Lally's failure before Madras could not fail to raise British reputation and to depress that of the French; and sundry1 petty chieftains who had long been wavering in the Carnatic, now threw in their lot definitely with the victors. Nevertheless the British success could be but negative unless the territory adjacent to Madras were at once recovered and protected; and to this task the authorities wisely addressed themselves without delay. The reinforcements which had already arrived, together with two companies lately returned from Bengal, left the British with a force of eleven hundred Europeans, fifteen hundred Sepoys, and three thousand native irregulars fit to take the field; but, owing to the difficulty of collecting transport and supplies, the troops were not in a position to advance until the 6th of March. Meanwhile Lally had moved his army eastward2 from Arcot to Conjeveram, whence he returned himself to Pondicherry, leaving M. de Soupire in command with orders not to risk a general action. On the British side also the command had changed hands owing to the failing health both of Draper and of Lawrence, and had passed to Major Brereton of Draper's regiment3.
April 6.
April 15.
For fully4 three weeks the two hostile armies remained in sight of each other, de Soupire waiting to be attacked, and Brereton rightly declining to engage him except on the open plain. The capture of Conjeveram was important to the British, since the fort would cover such districts as they had already regained5, and so liberate6 their army for service farther afield. At[455] length Brereton determined7 to dislodge de Soupire, if possible, by threatening his communications south of the Paliar; so marching upon Wandewash, the most important French station between Madras and Pondicherry, he broke ground before it as if for a formal siege. De Soupire made no attempt to follow him, but finding himself pressed for money and supplies left a small garrison9 in Conjeveram and retired10 to Arcot, well content to be able to reach it without hazard of an action. Brereton thereupon made a forced march upon Conjeveram, and before de Soupire was aware that he had moved from Wandewash, had taken the fort, with little difficulty, by storm.
June.
Lally, who at the news of the siege of Wandewash had advanced northward11 from Pondicherry, halted on hearing of the capture of Conjeveram, and finally took up a position seven miles to westward12 of the fortress13. There Major Monson, who had taken the command from Brereton, thrice offered him battle; but Lally declined, and after a few weeks withdrew from the field, distributing his troops into cantonments at Arcot, Covrepauk, Carangooly, and Chittapett. In truth his army was rapidly going from bad to worse. A recent exchange of prisoners had restored to him five hundred French soldiers, who, having lived an idle and by no means uncomfortable life in custody14 of the British for five years, were very far from eager to resume hard work in the field. Their discontent soon extended itself to their comrades, and spread not the less rapidly since all alike were irregularly paid. Indeed, the garrisons15 both at Arcot and Covrepauk offered to betray these stations to the British for money, though, their hearts failing them at the last moment, they renounced16 their bargain. But events had begun to turn steadily17 against the French, while the British gathered strength on every side. At the end of June two hundred recruits arrived from England, and brought news that Colonel Eyre Coote was likewise on his way to Madras with his own battalion18, one thousand strong, which had been[456] lately raised in England. Brereton, who was once again in command, seized the opportunity afforded by his own strength and by French disaffection to make a dash upon Covrepauk, which surrendered almost without resistance. The flood-tide of British power was crawling slowly but surely to the south.
July.
Meanwhile disquieting19 symptoms had been observed in another quarter, from which British influence had for some years suffered little trouble. There was intelligence of a Dutch armament fitting out at Batavia for the Bay of Bengal, which, although nominally20 designed merely to reinforce the Dutch garrisons, could not, from the known jealousy22 of the Dutch over the British successes in Bengal, be credited with any very friendly intentions. Admiral Pocock, who was cruising off Pondicherry in daily expectation of a French squadron, had already picked up transports with five companies of Coote's regiment, and had received permission to keep these troops to man his ships pending23 the engagement, for which he waited, with Admiral d'Aché. A sight of the Dutch fleet at Negapatam, however, convinced him that the troops would be needed ashore24; and he accordingly sent them to Madras, recommending that at least a part of them should be forwarded to Bengal. It will presently be seen that Pocock acted with admirable judgment25 and foresight26.
August.
Sept. 10.
Sept. 26.
Sept. 29.
