1701.
The Emperor at once entered a protest against the[398] will, and Lewis prepared without delay for a campaign in Italy. William, however, for the present merely postponed6 his recognition of Philip the Fifth; and his example was followed by the United Provinces. Lewis, ever ready and prompt, at once took measures to quicken the States to a decision. Several towns[288] in Spanish Flanders were garrisoned8, under previous treaties, by Dutch troops. Lewis by a swift movement surrounded the whole of them, and having thus secured fifteen thousand of the best men in the Dutch army, could dictate9 what terms he pleased. William expected that the House of Commons would be roused to indignation by this aggressive step, but the House was far too busy with its own factious10 quarrels. When, however, the States appealed to England for the ten thousand men, which under the treaty of 1677 she was bound to furnish, both Houses prepared faithfully to fulfil the obligation.
Then, as invariably happens in England, the work which Parliament had undone11 required to be done again. Twelve battalions12 were ordered to the Low Countries from Ireland, and directions were issued for the levying13 of ten thousand recruits in England to take their place. But, immediately after, came bad news from the West Indies, and it was thought necessary to despatch15 thither16 four more battalions from Ireland. Three regiments18[289] were hastily brought up to a joint19 strength of two thousand men, and shipped off. Thus, within fifteen months of the disbandment of 1699, the garrison7 of Ireland had been depleted20 by fifteen battalions out of twenty-one; and four new battalions required to be raised immediately. Of these, two, namely Brudenell's and Mountjoy's, were afterwards disbanded, but two more, Lord Charlemont's and Lord Donegal's, are still with us as the Thirty-fifth and Thirty-sixth of the Line.
[399]
In June the twelve battalions[290] were shipped off to Holland, under the command of John, Earl of Marlborough, who since 1698 had been restored to the King's favour, and was to fill his place as head of the European coalition21 and General of the confederate armies in a fashion that no man had yet dreamed of. He was now fifty years of age; so long had the ablest man in Europe waited for work that was worthy22 of his powers; and now his time was come at last. His first duties, however, were diplomatic; and during the summer and autumn of 1701 he was engaged in negotiations23 with Sweden, Prussia, and the Empire for the formation of a Grand Alliance against France and Spain. Needless to say he brought all to a successful issue by his inexhaustible charm, patience, and tact24.
September.
Still the attitude of the English people towards the contest remained doubtful, until, on the death of King James the Second, Lewis made the fatal mistake of recognising and proclaiming his son as King of England. Then the smouldering animosity against France leaped instantly into flame. William seized the opportunity to dissolve Parliament, and was rewarded by the election of a House of Commons more nearly resembling that which had carried him through the first war to the Peace of Ryswick. He did not fail to rouse its patriotism25 and self-respect by a stirring speech from the throne, and obtained the ratification26 of his agreement with the Allies that England should furnish a contingent27 of forty thousand men, eighteen thousand of them to be British and the remainder foreigners. So the country was committed to the War of the Spanish Succession.
It was soon decided28 that all regiments in pay must be increased at once to war-strength, and that six more battalions, together with five regiments of horse and[400] three of dragoons, should be sent to join the troops already in Holland. Then, as usual, there was a rush to do in a hurry what should have been done at leisure; and it is significant of the results of the late ill-treatment of the Army that, though the country was full of unemployed29 soldiers, it was necessary to offer three pounds, or thrice the usual amount of levy-money, to obtain recruits. The next step was to raise fifteen new regiments—Meredith's, Cootes', Huntingdon's, Farrington's, Gibson's, Lucas's, Mohun's, Temple's, and Stringer's of foot; Fox's, Saunderson's, Villiers', Shannon's, Mordaunt's and Holt's of marines. Of the foot Gibson's and Farrington's had been raised in 1694, but the officers of Farrington's, if not of both regiments, had been retained on half-pay, and, returning in a body, continued the life of the regiment17 without interruption. Both are still with us as the Twenty-eighth and Twenty-ninth of the Line. Huntingdon's and Lucas's also survive as the Thirty-third and Thirty-fourth, and Meredith's and Cootes', which were raised in Ireland, as the Thirty-seventh and Thirty-ninth, while the remainder were disbanded at the close of the war. Of the marines, Saunderson's had originally been raised in 1694, and eventually passed into the Line as the Thirtieth Foot, followed by Fox's and Villiers' as the Thirty-first and Thirty-second. Nothing now remained but to pass the Mutiny Act, which was speedily done; and on the 5th of May, just two months after the death of King William, the great work of his life was continued by a formal declaration of war.
