The prose writers may be considered in four sets. First we have the purely7 literary authors, the critics and novelists such as Lyly, Sidney, Greene, Nash, and others, of whose style, with its "brave conceits8," euphuism, and metaphors9 we have already, spoken. Next (2) we have the controversial pamphleteers, who wrangled11 mainly about religion and Church government, defending or attacking the Established Church with its usages; or Puritanism with its love of Presbyterian discipline, and hatred12 of the cross in baptism, the surplice, and other "rags of Rome". While Government supported the cause of the Established Church and severely13 handled recalcitrant14 ministers of the Puritan party, some Puritan writers went so far as to threaten war against the cause of the detested15 Bishops16. On both sides temper rose to fever-heat, and the controversy18 was conducted in a prose style which was full of abuse and satire19. Meanwhile (3) Hooker wrote on the same disputed themes in a style lofty, logical, and harmonious20; and in his "History of the World," Sir Walter Raleigh often played on language with the effect of "a solemn music". Lastly (4) Bacon in his essays touched on familiar themes in a style of brief sentences, witty22, or poetic, or philosophical23, which was all his own; which came home, as he says, "to men's business and[Pg 266] bosoms24"; and, of all the manners which we have described, that of Bacon remains25 by far the most easily and most commonly appreciated.
Meanwhile the common fault of men who wrote in prose was the inability to tell a plain tale; to say succinctly26, distinctly, and unmistakably what they meant. Perhaps they did not always wish to be understood, but even when Elizabethan and Jacobean writers were anxious to be lucid27, their fanciful tropes and long sentences often detain or defy the modern reader.
This defect arose partly from imitation of the structure of stately Latin sentences in Roman literature. But in Latin the nature of the grammar does not permit the meaning to be lost. When books were comparatively rare, and leisure was plentiful28, readers did not grudge29 the time passed over tall and massive folios and long stately involved periods. Now and again, in the age of Elizabeth as in the Restoration, the lighter30 authors took refuge in a style lax, colloquial31, and charged with current slang. A century must pass before we arrive at the unadorned plain manner of Dean Swift.
It was not that the Elizabethans lacked the power to write tersely32, simply, and clearly. So luxuriant a poet as Spenser was the master of a perfectly33 clear and unadorned prose style, deeply interesting in his work on the condition of Ireland. The letters of such diplomatists as Randolph, Queen Elizabeth's envoy34 to the Court of Mary, Queen of Scots, are as clear and amusing, or, once or twice, as pathetic, to-day, as when they were written. But the prose of literature was entangled35 and encumbered36 by the search of ornament37, of esprit at all costs, and by copious38 antitheses39 and, among the lighter writers, by "clenches40" and even by slang.
Hooker.
"It is not to be doubted but that Richard Hooker was born at Heavytree" (near Exeter), says Izaak Walton, about 1553. But sceptics have averred41 that he was born in Southgate Street, in Exeter. His parents were not rich, and, aided by Bishop17 Jewel, he entered Corpus Christi College, Oxford42, in 1567, as a Bible[Pg 267] Clerk. In 1577 he obtained a Fellowship; in 1579 was Reader in Hebrew, a tongue with which few Oxford men were, or are, familiarly acquainted. About four years later he took holy orders, had a severe cold, and married a wife recommended by the lady who had nursed him in his illness. "The good man," says Walton, "had no cause to rejoice in the wife of his youth," for "the contentions44 of a wife" (at least of Mrs. Hooker), "are a continual dropping." He took a living in Buckinghamshire, and experienced "the corroding45 cares that attend a married priest". Among these was reading Horace while he watched his sheep, and rocking his child's cradle.
A friend, Edwin Sandys, finding him in these distressful46 circumstances, obtained for him the Mastership of the Temple (1585) during the "Martin Marprelate" controversy, in which the boisterous47 Nash bore a part. A lecturer, Travers, opposed Hooker's theological positions, for Hooker, it seems, had maintained that all Catholics are not necessarily damned to all eternity48. In 1591 Hooker obtained the living of Boscombe in Wilts49, and in 1595 moved to that of Bishopsbourne near Canterbury, where he died in 1600.
