Surely therefore the revival14 of the military spirit, and on the whole the grandest manifestation15 of the same in English history, are not matters to be lightly overlooked. The campaigns of the Plantagenets had shown how deep was the instinct of pugnacity16 that underlay17 the stolid[279] English calm, but since the accession of the Tudors no sovereign had given it an outlet18 ashore19 in any great national enterprise. Elizabeth never truly threw in her lot with the revolted Netherlands; James hated a soldier, and shrank back in terror from the idea of throwing the English sword into the scale of the Thirty Years' War; Charles's miserable20 trifling21 with warfare22 contributed not a little to the unpopularity which caused his downfall. The English were compelled to sate23 their military appetite in the service of foreign countries, and as fractions of foreign armies.
Then at last the door of the rebellion was opened and the nation crowded in. It is hardly too much to say that for at any rate the four years from 1642 to 1646 the English went mad about military matters. Military figures and metaphors24 abounded25 in the language and literature of the day, and were used by none more effectively than by John Milton.[197] Divines took words of command and the phrases of the parade ground as titles for their discourses26, and were not ashamed to publish sermons under such a head as "As you were." If anything like a review or a sham27 fight were going forward, the people thronged28 in crowds to witness it; and one astute29 colonel took advantage of this feeling to reconcile the people to the prohibition30 of the sports of May-day. He drew out two regiments31 on Blackheath, and held a sham fight of Cavaliers and Roundheads, wherein both sides played their parts with great spirit and the Cavaliers were duly defeated; and the spectacle, we are assured, satisfied the people as well as if they had gone maying any other way. It is true that the sentiment did not endure, that the eulogy of the general and his brave soldiers was turned in time to abuse of the tyrant33 and his red-coats; but when a nation after beheading a king, abolishing a House of Lords, and welcoming freedom by the blessing34 of God restored, still finds that[280] the golden age is not yet returned, it must needs visit its disappointment upon some one. The later unpopularity of the strong military hand does not affect the undoubted fact of a great preliminary outburst of military enthusiasm. Nor indeed even at the end was there any feeling but of pride in the prowess of Morgan's regiments in Flanders.
The rapid advance of military reform in its deepest significance is not less remarkable35. For two years it may be said that opposing factions36 of the Civil War fought at haphazard37, after the obsolete38 fashion of the days of the Tudors. The most brilliant soldier on either side was a military adventurer of the type that Shakespeare had depicted39, a man who
dreams of cutting Spanish throats,
Of trenches40, ambuscadoes, Spanish blades
And healths five fathoms41 deep.
Against the wild, impetuous Rupert the primitive42 armies of the Parliament were powerless. From the first engagement Cromwell perceived that such high-mettled dare-devils could be beaten only by men who took their profession seriously, who made some conscience of what they did, who drew no distinction between moral and military virtues43, who believed that a bad man could not be a good soldier, nor a bad soldier a good man, who saw in cowardice44 a moral failing and in vice3 a military crime. Cromwell's system is generally summed up in the word fanaticism45; but this is less than half of the truth. The employment of the phrase, moral force, in relation to the operations of war, is familiar enough in our language; but the French term morale46 is now pressed into the service to signify that indefinable consciousness of superiority which is the chief element of strength in an army. Such narrowing of old broad terms is in a high degree misleading. It should never be forgotten that military discipline rests at bottom on the broadest and deepest of moral foundations; its ideal is the organised abnegation of self. Simple fanaticism is in its nature undisciplined;[281] it is strong because it assumes its superiority, it is weak because it is content with the assumption; only when bound under a yoke47 such as that of a Zizka or of a Cromwell is it irresistible48. Cromwell's great work was the same as Zizka's, to subject the fanaticism that he saw around him to discipline. He did not go out of his way to find fanatics49. "Sir," he once wrote, "the State in choosing men for its service takes no notice of their opinions; if they be willing faithfully to serve it, that satisfies." In forming his original regiment32 of horse he undoubtedly51 selected men of good character, just as any colonel would endeavour to do to-day. But Fairfax's was by no means an army of saints. One regiment of the New Model mutinied when its colonel opened his command with a sermon, and the Parliament with great good sense prohibited by Ordinance52 the preaching of laymen53 in the Army. It is time to have done with all misconceptions as to the work that Cromwell did for the military service of England, for it is summed up in the one word discipline. It was the work not of a preacher but of a soldier.