The field of operations which will chiefly concern us is mainly the same as that wherein we followed the campaigns of King William. The eastern boundary of the cock-pit must for a time be extended from the Meuse to the Rhine, the northern from the Demer to the Waal, and the southern limit must be carried from Dunkirk beyond Namur to Bonn. But the reader should bear in mind that, in consequence of the Spanish alliance, Spanish Flanders was no longer hostile, but[401] friendly, to France, so that the French frontier, for all practical purposes, extended to the boundary of Dutch Brabant. Moreover, the French, besides the seizure30, already related, of the barrier-towns, had contrived31 to occupy every stronghold on the Meuse except Maestricht, from Namur to Venloo, so that practically they were masters so far of the whole line of the river.
A few leagues below Venloo stands the fortified32 town of Grave, and beyond Grave, on the parallel branch of the Rhine, stands the fortified city of Nimeguen. A little to the east of Nimeguen, at a point where the Rhine formerly33 forked into two streams, stood Fort Schenk, a stronghold famous in the wars of Morgan and of Vere. These three fortresses34 were the three eastern gates of the Dutch Netherlands, commanding the two great waterways, doubly important in those days of bad roads, which lead into the heart of the United Provinces.
1702.
May 30
June 10.
It is here that we must watch the opening of the campaign of 1702. There were detachments of the French and of the Allies opposed to each other on the Upper Rhine, on the Lower Rhine, and on the Lower Scheldt; but the French grand army of sixty thousand men was designed to operate on the Meuse, and the presence of a Prince of the blood, the Duke of Burgundy, with old Marshal Boufflers to instruct him, sufficiently35 showed that this was the quarter in which France designed to strike her grand blow. Marlborough being still kept from the field by other business, the command of the Allied36 army on the Meuse was entrusted37 to Lord Athlone, better known as that Ginkell who had completed the pacification38 of Ireland in 1691. His force consisted of twenty-five thousand men, with which he lay near Cleve, in the centre of the crescent formed by Grave, Nimeguen, and Fort Schenk, watching under shelter of these three fortresses the army of Boufflers, which was encamped some twenty miles to south-east of him at Uden and Xanten. On the 10th of June Boufflers made a sudden dash to cut off Athlone[402] from Nimeguen and Grave, a catastrophe39 which Athlone barely averted40 by an almost discreditably precipitate42 retreat. Having reached Nimeguen Athlone withdrew to the north of the Waal, while all Holland trembled over the danger which had thus been so narrowly escaped.
June 21
July 2.
July 15 26 .
Such was the position when Marlborough at last took the field, after long grappling at the Hague with the difficulties which were fated to dog him throughout the war. In England his position was comparatively easy, for though Prince George of Denmark, the consort43 of Queen Anne, was nominally44 generalissimo of all forces by sea and land, yet Marlborough was Captain-General of all the English forces at home and in Holland, and in addition Master-General of the Ordnance45. But it was only after considerable dispute that he was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the allied forces, and then not without provoking much dissatisfaction among the Dutch generals, and much jealousy47 in the Prince of Nassau-Saarbrück and in Athlone, both of whom aspired48 to the office. These obstacles overcome, there came the question of the plan of campaign. Here again endless obstruction49 was raised. The Dutch, after their recent fright, were nervously50 apprehensive51 for the safety of Nimeguen, the King of Prussia was much disturbed over his territory of Cleve, and all parties who had not interests of their own to put forward made it their business to thwart52 the Commander-in-Chief. With infinite patience Marlborough soothed53 them, and at last, on the 2nd of July, he left the Hague for Nimeguen, accompanied by two Dutch deputies, civilians54, whose duty it was to see that he did nothing imprudent. Arrived there he concentrated sixty thousand men, of which twelve thousand were British,[291] recrossed the Waal and encamped at Ober-Hasselt over against Grave, within two leagues of the French. Then once more the obstruction of his colleagues caused[403] delay, and it was not until the 26th of July that he could cross to the left bank of the Meuse. "Now," he said to the Dutch deputies, as he pointed46 to the French camp, "I shall soon rid you of these troublesome neighbours."
July 22
August 2.
Five swift marches due south brought his army over the Spanish frontier by Hamont. Boufflers thereupon in alarm broke up his camp, summoned Marshal Tallard from the Rhine to his assistance, crossed the Meuse with all haste at Venloo, and pushed on at nervous speed for the Demer. On the 2nd of August he lay between Peer and Bray55, his camping-ground ill-chosen, and his army worn out by a week of desperate marching. Within easy striking distance, a mile or two to the northward56, lay Marlborough, his army fresh, ready, and confident. He held the game in his hand; for an immediate14 attack would have dealt the French as rude a buffet57 as they were to receive later at Ramillies. But the Dutch deputies interposed; these Dogberries were content to thank God that they were rid of a rogue58. So Boufflers was allowed to cross the Demer safely at Diest, and a first great opportunity was lost.