The first four books of his "Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity" appeared in 1594, the fifth in 1597, the rest was posthumously50 published. The book was admired by James VI, who read it in Scotland, and by the Pope and Cardinal51 Allen. Hooker was a good, devout52, simple man, a most laborious53 parish minister, and so short-sighted that Walton accounts for his choice of a wife (if he could be said to choose her), by this defect of vision.
The great work of Hooker, "The Ecclesiastical Polity," is an argument against the Puritans who, from matters like the surplice to matters like the Liturgy54, desired in all things to imitate the "discipline" of Geneva and of Presbyterian Scotland. In the Martin Marprelate controversy, as in all old controversy, the style, as we shall see, had been extremely scurrilous55 on both sides. Hooker, on the other hand, writes like a gentleman, a scholar, and a Christian56. As the dispute was really between men of two opposed temperaments57 and characters, arguments, however learned, moderate, and logical, could not make converts. The Reformation[Pg 268] had brought not peace but a sword. Religious differences, mingled58 with political differences, soon broke into civil war under Charles I.
Hooker begins by stating that the opponents of the Church of England, "right well affected60 and most religiously inclined minds," must, he supposed, "have had some marvellous reasonable inducements" for desiring to upset the existing ecclesiastical settlement. He therefore studied the subject diligently61, and could find "no law of God or reason of man" against the attitude of the defenders62 of the settlement, and no proof that the Presbyterian "discipline," "by error and misconceit named 'the ordinance63 of Jesus Christ,'" was so in very deed.
After a pathetic request for a fair hearing "of the words of one who desireth even to embrace together with you the self-same truth, if it be the truth," he gave a history of the discipline as introduced by Calvin at Geneva. Calvin, he said, by "sifting64 the very utmost sentence and syllable65" of the New Testament66 found that certain passages seemed to him to enjoin67 that congregations should have elders with power of excommunication (with fearful civil consequences) but Calvin had "never proved that Scripture68 doth necessarily enforce these things"; or enforce any other thing in which the Puritans differed from the Church established. Manifestly an opponent would blow away this argument with any isolated69 scriptural text, whatever its original application, which as he thought backed his opinion.
Hooker analysed Puritan demagogic methods, spiritual pretensions70, and habit of leading women captive. "But, be they women or be they men, if once they have tasted of that cup, let any man of contrary opinion open his mouth to persuade them, they close up their ears, his reasons they weigh not at all, all is answered with the words of John, 'We are of God, he that knoweth God heareth us.'"
All this was, in fact, the case; it was superfluous71 to write a long book, with quotations72 about the Angels from the pre-Christian Greek Orphic poems, for the purpose of converting people who closed their ears. When Hooker, wrote, some Puritan writers had already threatened civil war; their martyrs73, in fact, lay in Newgate, and their blood was up. What they desired was not to be[Pg 269] tolerated, but to dominate the consciences of others. One text both parties could use, "Compel them to come in."
The style of Hooker is somewhat rich in Latinized components75. He is remote from euphuistic conceits; and does not rise into eloquence76 except when his subject elevates his mind and style. A celebrated77 example is his defence of Church music.
"Touching78 musical harmony whether by instrument or by voice, it being but of high and low in sounds a due proportionable disposition79, such notwithstanding is the force thereof, and so pleasing effects it hath in that very part of man which is most divine, that some have been thereby81 induced to think that the soul itself by nature is or hath in it harmony. A thing which delighteth all ages and beseemeth all states; a thing as seasonable in grief as in joy; as decent being added unto actions of greatest weight and solemnity, as being used when men most sequester82 themselves from action. The reason hereof is an admirable facility which music hath to express and represent to the mind, more inwardly than any other sensible mean, the very standing80, rising, and falling, the very steps and inflections every way, the turns and varieties of all passions whereunto the mind is subject; yea, so to imitate them, that whether it resemble unto us the same state wherein our minds already are, or a clean contrary, we are not more contentedly83 by the one confirmed, than changed and led away by the other. In harmony the very image and character even of virtue84 and vice85 is perceived, the mind delighted with their resemblances, and brought by having them often iterated into a love of the things themselves." Magnificent as is the harmony of these sentences, and severe as is the logical thought which they express, the modern reader finds that he cannot get at the sense of them by merely running his eye over them. The sentences must be carefully construed87, and such writing cannot possibly be popular; as, in some degree, some writings of Bacon still remain.