That the discipline was immensely strict and the punishments correspondingly severe followed necessarily from the nature of his system. The military code took cognisance not only of purely54 military offences, but of many moral delinquencies, even in time of peace, which if now visited with the like severity would make the list of defaulters as long as the muster-roll. Swearing was checked principally by fine, drunkenness by the wooden horse. This barbarous engine, imitated from abroad, consisted simply of a triangular55 block of wood, like a saddle-stand, raised on four legs and finished with a rude representation of a horse's head. On this the culprit was set astride for one hour a day for so many days, with from one to six muskets56 tied to his heels; and that degradation57 might be added to the penalty, drunkards rode the horse in some public place, such as Charing58 Cross, with cans about their necks. A soldier who brought discredit59 on his cloth by public misconduct[282] paid the penalty with public disgrace. Fornication was commonly punished with the lash60, the culprit being flogged so many times up and down the ranks of his company or regiment according to the flagrancy of the offence. It is small wonder that men forced by such discipline to perpetual self-control should have scorned civilians61 who allowed themselves greater latitude62, and despised a Parliament which, in spite of many purgings, was never wholly purged63 of loose livers.
Towards the unfortunate Royalists the feelings of the Parliamentary Army after 1645 were of unutterable contempt. It was not only that it felt its moral superiority over the unhappy cavaliers; it mingled64 with this the keenest professional pride. No sergeant-major of the smartest modern cavalry65 regiment could speak with more withering66 disdain67 of the rudest troop of rustic68 yeomanry than did the Parliamentary newspapers of the prisoners captured at Bristol.[198] It is instructive, too, to note the patronising tone adopted by Reynolds towards the army of Turenne, his criticism of the discipline that was "good, for France," and his observations as to the proverbial inefficiency69 of a French regiment at the end of a campaign. Beyond all doubt the English standing Army from 1646 to 1658 was the finest force in Europe. It is the more amazing that Cromwell should have suffered its fair fame to be tarnished70 by the rabble71 that he sent to the West Indies.
Such an army will never again be seen in England; but though its peculiar72 distinctions are for ever lost, the legacies73 bequeathed by it must not be overlooked.[283] Enough has been said of the institution of the new discipline, and of the virtual extinction74 of the old stamp of military adventurer; it remains now briefly75 to summarise76 the minor77 changes wrought78 by the creation of a standing Army. First comes the incipient79 organisation80 of a War-Department as seen in the Committee of the Army working with the Treasurers81 at War on one side and the ancient Office of Ordnance82 on the other, and in the appointment of a single commander-in-chief for all the forces in England, Scotland, and Ireland. And here it must be noted83 in passing that the division of the Army into an English, Scotch84, and Irish establishment, which lasted until the three kingdoms were one by one united, becomes fully50 defined in the years of the Protectorate. Next must be mentioned the organisation of regiments with frames of a fixed85 strength, regiments of horse with six troops, and of foot and dragoons with ten companies, and the maintenance of a fixed establishment for services of artillery86 and transport.[199] Further, to combine the unity87 of the Army with the distinction of the various corps88 that composed it, there was the adoption89 of the historic scarlet90 uniform differenced by the facings of the several regiments.
Clothing however, leads us to the more complicated question of the pay of the Army. The regular payment of wages was, as has been seen, the first essential step towards the establishment of a standing force; and with it came concurrently91 the system of clothing, mounting and equipping soldiers at the expense of the State. It should seem, however, that the rules for regulating the system were sufficiently92 elastic93, for we find quite late in the second Civil War that troopers generally still provided their own horses, and received a higher rate of pay, and that colonels were permitted to make independent contracts for the clothing and equipment of their regiments.[284] The stoppages from the soldiers' pay at this period are also instructive. The deduction94 of a fixed sum for clothing dates, as has been already told, from the days of Elizabeth if not from still earlier times. But to this was now added the principle of withholding95 a proportion of the wages, under the name of arrears96, as security against misconduct and desertion; while it was a recognised rule that both men and officers should forfeit97 an additional proportion so long as they lived at free quarter. An allowance for billet-money, and a fixed tariff98 of prices to be paid by soldiers while on the march within the kingdom, contributed somewhat to lighten the burden of all these stoppages, and made a precedent99 for the Mutiny Act of a later day. It is worthy100 of remark that the garrison101 of Dunkirk found in the town special buildings, constructed by the Spaniards for their troops and called barracks,[200] and that it was duly installed therein in the autumn of 1659. The reader, if he have patience to follow me further, will be able to note for himself how long was the time before English soldiers exchanged life in alehouses for the Spanish system of life in barracks.