August 11 22 .
Marlborough, having drawn59 the French away from the Meuse, was now at liberty to add the garrison of Maestricht to his field-force, and to besiege60 the fortresses on the river. Boufflers, however, emboldened61 by his escape, again advanced north in the hope of cutting off a convoy62 of stores that was on its way to join the Allies. Marlborough therefore perforce moved back to Hamont and picked up his convoy; then, before Boufflers could divine his purpose he had moved swiftly south, and thrown himself across the line of the French retreat to the Demer. The French marshal hurried southward with all possible haste, and came blundering through the defiles63 before Hochtel on the road to Hasselt, only to find Marlborough waiting ready for him at Helchteren. Once again the game was in the Englishman's hand. The French were in great disorder64, their left in particular being hopelessly entangled[404] in marshy65 and difficult ground. Marlborough instantly gave the order to advance, and by three o'clock the artillery66 of the two armies was exchanging fire. At five Marlborough directed the whole of his right to fall on the French left; but to his surprise and dismay, the right did not move. A surly Dutchman, General Opdam, was in command of the troops in question and, for no greater object than to annoy the Commander-in-Chief, refused to execute his orders. So a second great opportunity was lost.
August 12 23 .
Still much might yet be won by a general attack on the next day; and for this accordingly Marlborough at once made his preparations. But when the time came the Dutch deputies interposed, entreating67 him to defer68 the attack till the morrow morning. "By to-morrow morning they will be gone," answered Marlborough; but all remonstrance69 was unavailing. The attack was perforce deferred70, the French slipped away in the night, and though it was still possible to cut up their rearguard with cavalry71, a third great opportunity was lost.
August 18 29 .
Marlborough was deeply chagrined72; but although with unconquerable patience and tact he excused Opdam's conduct in his public despatches, he could not deceive the troops, who were loud in their indignation against both deputies and generals. There was now nothing left but to reduce the fortresses on the Meuse, a part of the army being detached for the siege while the remainder covered the operations under the command of Marlborough. Even over their favourite pastime of a siege, however, the Dutch were dilatory73 beyond measure. "England is famous for negligence," wrote Marlborough, "but if Englishmen were half as negligent74 as the people here, they would be torn to pieces by Parliament."[292] Venloo was at length invested on the 29th of August,[293] and after a siege of eighteen [405] days compelled to capitulate. The English distinguished75 themselves after their own peculiar76 fashion. In the assault on the principal defence General Cutts, who from his love of a hot fire was known as the Salamander, gave orders that the attacking force, if it carried the covered way, should not stop there but rush forward and carry as much more as it could. It was a mad design, criminally so in the opinion of officers who took part in it,[294] but it was madly executed, with the result that the whole fort was captured out of hand.
Sept. 26
October 7.
Oct. 1 12 .
The reduction of Stevenswaert, Maseyk, and Ruremond quickly followed; and the French now became alarmed lest Marlborough should transfer operations to the Rhine. Tallard was therefore sent back with a large force to Cologne and Bonn, while Boufflers, much weakened by this and by other detachments, lay helpless at Tongres. But the season was now far advanced, and Marlborough had no intention of leaving Boufflers for the winter in a position from which he might at any moment move out and bombard Maestricht. So no sooner were his troops released by the capture of Ruremond than he prepared to oust77 him. The French, according to their usual practice, had barred the eastern entrance to Brabant by fortified lines, which followed the line of the Geete to its head-waters, and were thence carried across to that of the Mehaigne. In his position at Tongres Boufflers lay midway between these lines and Liège, in the hope of covering both; but after the fall of so many fortresses on the Meuse he became specially78 anxious for Liège, and resolved to post himself under its walls. He accordingly examined the defences, selected his camping-ground, and on the 12th of October marched up with his army to occupy it. Quite unconscious of any danger he arrived within cannon-shot of his chosen position, and there stood Marlborough, calmly awaiting him with a superior force. For the fourth time Marlborough held his enemy within his grasp, but the Dutch deputies, as usual,[406] interposed to forbid an attack; and Boufflers, a fourth time delivered, hurried away in the night to his lines at Landen. Had he thrown himself into Liège Marlborough would have made him equally uncomfortable by marching on the lines; as things were the French marshal perforce left the city to its fate.
Oct. 12 23 .