The posthumously published books of Hooker were supposed to have been tampered88 with by the Editors. Hooker did not publish his sermons, of which several were put forth89 after his death. Even his Puritan adversaries90 could not with decency91 have[Pg 270] complained that they are too short. In one sermon he speaks freely of the Pope as "The Man of Sin".
"Martin Marprelate."
We cannot here do more than mention the masters of the fierce controversial prose; indeed their names, often, can only be guessed. They fought like wild cats, with the yells of these animals when enraged92, in the wordy war of "Martin Marprelate," or "Bishop's bane". Archbishop Whitgift (1586) obtained a decree from the Star Chamber93 for the suppression of pamphlets that attacked the usages of the Established Church. Till 1593 the battle of books lasted; and then Parliament silenced the Puritans—for a while. The authors, taking the name of "Martin Marprelate," entered the fray94, on the Puritan side, with the weapon of satire, banter95, and Billingsgate, in autumn, 1588. Martin, whoever he or they may have been, employed a secret press, owned by one Waldegrave, that was set up now in one place, now in another. The history of the secret presses, of Waldegrave and of his successors, is curious. The learned Udall, John Penry ("the Father of Welsh Dissent") and other combatants, were imprisoned96; Penry was hanged.
There remain seven tracts97 by Marprelate, in a style of variegated98 abuse, banter, and "gag": Bishop Cooper found that his name yielded gross palpable quips and puns to the Puritan wags who wrote for "the man in the street". Martin was no Pascal, his weapons were not the small sword but the jester's bladder on a stick, and the bully's bludgeon. The Anti-Martinists answered with the same weapons, as Nash and Lyly were responsible for certain pamphlets; Greene took a hand in the fray, and it faded out in a literary and personal squabble with Gabriel Harvey.
The Martin Marprelate tracts were revolutionary, and afford a singular instance in which the wit exhibited itself on the Puritan side.
Serious treatment of serious themes, on the other hand, is nobly vindicated99 in the great work of Richard Hooker.
Bacon.
A style quite unlike that of Hooker is Bacon's. Francis Bacon, later Lord Verulam and Viscount St. Albans, was born in 1561, a younger son of Sir Nicholas Bacon (long time Keeper of the Seals under Elizabeth), and of his wife Elizabeth Cooke, daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, and sister of the wife of the famous Cecil, Lord Burleigh. Bacon did not profit much by the high place of his uncle William, and his cousin Robert Cecil. They retarded100 from jealousy101 the worldly advancement102, to secure which, and to aid the progress of Science, were Bacon's leading desires. After[Pg 271] leaving Trinity College, Cambridge, and studying law at Gray's Inn, Bacon followed to Paris Sir Amyas Paulet, later the jailer of Queen Mary Stuart at Fotheringay. He was called to the Bar in 1582, and in 1584 entered Parliament, on the Court side. Ben Jonson has left lofty praise of his eloquent103 sagacity in debate. His memoirs104 of advice to Elizabeth were more admired than followed in practice. He was in favour of moderation towards both Catholics and Puritans. He attached himself to the fortunes of the Queen's brilliant wayward favourite, Essex, but his wisdom was not what Essex was fitted by nature to follow: he swayed the woman in Elizabeth by his beauty and daring grace: his military ambitions were distasteful to the pacific and parsimonious105 Queen. The mad enterprise of Essex, on Scottish models, to seize the Royal person, was no true English political move; it led to his trial, and Bacon was the leading speaker in his benefactor's prosecution106. "It is the wisdom of rats," says Bacon, "that will leave a house some time before it fall" ("Essays," "Of Wisdom for a Man's Self").