This complication added not a little to the anxiety of the British, though some relief was afforded by news of Lally's continued troubles with his troops. At the beginning of August his own regiment, which was in garrison at Chittapett, broke into open mutiny and marched out of the fort with the avowed27 intention of joining the British. Their officers followed them, and by promises to discharge the arrears28 of their pay, now several months overdue29, succeeded in conciliating most of them; but sixty men persisted in their resolution and deliberately30 carried it out. The authorities at Madras seized the moment to order an advance on Wandewash; but before the troops could march there came fresh[457] important intelligence. D'Aché had arrived off the coast and had for the third time been engaged by Pocock; and the action though severe had ended indecisively in the retirement31 of the French squadron to Pondicherry. It was therefore uncertain what reinforcements might have been landed for the defence of Wandewash; besides which, as a further ground for caution, there were uncomfortable signs of renewed French intrigue32 at Hyderabad. But Brereton, knowing that Eyre Coote must shortly arrive to take the command from him, was burning to advance; and the authorities had not the heart to bid him halt. Accordingly, after some delay owing to heavy rain, Brereton marched from Conjeveram, with fifteen hundred European and twenty-five hundred native infantry33, besides cavalry34 and artillery35, and, misled by false information as to the strength of the French garrison, attacked Wandewash with a thousand British only. Though successful at the outset he was eventually repulsed36 with a loss of two hundred men. The reverse was unfortunate at so critical a time, but luckily was insufficient37 to shake the confidence of the British troops in themselves.
Nov.
In any case, moreover, Lally was in no position to take advantage of his success. D'Aché, though personally a brave man, was so much chagrined38 by his third failure that he sailed, in defiance39 of all protests, to Mauritius, leaving Pocock master of the sea. His desertion was a hard blow to Lally, for the indiscipline of his troops was ever increasing. In despair of help from other quarters he reverted40 to that from which he had at first so hastily withdrawn41, the court of Hyderabad; though affairs there had altered greatly since the departure of Bussy. Salabad Jung had been won to the British cause by the storm of Masulipatam; his brother Nizam Ali had always been Bussy's worst enemy; but there was still a third brother, Basalut Jung, who hated his brethren and had shown a friendly disposition43 towards Pondicherry. Him Bussy now[458] approached with the offer of the Nabobship of the Carnatic, if he would join the French with a body of native troops. The terms were agreed upon; Basalut Jung began to advance along the Pennar; and Bussy was on his way to him with five hundred Europeans, when he was recalled by the outbreak of a dangerous mutiny of the garrison which he had left behind him at Wandewash. Turning back, he succeeded by payment of six months' arrears in reducing the men to obedience44; but the incident was fatal to his negotiations45 with Basalut Jung; and after a few days of fruitless haggling46 he returned to Arcot, with no accession to his force but a few irregular levies47 of horse and foot.
Nov. 24.
Nov. 29.
Dec. 12.
Foiled in this direction Lally in despair determined to make a diversion in the south, and sent a force of nine hundred Europeans and a thousand Sepoys under M. Crillon to alarm Trichinopoly, while he himself marched northward to join Bussy at Arcot. Crillon duly succeeded in capturing the island of Seringham, and left a battalion of French there to keep the city in awe48; but Lally's rash division of his force between points so distant as Arcot and Trichinopoly gave the British an opportunity which they did not fail to grasp. Coote with the remainder of his regiment, in all six hundred men, had arrived at Madras, and though compelled to send two hundred men forthwith to Bengal, had been able to make good the deficiency with about the same number of exchanged prisoners who had arrived from Pondicherry. On the 21st of November Coote arrived at the British camp at Conjeveram, where he was joined two days later by the newly arrived troops. He had already made up his mind to attack Wandewash; but to conceal49 his intentions he despatched one detachment under Brereton to seize the fort of Trivatore on the road, sent another detachment with the heavy artillery to Chingleput, and himself marched upon Arcot. Brereton captured Trivatore without difficulty, and advancing forthwith upon Wandewash drove in the French outposts and[459] began to construct batteries. Coote thereupon joined him instantly by forced marches; on the 29th his batteries opened, and on the same day Wandewash surrendered. Without delay Coote pushed on to Carangooly, five-and-thirty miles to eastward, and took that also after a few days of siege. Then calling in all detachments to him, he on the 12th of December reunited his entire force at Wandewash.
Dec. 19.
Now Lally perceived the evil consequences of his diversion in the south. The capture of Wandewash and of the other posts retrieved50 at once any reputation that the British might have lost by Crillon's success at Seringham, while the possession of these forts was a solid gain to his enemy. He therefore hastily recalled Crillon, bidding him leave three hundred men only in Seringham and join him with the rest of his troops at Arcot. Meanwhile Bussy's irregular horse from that city spread desolation on the north of the Paliar to within twenty miles of Madras itself. The terror of these marauding bands drove all the natives from the open country to take refuge in the hills; and Coote, who had moved up to within a few miles of Arcot, as if to intercept51 Crillon on his march, was compelled by lack of supplies and inclement52 weather to cross the Paliar and distribute his troops into cantonments. So ended for the present the disjointed and indecisive operations in the Carnatic for the year 1759.