The town of Liège, which was unfortified, at once opened its gates to the Allies; and within a week Marlborough's batteries were playing on the citadel79. On the 23rd of October the citadel was stormed, the English being first in the breach80, and a few days later Liège, with the whole line of the Meuse, had passed into the hands of the Allies. Thus brilliantly, in spite of four great opportunities marred81 by the Dutch, ended Marlborough's first campaign. Athlone, like an honest man, confessed that as second in command he had opposed every one of Marlborough's projects, and that the success was due entirely82 to his incomparable chief. He at any rate had an inkling that in Turenne's handsome Englishman there had arisen one of the great captains of all time.
Nevertheless the French had not been without their consolations83 in other quarters. Towards the end of the campaign the Elector of Bavaria had declared himself for France against the Empire, and, surprising the all-important position of Ulm on the Danube, had opened communication with the French force on the Upper Rhine. Villars, who commanded in that quarter, had seconded him by defeating his opponent, Prince Lewis of Baden, at Friedlingen, and had cleared the passages of the Black Forest; while Tallard had, almost without an effort, possessed84 himself of Treves and Trarbach on the Moselle. The rival competitors for the crown of Spain were France and the Empire, and the centre of the struggle, as no one saw more clearly than Marlborough, was for the present moving steadily85 towards the territory of the Empire.
While Marlborough was engaged in his operations on the Meuse, ten thousand English and Dutch, under[407] the Duke of Ormonde and Admiral Sir George Rooke, had been despatched to make a descent upon Cadiz. The expedition was so complete a failure that there is no object in dwelling86 on it. Rooke would not support Ormonde, and Ormonde was not strong enough to master Rooke; landsmen quarrelled with seamen87, and English with Dutch. No discipline was maintained, and after some weeks of feeble operations and shameful88 scenes of indiscipline and pillage89, the commanders found that they could do no more than return to England. They were fortunate enough, however, on their way, to fall in with the plate-fleet at Vigo, of which they captured twenty-five galleons90 containing treasure worth a million sterling91. Comforted by this good fortune Rooke and Ormonde sailed homeward, and dropped anchor safely in Portsmouth harbour.
Meanwhile a mishap92, which Marlborough called an accident, had gone near to neutralise all the success of the past campaign. At the close of operations the Earl, together with the Dutch deputies, had taken ship down the Meuse, with a guard of twenty-five men on board and an escort of fifty horse on the bank. In the night the horse lost their way, and the boat was surprised and overpowered by a French partisan93 with a following of marauders. The Dutch deputies produced French passes, but Marlborough had none and was therefore a prisoner. Fortunately his servant slipped into his hand an old pass that had been made out for his brother Charles Churchill. With perfect serenity94 Marlborough presented it as genuine, and was allowed to go on his way, the French contenting themselves with the capture of the guard and the plunder95 of the vessel96, and never dreaming of the prize that they had let slip. The news of his escape reached the Hague, where on his arrival rich and poor came out to welcome him, men and women weeping for joy over his safety. So deep was the fascination97 exerted on all of his kind by this extraordinary man.
A few days later he returned to England, where a[408] new Parliament had already congratulated Queen Anne on the retrieving98 of England's honour by the success of his arms. The word retrieving was warmly resented, but though doubtless suggested by unworthy and factious animosity against the memory of William, it was strictly99 true. The nation felt that it was not in the fitness of things that Englishmen should be beaten by Frenchmen, and they rejoiced to see the wrong set right. Nevertheless party spirit found a still meaner level when Parliament extended to Rooke and Ormonde the same vote of thanks that they tendered to Marlborough. This precious pair owed even this honour to the wisdom and good sense of their far greater comrade, for they would have carried their quarrel over the expedition within the walls of Parliament, had not Marlborough told them gently that the whole of their operations were indefensible and that the less they called attention to themselves the better. The Queen, with more discernment, created Marlborough a Duke and settled on him a pension of ￡5000 a year. With the exaggerated bounty100 of a woman she wished Parliament to attach that sum forthwith permanently101 to the title, but this the Commons most properly refused to do. Moreover, the House was engaged just then on a work of greater utility to the Army than the granting of pensions even to such a man as Marlborough.
Nov 11.
On the 11th of November, the day before the public thanksgiving for the first campaign, the Committee of Public Accounts presented its report on the books of Lord Ranelagh, the paymaster-general. Ranelagh, according to their statement, had evinced great unwillingness102 to produce his accounts, and had met their inquiries103 with endless shuffling104 and evasion105. In his office, too, an unusual epidemic106 of sudden illness, and an unprecedented107 multitude of pressing engagements, had rendered his clerks strangely inaccessible108 to examination. The commissioners109, however, had persisted, and were now able to tell a long story of irregular book-keeping,[409] false accounts, forged vouchers110, and the clumsiest and most transparent111 methods of embezzlement112 and fraud.