He has never been forgiven for an action which could scarcely appear other than judicious107, and praiseworthy, and even necessary, to himself. Like Cecil he made advances to James VI of Scotland, when it was clear that Elizabeth could not, as James feared, "last as long as sun and moon". On James, Bacon bestowed109 all his wisdom, and spoke10 for the project of union between England and Scotland, a project not realized till after the lapse110 of a century.
Partly through the influence of King James's favourite, Buckingham, Bacon received promotion111; he became Attorney-General; in 1617, Keeper of the Seals, like his father; in 1618, Chancellor112, and Baron113 Verulam; in 1621 Viscount St. Albans. In the same year he was accused of taking gifts from suitors (then a not uncommon114 practice), pled guilty, with qualifications, and was disgraced. His last years were spent in literary pursuits at his place, Gorhambury, near St. Albans; he caught cold in an experiment in freezing poultry115 and died in March, 1626.
The industry of his biographer, Mr. Spedding, has not wholly redeemed116 the character of Bacon, whose personality does not endear him to mankind, and was not on a level with his genius.[Pg 272] That genius was literary in a very high degree, and was influenced by a desire to benefit humanity through scientific knowledge of the laws of Nature and of human nature. To this task he brought an enthusiasm which reminds us of a man so different from himself as Shelley. In Bacon's belief, man might be and ought to be the master of things; and a reasoned account of all things in nature was the inventory117 of human possessions. To make this inventory, and to discover a new method of "interrogating118 nature," putting her to the question and wrenching119 from her all her precious secrets, was the main object of his scientific meditations120.
His first important book, however, the "Essaies" (1597), was literary, and no doubt was suggested by the Essays of Montaigne, which were also familiar to Shakespeare. In its original form the book contained but ten brief studies, but Bacon kept improving them and adding to their number. There are thirty-four in the edition of 1612, fifty-eight in that of 1625. It is dedicated121 to Buckingham, who is informed that he has "planted things that are like to last," an unlucky prediction. "Of all my other works," adds Bacon, "my essays have been most current; for that, as it seems, they come home to men's business and bosoms". The phrase is a proverb,—indeed the essays, as the man said of "Hamlet," are "made up of quotations" of phrases that are now household words.
The genius of Bacon, in the essay, and even in his scientific works, "The Advancement of Learning" (1605), and the Latin "Novum Organum" (1620), was not desultory122, like Montaigne's, but aphoristic123. He coined Maxims124 or Aphorisms125, brief sayings, weighty with wisdom, brilliant with points of wit and fancy, which sometimes remind us of La Rochefoucauld. It is interesting to compare the first drafts of the Essays in 1597 with the finished work in 1625, where they are considerably126 enlarged, and altered in details. "Of Faction127" is increased fourfold, and strengthened by examples from Roman history. Like all the men of his time, Bacon is rich in classical references and anecdotes128 which, with him, are not tedious and pedantic129. When he quotes Homer it is in Latin hexameters, he cites a Roman altered adaptation, "a prophecy, as it seems, of the Roman Empire,"[Pg 273] which, of course, Homer never predicted; but the Latin form serves Bacon's theory of "prophecies that have been of certain memorys and from hidden causes". This wise man notes that "the King of Spain's surname, they say, is Norway," in order that a folk-prophecy may be fulfilled by the defeat of the Armada. However on the whole he regards fulfilled prophecies, not scriptural, as accidental coincidences. "Men mark when they hit, and never mark when they miss, as they do generally also of dreams."
There is something pathetic in Bacon's wise futilities and generalities on the most pressing political question of his time, "Unity130 in religion". Concerning the means of procuring131 Unity, "Men must beware, that in the procuring or muniting of religious unity they do not dissolve and deface the laws of charity and of human society." Being men, they necessarily defaced both—Laud132 later had the ears of Puritans cut off, Puritans cut off the head of Laud, "and so as to consider men as Christians133, we forget that they are men".
