Synod also began the policy of creating religious schools in opposition52 to those of the Zemstvos, and securing imperial favour for these nurseries of docility53. The high schools were re-modelled, and were now forbidden by law to admit the children of the poorer types of workers. Some technical improvements were made in them, but the general effect was to reduce the stimulating54 influence of the education. The universities were more drastically controlled. No students’ societies were permitted, and the curriculum was carefully purged55. Inspectors56 were attached to them, and the grant of scholarships was made to depend upon the reports of these spies of orthodoxy. There were serious riots of the students in 1882 and 1887, but the energy of the reactionary officials gradually drove professors into silence or exile and pupils into subjection.
The press was in 1882 controlled by “temporary rules,” which proved to have a long duration. If a journal had, after three warnings, incurred57 suspension, it must, at the expiration58 of the term, henceforward submit a copy of the next day’s issue to the censors59 before eleven at night. This effectively silenced the majority of the liberal periodicals, and eviscerated60 the others. When some tried to evade61 the gag by using language of a veiled or ambiguous character, a junta62 of four Ministers was empowered to suppress any periodical which seemed to them to have a mischievous63 tendency. By these and other means progressive literature was extinguished. The few revolutionaries continued, of course, to establish private presses, which were constantly detected and the workers sent to Siberia or the mines, but the work of political education was generally suspended.
The political scheme which had been set up was similarly “revised.” The Zemstvos were, as I said, stubborn. Even the nobles were jealous of their local powers, and at first antagonistic64 to the new regime. Large numbers of them were won by stories of dangerous tendencies amongst the peasantry. It is said that in their attacks upon the Jews the people had said: “We will make our breakfast of the Jews, our dinner of the landowners, and our supper of the priests.” Priests and nobles fell into line with the ministers. In 1889 and 1890 the nobles were given a preponderating65 influence over the other representatives in the Zemstvos. They became little more than assemblies of loyal land-owners, open to the direct influence of the government. The Mir was similarly enfeebled, and lost its popular representative value.
The judicial66 system was correspondingly modified. Public executions were abandoned, in the spirit of the age, and some other improvements were introduced. But the general scheme set up by Alexander II had been too grossly ignored in the later years of that monarch67, and it was now modified by decree. The jury-system was reduced; the justices of the peace abolished. Petty cases fell back to the reorganised Zemstvos.
The financial system, on the other hand, remained for many years under the control of an enlightened minister, Bunge, and was greatly improved. Finance was in any case a department into which it was profitable to admit modern science. The coinage was improved, and more banks were established. Home-industry was fostered, and the great extension of the Empire in Asia opened new markets. Railways were multiplied, and in 1891 the Grand Duke Nicholas opened the terminal station of the proposed Trans-Siberian railway at Vladivostock. Russia had already made commercial treaties with Korea and Japan. We will return presently to this dangerous extension of Russian ambition.
Most important and characteristic of all was the process of Russification in which all these engines of reaction were combined. One can understand the fascination68 of the Slavophile dream as it was formed in the mind of honest conservatives. Every concession26 made in the western democracies and limited monarchies69 had led to further demands. Napoleon III had lost his throne. The Papacy had lost its temporal power. William I and Bismarck were struggling against a portentous70 growth of Socialism. France was rapidly shedding its religion. Even in England the republican movement was at that time (the eighties) strong, and lower depths of radicalism71 were disclosed every decade. Liberalism, either in religion or politics, was evidently a slope; you could not remain long elsewhere than at the top or the bottom. So Russia must be made thoroughly72, homogeneously autocratic and religious. In spite of the well-known facts of Russian history the Church agreed warmly with the Romanoffs that the autocracy was divinely appointed. If all could be made docile to the Church, the autocracy would have an easier task.
So began the process of Russification which passed with the brutality73 of a steam-roller over every sect74 or fragment of the nation that was not Russian in creed75 and dynastic in politics. The Jews formed the gravest problem. Long experience had shown that no power on earth could erase76 the religious and racial peculiarities77 of the Jew, yet there were nearly five million Jews in the Russian Empire. Their intelligence and skill in trade were but additional grievances78. There were, even then, parts of Russia in which the Jews showed that, under proper treatment, they were as capable as any of settling upon the soil, but as a rule they avoided agriculture. The slightest relaxation79 of pressure allowed them to pour into a city or even a district, and as traders and money-lenders they soon had the poor and thriftless Russians in their power. Hence, in great measure, the readiness of the people to rise against them, which was gradually exploited rather than checked from St. Petersburg.
The first procedure of the reactionary ministers was to overlook the massacres which took place from the beginning of the rule of Alexander III. Presently, a series of “temporary rules” were issued against them. Even in the Pale of Settlement they were compelled to live in the towns and were forbidden to purchase real estate in the country. In 1888 they were ordered to go back to the place in which they had lived before the year 1882. About a million and a half of the Jews were affected80 by this rule, and the chaotic81 abandonment of their several businesses and properties cast large numbers of them into deep and undeserved poverty. Vast aggregations82 of them, growing at a prodigious83 rate on account of their high fertility, huddled84 together in the towns of the Pale, and lived in great privation. In 1891 a new application of the rules exiled and ruined seventeen thousand Jewish artisans of Moscow.