Oct.
Nov.
During these latter months any hope that Lally might have built on diversion of the British forces to Bengal by the menaces of the Dutch, had already been dashed to the ground. The Dutch armament, so much suspected of Pocock, had sailed to the mouth of the Hooghly in October; and Meer Jaffier, weary of his subjection and dependence53, had gone to Calcutta to concert with them the overthrow54 of the British in Bengal. The Dutch force consisted of seven hundred Europeans and eight hundred trained Malays on board the fleet; while at Chinsura, their settlement on the Hooghly, there were one hundred and fifty Dutch[460] soldiers, as well as native levies, which by Meer Jaffier's connivance55 and help were daily increasing in number. To meet this danger Clive could raise in and about Calcutta but three hundred and thirty men of the Hundred-and-First, and twelve hundred Sepoys; but he was a man accustomed to face heavy odds56. Summoning to him every man that could be spared from outlying stations, he called out the militia57 for the defence of Calcutta, organised two tiny bodies of volunteers, both horse and foot, ordered the British ships to sail up the Hooghly, and strengthened the batteries that commanded the river. At the beginning of November Forde and Knox arrived fresh from the triumph of Masulipatam, in time to furnish Clive with two admirable commanders. To Knox was assigned the command of the batteries, and to Forde that of the troops in the field.
Nov. 24.
In the second week of November the Dutch addressed a long letter of remonstrance58 and complaint to Calcutta, and shortly afterwards followed it up by seizing some small British vessels59 and burning the British agent's house at Fulta; after which they weighed anchor and stood up the river. Clive thereupon ordered Forde to move forward by Serampore upon Chinsura. Forde started accordingly with one hundred of the Hundred-and-First, four hundred Sepoys and four guns, and on the 23rd encamped in the suburbs of Chandernagore, three miles distant from Chinsura. The Dutch on the same evening sent one hundred and twenty Europeans and three hundred Sepoys from Chinsura to take up a position in the ruins of Chandernagore and bar his further advance. These Forde attacked and utterly60 defeated on the following morning, capturing their guns and pursuing them to the walls of Chinsura. Thus one part of the Dutch force was disposed of, which, had it waited for the co-operation of the troops on the river might have placed Forde between two fires.
On the evening of the fight Knox joined the[461] Colonel and raised his force to three hundred and twenty European infantry, fifty volunteer cavalry, eight hundred Sepoys, and one hundred native cavalry; with which Forde faced about to deal with the rest of the enemy. The Dutch squadron, for want of pilots, had moved but slowly up the river, but on the 21st it anchored just below the British batteries, and landed the troops on the western bank, with orders to march to Chinsura; which done, the ships dropped down the stream again to Melancholy61 Point. There on the following day Clive's armed East Indiamen under Captain Wilson attacked them, three ships against seven, and captured six of them on the spot, leaving only one to escape and to fall an easy prey62 to two British men-of-war that had arrived at the mouth of the river. This splendid little action cut off the Dutch troops from their base and ensured that any reverse must be fatal to them. Nor was that reverse long in coming. On the same evening Forde learned that the Dutch army would come up with him on the morrow, and wrote to Clive for instructions. Clive was playing whist when the letter reached him. He put down his cards, and without leaving the table wrote on the back of the letter, "Dear Forde, fight them immediately. I will send you the Order in Council to-morrow." Then taking up his hand again, he went on with the game.
Nov. 25.
Accordingly early in the morning of the 25th Forde took up a position midway between Chandernagore and Chinsura and astride of the road that connects them. His right rested on the village of Badara and his left on a mango-grove, both of which he occupied; while his front was covered by a broad, deep ravine behind which he posted his four guns. About ten o'clock the Dutch forces were seen approaching over the plain; and as soon as they were within range Forde's artillery opened fire. The Dutch advanced none the less with great firmness, until to their dismay they found themselves stopped by the ravine, of which they knew nothing. The leading files perforce halted abruptly63, while the[462] rear, not understanding the cause, pushed on and threw the whole body into confusion. Forde continued to ply64 them with artillery and musketry until they wavered, and then seized the moment to hurl65 his handful of European cavalry at them. This threw them into still greater disorder66; and the native horse charging in their turn completed the rout67. The entire force of the enemy, excepting sixty Dutchmen and two hundred and fifty Malays, was killed, wounded, or taken; and the Dutch settlements, humbled68 to the dust, sued not only for mercy but for protection. Clive used his opportunity so to shackle69 them that they could never again threaten British supremacy70 in Bengal; and the Dutch in Europe, being in alliance with England, disavowed the action of their fleet and paid compensation for the damage that it had done. Thus, far from diverting British troops from the principal conflict, the Dutch expedition served only to strengthen the foundations of British ascendency by the ruin of a still older rival than the French. In such fashion could Clive and Forde wrench71 profit out of adversity.