But there is another and more interesting aspect of the question of pay, when we pass from that of the men to that of the officers. The extinction of the old military adventurer brought with it the total abolition102, for the time, of the system of purchase. In the Royalist regiments that gathered around Charles Stuart in Flanders, we find that companies and regiments still changed hands for money, but in the English standing Army the practice seems utterly103 to have disappeared. Promotion104 was regulated not necessarily by seniority but by the recommendation of superior officers, and, as external evidence seems to indicate, ran not in individual regiments but in the Army at large. The arrears of[285] officers, especially of those who possessed105 means of their own, often remained, through their patriotic106 forbearance, not only many months but many years overdue107; and it is interesting to mark that their inability to watch over their own interests while they were engaged on active service led to the appointment of regimental agents, who drew their pay and transacted108 their financial business with the country on their behalf. The Army Agent may, therefore, justly boast himself to be a survival of the Civil War.
Nor can I leave this subject without reference to yet another remarkable feature in the New Model Army, which unfortunately has not passed into a tradition. I allude109 to the great and sudden check on the ancient evil of military corruption110. To say that corruption came absolutely to an end would be an excessive statement, for the minutes of courts-martial on fraudulent auditors111 are still extant, but it is probable that during the Civil War it was reduced to the lowest level that it has touched in the whole of our Army's history. The abolition of purchase and the higher moral tone that pervaded112 the whole force doubtless contributed greatly to so desirable an end. It is, however, melancholy113 to record that the evil was evidently but scotched114, not killed. Before the Protector had been dead a year, there was seen, at the withdrawal115 of part of the garrison of Dunkirk, a deliberate and disgraceful falsification of the muster-rolls, aggravated116 by every circumstance that could encourage fraud and injure good discipline. Contact with foreign troops was probably the immediate117 cause of this lamentable118 backsliding, but it furnishes a sad commentary on the fickleness119 of Puritan morality.
Finally, let us close with the greatest and noblest work of the New Model Army; the establishment of England's supremacy120 in the British Isles121 as a first step to their constitutional union. No achievement could have stood in more direct antagonism122 to the policy of Charles Stuart, who strove with might and main to set[286] nation against nation and kingdom against kingdom, and paid for his folly123 with his life. It may be that the greatness of this service will in these days be denied. There were not wanting in the Long Parliament men who intrigued124 with Scotland against England rather than suffer power to slip from their hands, and it is not perhaps strange that the type of such men should be imperishable. Those, however, who call England the predominant partner in the British Isles should not forget who were the men that made her predominant.[201] The Civil War was no mere125 rebellion against despotic authority. It accomplished126 more than the destruction of the old monarchy127; it was the battle for the union of the British Isles, and it was fought and won by the New Model Army.
Authorities.—In so slight a sketch128 of the Civil War and the Protectorate as is given in these pages any lengthy129 enumeration of the authorities would be absurd. Readers will find them for themselves in the exhaustive history of Mr. Gardiner, to whose labours, as well as to those of Mr. C. H. Firth, I am very greatly indebted. Such collections of documents as the Calendars of State Papers, Rushworth, Thurloe, and Carlyle's Cromwell's Letters and Speeches are almost too obvious to call for mention. The Clarke Papers are of exceptional value for purposes of military history, and Sprigge's Anglia Rediviva is of course an indispensable authority as to the New Model. But even in such fields as the newspapers and the King's Pamphlets Mr. Gardiner and Mr. Firth have left little harvest ungleaned. Of the military writers of the time Barriffe is the most instructive, particularly in respect of certain comments added in the later editions. A French folio volume, Le Mareschal le Bataille (1647), gives excellent plates of the drill of pikemen and musketeers, and beautiful diagrams of the evolutions.