Tauride Palace/Session Chamber85 of the Duma
Still more stupid, and hardly less cruel, was the restriction upon the development of their ability. The civil service and the professions were closed against them. They might not, without special license, have a Christian86 servant, and notaries87 were forbidden to have Jewish clerks. Their zeal44 for education was similarly repressed. In the universities which were situated88 in the Pale Jewish students must not number more than a tenth of the whole. At other provincial universities they must not number more than five per cent.; at the metropolitan89 universities not more than two per cent. By these contemptuous repressive measures the ignorant people were prepared for the pogroms which would disgrace the reign of the last of the Romanoffs.
The Poles were the next most conspicuous90 victims of the Slavophile policy. We saw that Alexander II had ordered the extinction91 of their nationality, but a people with an acute memory of having been a great civilisation at a time when the Russians were a disorderly mass of semi-barbarians could not easily resign itself to obliteration. The religious tradition here coincided with the national, as in Ireland (the Poland of the west), and the priests generally fostered insurgence92. Alexander’s ruthless ministers had but to apply more stringently93 the laws already in force against the Poles. From the University of Warsaw to the smallest elementary school the teaching was entirely Russianised. Even the Bank of Warsaw was suppressed, and Polish trade forced into a branch of the Russian bank. There was a futile94 rising in 1885, but four executions and two hundred arrests completed the work of “pacifying” the country, or eliminating from it every man of spirit and courage. Even Finland, which was still autonomous95, had to complain to the Tsar of encroachments upon the liberties which his father had sworn to respect. In the other Baltic provinces the Russian roller was used as in Poland.
The dissenters96 and heretics of every kind in Russia itself were similarly treated. To the tenacious97 dissenters of the last century or two were now added sects98 like the Doukhobors and the followers99 of Tolstoi, and upon these the Tsar’s ministers fell with particular malevolence100. Alexander was ignorant enough to believe quite sincerely in the doctrines101 of the Orthodox Church, but he knew that these new sects had more than a religious significance. Prayer-meetings were prohibited. Even children were separated in some cases from their parents and forced into the rigid102 Slavophile mould.
It will be understood, after this description of the machinery that was set up by Tolstoi and Pobiedonostseff, that the chronicle of revolt in the reign of Alexander II is comparatively slender. It is computed103 that by the end of the reign there were about a hundred thousand rebels in the jails, the mines, and the Siberian colonies, and to these one must add the graves of the bolder spirits and the large numbers of Russians who sought abroad the liberty that had died in Russia. Men still risked their lives in printing and disseminating104 the new ideas, but as the long reign wore on, and tyranny was still enthroned, the open spurts105 of defiance106 grew less in number. The revolutionaries and liberals felt that, if their race was not to be extinguished, as the reactionaries107 desired, the work must proceed in different form. We shall see in the next and final chapter how it proceeded until, after further bloody revolts against the intolerable tyranny, it succeeded in awakening the people and shaking the Romanoffs from their throne.
It remains108 to see how the Pan-Slav movement, the twin-brother of the Slavophile philosophy, also prepared the way for the next reign. We have seen how every expansion of Russia, every enlargement of its stupendous population and therefore ultimate resources, alarmed some other European Power. Russia now made new advances and opened the way for fresh conflicts. It had reached the eastern coast of Asia. Now it began its interference in Korea and attracted the attention of Japan. It spread south toward India and still further alarmed England. Journals of the imperialist school at St. Petersburg openly boasted that their armies were beating a path to the Indian Ocean, and it may be said in justification109 of England’s long distrust of Russia that the Romanoffs wholly encouraged this dream until an Asiatic Power proved to them that Asia was not the helpless world they had imagined. When the southern limit of Asiatic Russia was extended until it came, at certain points, within a hundred and forty miles of India, when Russian agents swarmed110 in Afghanistan, it was not unnatural111 that London should be nervous. Alexander III, however, took a keen personal interest in foreign affairs, and he succeeded in averting112 serious trouble with England.
Still more dangerous to the peace of the world was the ambition of the Pan-Slavs to overrun the Balkans. Our generation is familiar enough with the philosophy in the form of Pan-Germanism, and from this the mood of Russia in the days of Alexander III will be understood. The creed of the Pan-Slavs was a mixture of commercial greed, imperialistic ambition, the impulses of soldiers to use their weapons, and the desire of priests to enlarge their Church. As the little peoples of the Balkans were largely Slav—though the Bulgars are as much Asiatic as Slav, and the Rumans take more pride in their remote descent from the Romans—it was inevitable113 that, in spite of the jealous watchfulness114 of all the Great Powers of Europe, the new imperialists of St. Petersburg should push their work in the Balkans.