1760.
Jan. 8.
Jan. 13.
Jan. 15.
Jan. 21.
The death-blow to French rivalry72 also was now near at hand. On the 8th of January Crillon's force reached Arcot; and in the evening of the 11th, after three days of man?uvring, Lally divided his army into two columns, and leaving Bussy with one of them at Trivatore, made a forced march with the other upon Conjeveram. So effectively had his Mahratta cavalry screened his movements that Coote knew nothing of them, until he received a message from the officer commanding at Conjeveram itself. He at once made a forced march to save the fort, but on arriving found that Lally had been content with the plunder73 of the town and had marched to rejoin Bussy at Trivatore. Taking five hundred Europeans, a thousand Sepoys, and six hundred and fifty French and Mahratta horse, Lally left Trivatore on the 14th and marched on Wandewash, which had been his true object from the first. Coote received intelligence of his departure on the same[463] evening, and on the following day marched also by the direct road to the same point. Lally meanwhile, anxious to recapture the post before Coote's arrival, had in the morning of the 15th attacked a small British detachment in the southern suburb and driven it with some difficulty into the fort; after which he began to erect74 batteries against the walls. On the 17th he learned from Bussy that Coote was advancing against him; by which time the British had actually arrived at Outramalore, about fifteen miles to north-east of Wandewash. Here Coote halted, being secure of his communications with Chingleput and Madras, and resolved not to risk an action until the French were ready to assault the fort. The French works meanwhile progressed but slowly; and it was not until the 20th that the batteries opened fire, Bussy's column having meanwhile joined Lally from Trivatore. On the next day Coote advanced to within seven miles of Wandewash, and on the 22nd, having directed that the rest of the army should immediately follow him, he went forward at sunrise with his cavalry to reconnoitre.
Jan. 22.
About seven o'clock Coote's advanced guard struck against an advanced party of Lally's native horse; and presently three thousand Mahratta cavalry came swarming75 over the plain in his front. Coote brought up a couple of guns masked behind his own cavalry, and wheeling his squadrons outwards76, right and left, when within close range, opened a fire which sent the Mahrattas flying back with heavy loss. Then halting the main body of his army he went forward to examine the French camp. He found it marked out in two lines about two miles to the east of the fort and facing eastward, the left flank of each line being covered by a large tank. In advance of their left front were two smaller tanks, of which the foremost had been turned into an entrenchment77 and armed with cannon78, so as to enfilade the whole front of the camp and command the plain beyond it. Leaving the advanced guard halted where it stood, he returned and brought up his main army, formed in[464] two lines, in order of battle before the camp. Finding after a short halt that no notice was taken by Lally, he caused the whole force to file to its right across the French front towards the foot of a mountain, which stood about two miles to northward of the fort. As soon as the leading files had reached some stony79 ground, impassable by cavalry, close to the mountain's base, Coote again halted and fronted, at a distance of about a mile and a half from the enemy. Seeing that this movement also passed unnoticed, he ordered the army to file along the skirt of the mountain round the French left flank. By thus coasting the hill until he came opposite to the fort he would be able to form his line with his left resting on the mountain and his right covered by the fire of the fort, thus at once securing communications with the garrison and threatening the French flank and rear.