Ranelagh defended himself against their charges not without spirit and efficiency, but the commissioners declined to discuss the matter with him. The Commons spent two days in examination of proofs, and then without hesitation voted that the Paymaster-General had been guilty of misappropriation of public money. It was thought by many at the time that Ranelagh was very hardly used; and it is certain that factious desire to discredit41 the late Government played a larger part than common honesty in this sudden zeal114 against corruption115. Whig writers[295] assert without hesitation that there was no foundation whatever for the charges; and it is indubitable that many of the conclusions of the commissioners were strained and exaggerated. It is beyond question too that much of the financial confusion was due to the House of Commons, which had voted large sums without naming the sources from whence they should be raised, and where it had named the source had absurdly over-estimated the receipts. But it is none the less certain that Ranelagh's accounts were in disorder, and that, though his patrimony116 was small, he was reputed to have spent more money on buildings, gardens, and furniture than any man in England. Without attempting to calculate the measure of his guilt113, it cannot be denied that his dismissal was for the good of the Army.
Had the House of Commons followed up this preliminary inquiry117 by further investigation118 much good might have been done, but its motives119 not being pure its actions could not be consistent. Ranelagh, for instance, had made one statement in self-defence which gravely inculpated120 the Secretary-at-War; but the House showed no alacrity121 to turn against that functionary122. Very soon the question of the accounts degenerated123 into a wrangle124 with the House of Lords; and in March[410] 1704 the Commons were still debating what should be done with Ranelagh, while poor Mitchelburne of Londonderry, a prisoner in the Fleet for debt, was petitioning piteously for the arrears125 due to him since 1689.
1705,
May 10.
Commission
dated April
20, 1704.
It will, however, be convenient to anticipate matters a little, and to speak at once of the reforms that were brought about by this scandal in the paymaster's office. First, on the expulsion of Ranelagh the office was divided and two paymasters-general were appointed, one for the troops abroad, the other for those at home. Secondly126, two new officers were established, with salaries of ￡1500 a year and the title of Controllers of the Accounts of the Army, Sir Joseph Tredenham and William Duncombe being the first holders127 of the office. Lastly, the Secretary-at-War definitely ceased to be mere5 secretary to the Commander-in-Chief, and became the civil head of the War Department. In William's time he had taken the field with the King, but from henceforth he stayed at home; while a secretary to the Commander-in-Chief, not yet a military secretary, accompanied the general on active service on a stipend128 of ten shillings a day. William Blathwayt, who had been Secretary-at-War since the days of Charles the Second, was got rid of, with no disadvantage to the service, and his place was taken by the brilliant but unprofitable Henry St. John.
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superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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joint
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depleted
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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tact
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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unemployed
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| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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formerly
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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sufficiently
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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39
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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40
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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41
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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42
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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43
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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44
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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45
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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46
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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47
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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48
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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50
nervously
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| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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51
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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52
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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53
soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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54
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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55
bray
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| n.驴叫声, 喇叭声；v.驴叫 | |
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56
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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57
buffet
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| n.自助餐；饮食柜台；餐台 | |
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58
rogue
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| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
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59
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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60
besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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61
emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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63
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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64
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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65
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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66
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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67
entreating
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的现在分词 ) | |
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68
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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70
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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71
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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72
chagrined
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| adj.懊恼的，苦恼的v.使懊恼，使懊丧，使悔恨( chagrin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
dilatory
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| adj.迟缓的，不慌不忙的 | |
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74
negligent
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| adj.疏忽的；玩忽的；粗心大意的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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76
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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77
oust
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| vt.剥夺，取代，驱逐 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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81
marred
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| adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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83
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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84
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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86
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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87
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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88
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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89
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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90
galleons
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| n.大型帆船( galleon的名词复数 ) | |
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91
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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92
mishap
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| n.不幸的事，不幸；灾祸 | |
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93
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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94
serenity
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| n.宁静，沉着，晴朗 | |
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95
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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96
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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97
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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98
retrieving
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| n.检索（过程），取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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99
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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101
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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102
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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103
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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104
shuffling
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| adj. 慢慢移动的, 滑移的 动词shuffle的现在分词形式 | |
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105
evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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106
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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107
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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108
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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109
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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110
vouchers
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| n.凭证( voucher的名词复数 )；证人；证件；收据 | |
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111
transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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112
embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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113
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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114
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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115
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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116
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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117
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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118
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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119
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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120
inculpated
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| v.显示（某人）有罪，使负罪( inculpate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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122
functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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123
degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
wrangle
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| vi.争吵 | |
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125
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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126
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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127
holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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128
stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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