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1 tinge | |
vt.(较淡)着色于,染色;使带有…气息;n.淡淡色彩,些微的气息 | |
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2 enumeration | |
n.计数,列举;细目;详表;点查 | |
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3 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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4 eulogy | |
n.颂词;颂扬 | |
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5 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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6 perversity | |
n.任性;刚愎自用 | |
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7 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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8 cant | |
n.斜穿,黑话,猛扔 | |
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9 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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10 civilisation | |
n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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11 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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12 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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13 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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14 revival | |
n.复兴,复苏,(精力、活力等的)重振 | |
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15 manifestation | |
n.表现形式;表明;现象 | |
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16 pugnacity | |
n.好斗,好战 | |
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17 underlay | |
v.位于或存在于(某物)之下( underlie的过去式 );构成…的基础(或起因),引起n.衬垫物 | |
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18 outlet | |
n.出口/路;销路;批发商店;通风口;发泄 | |
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19 ashore | |
adv.在(向)岸上,上岸 | |
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20 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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21 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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22 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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23 sate | |
v.使充分满足 | |
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24 metaphors | |
隐喻( metaphor的名词复数 ) | |
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25 abounded | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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26 discourses | |
论文( discourse的名词复数 ); 演说; 讲道; 话语 | |
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27 sham | |
n./adj.假冒(的),虚伪(的) | |
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28 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29 astute | |
adj.机敏的,精明的 | |
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30 prohibition | |
n.禁止;禁令,禁律 | |
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31 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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32 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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33 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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34 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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35 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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36 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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37 haphazard | |
adj.无计划的,随意的,杂乱无章的 | |
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38 obsolete | |
adj.已废弃的,过时的 | |
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39 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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40 trenches | |
深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
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41 fathoms | |
英寻( fathom的名词复数 ) | |
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42 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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43 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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44 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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45 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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46 morale | |
n.道德准则,士气,斗志 | |
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47 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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48 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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49 fanatics | |
狂热者,入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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50 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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51 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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52 ordinance | |
n.法令;条令;条例 | |
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53 laymen | |
门外汉,外行人( layman的名词复数 ); 普通教徒(有别于神职人员) | |
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54 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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55 triangular | |
adj.三角(形)的,三者间的 | |
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56 muskets | |
n.火枪,(尤指)滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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57 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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58 charing | |
n.炭化v.把…烧成炭,把…烧焦( char的现在分词 );烧成炭,烧焦;做杂役女佣 | |
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59 discredit | |
vt.使不可置信;n.丧失信义;不信,怀疑 | |
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60 lash | |
v.系牢;鞭打;猛烈抨击;n.鞭打;眼睫毛 | |
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61 civilians | |
平民,百姓( civilian的名词复数 ); 老百姓 | |
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62 latitude | |
n.纬度,行动或言论的自由(范围),(pl.)地区 | |
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63 purged | |
清除(政敌等)( purge的过去式和过去分词 ); 涤除(罪恶等); 净化(心灵、风气等); 消除(错事等)的不良影响 | |
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64 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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65 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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66 withering | |
使人畏缩的,使人害羞的,使人难堪的 | |
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67 disdain | |
n.鄙视,轻视;v.轻视,鄙视,不屑 | |
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68 rustic | |
adj.乡村的,有乡村特色的;n.乡下人,乡巴佬 | |
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69 inefficiency | |
n.无效率,无能;无效率事例 | |
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70 tarnished | |
(通常指金属)(使)失去光泽,(使)变灰暗( tarnish的过去式和过去分词 ); 玷污,败坏 | |
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71 rabble | |
n.乌合之众,暴民;下等人 | |
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72 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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73 legacies | |
n.遗产( legacy的名词复数 );遗留之物;遗留问题;后遗症 | |
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74 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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75 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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76 summarise | |
vt.概括,总结 | |
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77 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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78 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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79 incipient | |
adj.起初的,发端的,初期的 | |
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80 organisation | |
n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
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81 treasurers | |
(团体等的)司库,财务主管( treasurer的名词复数 ) | |
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82 ordnance | |
n.大炮,军械 | |
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83 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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84 scotch | |
n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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85 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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86 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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87 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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88 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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89 adoption | |
n.采用,采纳,通过;收养 | |
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90 scarlet | |
n.深红色,绯红色,红衣;adj.绯红色的 | |
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91 concurrently | |
adv.同时地 | |
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92 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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93 elastic | |
n.橡皮圈,松紧带;adj.有弹性的;灵活的 | |
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94 deduction | |
n.减除,扣除,减除额;推论,推理,演绎 | |
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95 withholding | |
扣缴税款 | |
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96 arrears | |
n.到期未付之债,拖欠的款项;待做的工作 | |
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97 forfeit | |
vt.丧失;n.罚金,罚款,没收物 | |
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98 tariff | |
n.关税,税率;(旅馆、饭店等)价目表,收费表 | |
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99 precedent | |
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的 | |
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100 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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101 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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102 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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103 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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104 promotion | |
n.提升,晋级;促销,宣传 | |
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105 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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106 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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107 overdue | |
adj.过期的,到期未付的;早该有的,迟到的 | |
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108 transacted | |
v.办理(业务等)( transact的过去式和过去分词 );交易,谈判 | |
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109 allude | |
v.提及,暗指 | |
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110 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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111 auditors | |
n.审计员,稽核员( auditor的名词复数 );(大学课程的)旁听生 | |
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112 pervaded | |
v.遍及,弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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114 scotched | |
v.阻止( scotch的过去式和过去分词 );制止(车轮)转动;弄伤;镇压 | |
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115 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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116 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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117 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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118 lamentable | |
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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119 fickleness | |
n.易变;无常;浮躁;变化无常 | |
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120 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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121 isles | |
岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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122 antagonism | |
n.对抗,敌对,对立 | |
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123 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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124 intrigued | |
adj.好奇的,被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式);激起…的兴趣或好奇心;“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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125 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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126 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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127 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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128 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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129 lengthy | |
adj.漫长的,冗长的 | |
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