Before this masterly man?uvre could be fully completed, Lally came hurriedly out of his camp; and presently the whole of the French army was observed to be in motion. Coote thereupon desisted from his movement round their left flank, halted his filing columns, and fronting them to the left, formed his line of battle obliquely80 to the enemy. Lally was thus compelled to cancel his preconcerted dispositions81, to change front from east to north-east, and, while still resting his left on the entrenched82 tank, to move forward his right in order to bring his line parallel to that of the British.[344] None the less this tank remained the pivot[465] of his position. His army was formed in a single line in the following order. On the extreme right were three hundred European cavalry; next to them stood Regiment Lorraine, four hundred strong; next to Lorraine the European Regiment of India formed the centre; and to the left of the centre stood Regiment Lally with its left flank resting on the entrenched tank, the entrenchment itself being manned by marines, with four guns. Three guns were also posted between the tank and Lally's regiment, and as many more in the intervals83 between the different corps84 of the line, making sixteen guns in all. The smaller tank, which by the change of disposition was now in rear of the entrenched tank, was held by four hundred native infantry; while nine hundred Sepoys were ranged on a ridge85 before the camp. The total force drawn42 out for the action amounted to twenty-two hundred and fifty Europeans,[345] cavalry and infantry, and thirteen hundred Sepoys; some five hundred men more of both nationalities being left in the batteries before Wandewash. The Mahratta horse, having tasted the fire of the British artillery earlier in the day, had no relish86 for further share in the action.
Coote's army was drawn up in three lines. The first line was composed of four European battalions87, with a battalion of nine hundred Sepoys on either flank. Of the Europeans, Draper's regiment held the right; the Hundred-and-Second, in two weak battalions, the centre; and Coote's the left. Three field-guns were[466] posted in the intervals on each flank of Draper's and of Coote's, and two more with an escort of two companies of Sepoys were detached a little in advance of the left of the first line. The second line was made up of three hundred European grenadiers in the centre, with a fieldpiece and a body of two hundred Sepoys on each flank. The third line consisted entirely88 of cavalry, eighty Europeans forming the centre, with natives on either flank. The total force in the field was nineteen hundred and eighty Europeans, twenty-one hundred Sepoys, and twelve hundred and fifty native horse, with sixteen guns.
In this order the British advanced; but before they arrived within cannon-shot Lally caught up his squadron of European hussars, and making a wide sweep over the plain came down with it upon the cavalry in the British third line. Coote's native cavalry at once broke and fled away, and the left divisions of Sepoys, while changing front to meet the attack, showed signs of wavering; but the weak squadron of British horse stood firm, and the two detached guns of the left front under Captain Barker coming into action at short range in the nick of time, brought down ten or fifteen men and horses at their first fire. The French horse thereupon broke despite all Lally's efforts to stop them, and would not be rallied until they had galloped89 far to the rear. During this attack the British halted, while the French batteries fired wildly and unsteadily with grape, though their enemy was not yet within range of round shot. Coote coolly continued his advance until his guns could play effectively, and then opened a most destructive fire. Lally finding his men impatient under the punishment placed himself at their head, and gave the word to move forward. Coote thereupon halted the whole of his force excepting the Europeans of the first and second lines, and advanced to meet him with these alone. Like Forde at Condore he staked everything on the defeat of the French regular troops.
Coote, true to the English rule, intended to reserve[467] his volley for close range; but some few Africans who were mingled90 in the ranks of the British opened fire without command, and this disorder was only with difficulty prevented from spreading to the whole line. Coote, galloping91 from right to left of the line, actually received two or three bullets through his clothes. Order being restored, he took up his station on the left by his own regiment; and at about one o'clock the fire of musketry became general. Coote's regiment had fired but two rounds, when Lally formed Regiment Lorraine on the French right into a column of twelve men abreast92, and ordered it to charge with the bayonet. Anticipating Wellington's tactics of a later day Coote met column with line, reserved his fire until the French were within fifty yards, and then poured in a volley which tore the front and flanks of Lorraine to tatters. None the less the gallant93 Frenchmen, unchecked by their losses, pressed on the faster; and in another minute the two regiments94 had closed and were fighting furiously hand to hand. The column broke by sheer weight through the small fragment of line opposed to it; but the remainder of Coote's closed instantly upon its flanks; and after a short struggle Lorraine, already much shattered by the volley, broke up in confusion and ran back to the camp, with the British in hot pursuit, carrying dismay into the ranks of the Sepoys. Coote paused only to order his regiment to be reformed, and galloped away to see how things fared with Draper on the right.