There is this almost single advantage in the reign of Alexander III that he distrusted Germany and did not allow his ambitious ministers to embroil115 the country in war. Bismarck would like to see Russia weakened, as it periodically was, by war, and there seemed to be every prospect116 of war over the Balkan peoples. Behind the specious117 plea of liberating32 Christians118 from the brutality of the Turk and conveying civilisation to the backward peoples of the Balkans there was at that time, as in our own days, a dual33 rivalry119. Austria and the Papacy had an ambition which was directly opposed to the ambition of the statesmen and priests of St. Petersburg. The path to the Mediterranean120 and the commercial advantage of exploiting the Balkan peoples were not more eagerly sought by politicians and merchants than the religious allegiance of the independent Balkan Churches was sought by the Vatican and the Holy Synod.
Russia pushed its ambition in Bulgaria—Austria in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had been entrusted121 to its “protection.” But the little Balkan peoples were now almost entirely awake to the designs of the ministers of Alexander III. The Tsar said on one occasion that the King of Montenegro was the only friend he had in Europe. The Serbs and Rumans drew nearer to Austria, the Bulgars began to resent the presence amongst them of so many officers of the Russian army and agents of the Russian Government. After the Bulgar revolution of 1885 there seemed to be grave prospect of a war between Austria and Russia. But Alexander was made sensible of the disgusting duplicity with which Bismarck tried to draw Russia into dangerous waters in the south, and he withdrew his officers from Bulgaria. He complained to the German Emperor of the procedure of the Chancellor122, but he maintained the commercial alliance with Germany and the ostensibly friendly relations.
Out of this rivalry of interests and clash of intrigue123, in which Alexander III acted with caution and shrewdness, there gradually emerged the set of alliances which would one day deluge124 Europe with blood. Germany and Austria made a common lot of their interests and drew together. Italy, jealous of the French support of the Papacy and won by the deceitful promises of Germany, joined them and formed the Triple Alliance. Russia could no longer remain isolated125 and Alexander III slowly and reluctantly overcame his imperial dislike of the French Republic. Little acts of mutual126 courtesy led up to the floating of a large loan in France in 1887. The financial link with Germany was almost severed127. In the following year a Russian representative was appointed to the Vatican. In 1890 a large French fleet appeared at Cronstadt, and was boisterously128 welcomed. In 1893, the year before the death of Alexander, a commercial treaty with France was signed.
Thus in both domestic and foreign policy the reign of Alexander III was one of preparation for the final chapter of the romance of the Romanoffs. It created at home a machinery of despotism which would prove so heavy that it roused the very people whom it was designed to suppress. Abroad it entered upon imperialistic ventures which would lead to wars that would expose the disgusting growth of corruption129 under the shelter of the universal censorship. Alexander III died in 1894 (November 1st), and left to the last of his line a country which he had apparently130 pacified131. He was honest in his creed of orthodoxy and autocracy, though we will not suppose that he was insensible of its profit to himself and his family; but he had not the intelligence to see that such an anachronism as his medi?val suppression of a people’s sentiments could not live in the atmosphere of the end of the nineteenth century.
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1
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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melodrama
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| n.音乐剧；情节剧 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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boded
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的过去式和过去分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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liberating
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| 解放，释放( liberate的现在分词 ) | |
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dual
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| adj.双的；二重的，二元的 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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obliteration
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| n.涂去，删除；管腔闭合 | |
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imperialistic
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| 帝国主义的，帝制的 | |
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curbed
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| v.限制，克制，抑制( curb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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orientated
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| v.朝向( orientate的过去式和过去分词 )；面向；确定方向；使适应 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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illiteracy
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| n.文盲 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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49
syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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50
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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56
inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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58
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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59
censors
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| 删剪（书籍、电影等中被认为犯忌、违反道德或政治上危险的内容）( censor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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eviscerated
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| v.切除…的内脏( eviscerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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62
junta
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| n.团体；政务审议会 | |
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63
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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preponderating
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的现在分词 ) | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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71
radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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76
erase
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| v.擦掉；消除某事物的痕迹 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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82
aggregations
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| n.聚集( aggregation的名词复数 )；集成；集结；聚集体 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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85
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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notaries
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| n.公证人，公证员( notary的名词复数 ) | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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insurgence
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| n.起义；造反；暴动；叛乱 | |
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stringently
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| adv.严格地，严厉地 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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autonomous
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| adj.自治的；独立的 | |
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dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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99
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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100
malevolence
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| n.恶意，狠毒 | |
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101
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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102
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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103
computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
disseminating
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的现在分词 ) | |
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105
spurts
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| 短暂而突然的活动或努力( spurt的名词复数 )； 突然奋起 | |
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106
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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107
reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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108
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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109
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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110
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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111
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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112
averting
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| 防止，避免( avert的现在分词 )； 转移 | |
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113
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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114
watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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115
embroil
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| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
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116
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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117
specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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118
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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119
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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120
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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121
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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123
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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124
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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125
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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126
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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127
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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128
boisterously
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| adv.喧闹地，吵闹地 | |
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129
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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130
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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131
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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