As he passed, a flash and a dense95 cloud of smoke shot up from the entrenched tank, followed by a roar which rose loud above the din8 of battle. A lucky shot from the British guns had blown up a tumbril of French ammunition96. The commander of the entrenchment was killed, eighty of his men were slain97 or disabled around him, and the rest of his force, abandoning the guns, fled in panic to the French right, followed by the Sepoys from the smaller tank in rear. Coote instantly ordered Draper's regiment to advance and occupy the entrenchment; but Bussy, who[468] commanded on the French left, brought forward Lally's regiment to threaten their flank as they advanced, and forced them to fetch a compass and file away to their right. Bussy thus gained time to rally some of the fugitives98 and to re-occupy the tank with a couple of platoons; but Draper's men, with Major Brereton at their head, moved too fast to allow him to complete his dispositions, and coming down impetuously upon the north face of the tank swept the French headlong out of it. Brereton fell mortally wounded in the attack, but bade his men leave him and push on. The leading files hurried round to the southern face of the tank, opened fire on the gunners posted between Lally's regiment and the parapet, and drove them from their guns; while the rest hurriedly formed up on their left to resist any attempt upon the eastern face. Bussy did all that a gallant man could do, but the odds were too great for him; and he could hope for no help, since all the rest of the line was hotly engaged. He wheeled Lally's regiment round at right angles to the line to meet the fire on its flank, and detached a couple of platoons from his left against the western face of the tank; but his men shrank from the British fire and would not come to close quarters. Then two of Draper's guns came up, and opening on the right flank of Lally's regiment raked it through and through. As a last chance Bussy placed himself at the head of his wavering troops and led them straight at the southern face of the tank; but his horse was shot under him, and on looking round he saw but twenty men following him, the rest having no heart for the conflict. Two platoons of Draper's at once doubled round to cut them off, while Major Monson came up with part of the grenadiers of the second line to support Draper's attack. Bussy and his devoted99 little band were surrounded and made prisoners, and the whole of Lally's regiment was captured or dispersed100.
The battalions of the centre on both sides had throughout kept up a continual fire at long range;[469] but when the French Regiment of India perceived both its flanks to be uncovered, it faced about and retreated, hastily indeed but in good order. Lally had some time before attempted to bring forward the Sepoys from the ridge, but they had refused to move; and the Mahrattas took themselves off when they saw how the day was going. Nothing was left to Lally but his few squadrons of French horse, which came forward nobly to save his army. A few men of Regiment Lorraine, heartened by their appearance, harnessed the teams to three field-guns and joined with the cavalry in covering the retreat. The British squadron was too weak to attack, and Coote's native horse refused to face the French cavalry; so Lally was able to set fire to his camp, collect the men from his batteries, and to retire in better order than his officers had dared to hope.
None the less the victory was sufficiently101 complete. Two hundred of the Frenchmen lay dead on the field, as many more were wounded, and one hundred and sixty were taken, so that Lally's loss amounted to close on six hundred Europeans. Besides this, twenty-four guns were taken, together with all the tents, stores, and baggage that remained unburnt. Against this the British had lost but sixty-three killed and one hundred and twenty-four wounded, Draper's being the regiment that suffered most severely102. The native troops had few casualties, for practically none but Europeans were engaged. The speedy defeat of the French was doubtless due to the explosion which gave away the key of their position; and there can be no question but that this fortunate accident immensely simplified Coote's task for him. On the other hand, it may be asked why, seeing that this tank was the key of the position, Lally should have garrisoned103 it with sailors and marines, the worst instead of the best of his troops. It is improbable that, even without this stroke of luck, the ultimate issue of the action could have been different, especially if Lally's own figures as to the strength of[470] his own force be accepted as correct. It is plain that he felt no great confidence in his troops, and that his distrust was justified104. His cavalry would not stand by him in his first attack on Coote's rear; his artillery was unsteady; he did not venture to attack the British infantry except with column against line; he seems to have advanced in the first instance chiefly because his men chafed105 under the fire of the British artillery; and his attack on Coote's left was not only a failure in itself but took all the heart out of his Sepoys. Coote, on the other hand, felt perfect reliance on his troops, and proved it by advancing finally with his infantry only, leaving his guns to follow as they could. Moreover, he had the choicest of his troops, the grenadiers, still in reserve at the close of the action; so that it would have been open to him, after the defeat of Lorraine, to have turned these or his own regiment upon the flank of the French battalions in the centre, and to have rolled up their line from right to left instead of from left to right. In fact, from the moment that he forced Lally to come out and fight, the superiority of his troops assured him of victory; and it is probable that Lally himself was painfully aware of the fact. The tragic106 fate of the French commander a few years later made him an object of compassion107 to foe108 and friend, but it is plain that the disaster of Wandewash was principally of his own making. Bussy had begged him to desist from the siege on Coote's approach, but he would not, and was therefore unable to oppose his full strength to his enemy. Finally, though he wished to decline any engagement except a direct attack on his camp, he was out-man?uvred and compelled to fight on his adversary109's terms. In the face of such facts, whatever our sympathy with a gallant and unfortunate man, it is idle to ascribe his defeat to mere21 accident, although that defeat was a mortal blow to French domination in India.
Jan. 29.
Feb. 9.
Feb. 29.
April 5.
Lally on the next day fell back to Chittapett, and[471] sending the Mahrattas and native troops to Arcot retired to Gingee to cover Pondicherry. Coote on learning of his withdrawal110 from Chittapett determined to attack that post, while yet he might, with his whole army; and after a few hours' cannonade compelled it to surrender. Then instead of following Lally up further, he bent111 himself, after the fashion of Amherst, to systematic112 reduction of all the minor113 posts held by the French. Arcot, the first object chosen, fell after a siege of a few days; Timery, a few miles to south-east of Arcot, fell at the same time; Trinomalee surrendered on the last day of February; Permacoil and Alumparva were taken after some resistance early in March. Coote, however, was wounded at Permacoil; and the capture of Carical, the one French station left on the coast, was entrusted114 to Major Monson, who speedily effected it with the help of Admiral Cornish's squadron, which had arrived on the coast six weeks before. The possession of Carical was of importance, since, being an outlet115 from the rich country of Tanjore, it could have kept Pondicherry supplied with provisions; while it was also a port wherein a French squadron could obtain not only victuals116 but also intelligence before proceeding117 to Pondicherry. Lally, amid all his preparations for defence, in his heart gave up the capital for lost after its fall.
July 17.
August.
On the 7th of April Coote re-assumed command, and drawing a chain of posts around Pondicherry from Alumparva to Chillumbrum, closed in slowly upon the doomed118 city. Lally had allowed him to capture far too many of his men piecemeal119 in different garrisons; but he now called in all French troops from Trichinopoly and other posts in the south, and entered into an agreement with Hyder Ali, then commander of the forces at Mysore, engaging to concede large tracts120 of territory in return for the services of eight thousand men. This accession of strength to the enemy hampered121 Coote not a little for the moment, the more so since a detachment which he sent to check the[472] advance of the Mysoreans was totally defeated. But the relief to Lally was short-lived; for dearth122 of provisions and unwillingness123 to be attached to the losing side soon caused his new allies to withdraw. Even so, however, the British force was not strong enough to undertake a regular siege of Pondicherry, and Coote was obliged to content himself with a mere blockade.
Sept. 2.
Sept. 4.
1761.
April 5.
At length reinforcements arrived for the Company's troops, together with half a regiment of Morris's Highlanders[346] under Major Hector Munro. Three men-of-war also came with the transports, raising the squadron before Pondicherry to seventeen sail. Lally, rightly guessing that more vigorous operations would follow on this increase of the British force, devised a plan of extreme skill and daring for the surprise of their camp; but fortune was as usual against him. His combinations miscarried; and his troops after showing conspicuous124 gallantry were repulsed. From that day the end drew rapidly near. Coote indeed forsook125 the siege for a time on finding that Colonel Monson had been promoted over his head, but was soon obliged to take command again on the disabling of Monson by a wound. It would be of no profit to linger over the dying agony of Pondicherry. Lally, despite shameful126 disloyalty and opposition127 from the civil authorities, resolved to fight on to the end, trusting that d'Aché might come with his squadron to his relief; and his regular troops worked for him with a fidelity128 and devotion worthy129 of the best traditions of France. Once there came a gleam of hope. On the last day of 1760 a sudden hurricane burst over the city and harbour which overwhelmed three of the British ships with all hands on board, drove three more of them ashore, and ruined all the works of the besiegers. But the surviving ships returned within a week to resume the blockade, and no d'Aché arrived to interrupt them. The British works were repaired and pushed forward;[473] and on the 15th of January the garrison, being on the brink130 of starvation, surrendered. A few weeks sufficed to reduce the few isolated131 fortresses132 which were still held by French garrisons; and on the 5th of April the white flag of the Bourbons had ceased to fly in India.
So after fifteen years of strange vicissitude133 ended the long struggle of French and English for empire in the East. That the result was due as much to the shortcomings of the French Government as to the prowess of her adversary is unquestionable; for the corruption134 and mismanagement both at Versailles and at Pondicherry were sufficient to wreck135 any empire. Still the failure of the French was due to something more than mere maladministration. Though no people is so patriotic136 where the soil of their own country is at stake, Frenchmen once passed across the sea appear to be cursed with a fatal tendency to jealousy, distrust, and disunion. In Canada as in India the same forces were always at work to undermine French influence and neutralise French success. Individual Frenchmen are found wielding137 vast power and authority with consummate138 ability; yet such men are always alone; not one of them can command the loyal service of his countrymen. Even Dupleix, the Napoleon of India, was thwarted139 at every turn by his subordinates; for Bussy may be considered to have held practically an independent command. Again, setting aside individuals of brilliant talent, the general average of capacity was lower on the French side. It may have been that ability was by some strange coincidence absent; or that commanders had no power or were too jealous to select the ablest of their subordinates for important work; or indeed that capable subalterns found the acceptance of a great trust too thankless at the hands of such superiors. In any case the result remains140 the same. There are Dupleix, Bussy, and Paradis on one side, and on the other Clive, Saunders, Lawrence, Forde, Coote, Brereton, Caillaud, Kilpatrick, Knox,—captains, lieutenants141 and ensigns innumerable, all prepared to accept[474] independent command and yet to work loyally for the common cause. Before long there will have to be told a story of administrative142 cupidity143 and corruption in Calcutta as shameful as ever disgraced Pondicherry; and yet always young officers come forward to undertake the most perilous144 work and to carry it to a successful end. Such a contrast points to a distinction between the two nations which is more deeply rooted than in mere accidents of administration. Partly no doubt the victory of the British was due to the traditions that kept archer145 and man-at-arms together at Crecy, and may be ascribed to peculiarities146 of social and political organisation147. But beyond this there appears to be something in the national character which makes it difficult for a Frenchman, outside the borders of France, to assume high station without dangerous exaggeration of his self-esteem; while the Briton, for all his energetic and imperious nature, has the grim humour and the deep melancholy of his kind, ever whispering to him of the vanity of great place.
Authorities.—Orme's Military Transactions continues to be the chief authority though it unfortunately closes without giving account of Forde's action at Badara. The actions of Wandewash, Condore and Badara are described at length in Colonel Malleson's Decisive Battles of India, where the authorities are quoted. The French side of the story is presented by the same author in his History of the French in India, based chiefly on the memoirs148 of Lally and Bussy. Wilks's History of Mysore, the Memoirs of Stringer Lawrence, and the Biographies of Clive by Malleson and Malcolm are also of value.
Walker & Boutall del.
To face Page 474.
TRICHINOPOLY.
COVREPAUK, Feb. 3 14 1752.
PLASSEY, June 23rd 1757.
MASULIPATAM, The Assault of 8th April 1759.
WANDEWASH, 22nd Jan. 1760.
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1
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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2
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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14
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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16
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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17
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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18
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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19
disquieting
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| adj.令人不安的，令人不平静的v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的现在分词 ) | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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26
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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27
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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28
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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29
overdue
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| adj.过期的，到期未付的；早该有的，迟到的 | |
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30
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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31
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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32
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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33
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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34
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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35
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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36
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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37
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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38
chagrined
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| adj.懊恼的，苦恼的v.使懊恼，使懊丧，使悔恨( chagrin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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39
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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40
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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41
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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42
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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43
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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44
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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45
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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46
haggling
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| v.讨价还价( haggle的现在分词 ) | |
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47
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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48
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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49
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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50
retrieved
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| v.取回( retrieve的过去式和过去分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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51
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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52
inclement
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| adj.严酷的，严厉的，恶劣的 | |
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53
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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54
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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55
connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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56
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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57
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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58
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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59
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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60
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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61
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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62
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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63
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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64
ply
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| v.(搬运工等)等候顾客，弯曲 | |
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65
hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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66
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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67
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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68
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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69
shackle
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| n.桎梏，束缚物；v.加桎梏，加枷锁，束缚 | |
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70
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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71
wrench
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| v.猛拧；挣脱；使扭伤；n.扳手；痛苦，难受 | |
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72
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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73
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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74
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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75
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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76
outwards
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| adj.外面的，公开的，向外的；adv.向外；n.外形 | |
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77
entrenchment
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| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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78
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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79
stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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obliquely
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| adv.斜； 倾斜； 间接； 不光明正大 | |
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81
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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82
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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83
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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84
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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85
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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86
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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87
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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88
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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89
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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90
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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91
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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92
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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93
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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97
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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101
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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103
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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118
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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piecemeal
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| adj.零碎的；n.片，块；adv.逐渐地；v.弄成碎块 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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forsook
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| forsake的过去式 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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vicissitude
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| n.变化，变迁，荣枯，盛衰 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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wielding
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的现在分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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143
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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archer
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| n.射手，弓箭手 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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