Bacon is not a little "Jesuitical". Secrecy134 is often necessary, "no man can be secret, except he give himself a little scope of dissimulation135; which is, as it were, but the skirts or train of secrecy". Simulation is "more culpable136 and less politic59; except it be in rare and great matters"—rather encouraging to Charles I, for we are bidden to have "dissimulation in seasonable use". Love is rather profitable to the Stage than to human existence, "in life it doth much mischief137, sometimes like a syren, sometimes like a fury". "No great and worthy108 person" (except Mark Antony and Appius Claudius, famed for his adoration138 of Virginia) "hath been transported to the mad degree of love". "It is impossible to love and be wise." Bacon certainly varied139 much from Plato and all the poets "in this of love".
Bacon knew very well that atheism140 was apt to follow in the steps of his adored physical science, and consoled himself by assuming that "a little philosophy inclines man's mind to atheism, but depth in philosophy bringeth men's minds about to religion". He deemed that without belief there could be no sense of honour, for atheists have died for their opinion, whereas, if they believe that there is no God, "why should they trouble themselves?"[Pg 274] "Against atheists the very savages141 take part with the very subtlest philosophers," which is perfectly true. To the dog "man is instead of a God, or melior natura." "As atheism is in all respects hateful, so in this, that it depriveth human nature of the means to exalt143 itself above human frailty144," yet martyr74 atheists have despised human frailty. "For martyrdoms, I reckon them among miracles; because they seem to exceed the force of human nature."
Concerning the extreme Reformers, Bacon says "there is a superstition145 in avoiding superstition, when men think to do best if they go furthest from the superstition formerly146 received," as in the Scottish Presbyterian burial of the Christian dead with no religious service, one of Knox's innovations. In his Essay on "Wisdom for a Man's Self," Bacon speaks, wittingly or unwittingly, of his own mischance: "Whereas they have all their times sacrificed to themselves, they become in the end themselves sacrifices to the inconstancy of fortune". A word of Bacon's is always apt. "Let no nation expect to be great that is not awake upon any just cause of arming." Of colonization147, "it is a shameful148 and unblessed thing to take the scum of the people and wicked condemned149 men, to be the people with whom you plant". "If you plant where savages are... use them justly and graciously." Always the counsel is excellent, always the adviser150 is unheard! Bacon even advises on the stage management of Masques. On Gardening he writes at much length and with manifest pleasure. His advice to keep caged birds in "little turrets151 with a belly"—is not that of a poetical152 imagination. He did not like the Ars Topiaria, "images cut out in juniper" or box. His garden contained "a heath of a natural wildness," with many artificial additions.
Bacon's Promus of Elegancies is a commonplace book, full of germs of essays, pensées. The essays themselves are strings153 of connected aphorisms, without much consecutiveness154 of style or skilled transitions. "Aphorisms," says Bacon himself, "except they should be ridiculous, cannot be made but of the pith and heart of Sciences." His Aphorisms certainly were more popular, as he knew, than his connected work of 1605, "The Advancement of Learning, Divine and Humane155".
In the Dedication156 of this work to James I, Bacon admires his[Pg 275] Majesty's genius, "a light of nature I have observed in your Majesty," who certainly was a clever man, and interested in literature. The book is a plea for the organization of knowledge: Bacon styles it "a small globe of the intellectual world". He surveys all knowledge, and maps it out, with a view to organized study. He meets religious objections in his usual way. It is argued that ignorance is a fine thing, making "a more devout dependence157 on God as the first cause". Bacon replies in the words of Job, "will you lie for God, as one man will do for another to gratify him?" Will you "offer the author of Truth the unclean sacrifice of a lie"? Bacon attacks the schoolmen as darkening counsel by words and spinning cobwebs out of assumed first principles, instead of collecting facts, and questioning nature by experiments. Practically, experimental philosophy, and the endowment of special research, are the burdens of his argument. He divides knowledge into History (the original sense of the word being inquiry), Human, Natural, and Divine. Anxious that nothing should escape him, he even classifies Ciphers159, then much used in the secret correspondence of statesmen and conspirators160. He had invented a cipher158 when a young diplomatist in Paris, and, in the later Latin translation of this book, the "De Augmentis," he is copious on the subject. The secrets of each writing were usually discovered by the simple process of torturing the conspirators who used them.
"Poesy," he says, "was ever thought to have some anticipation161 of divineness, because it doth raise and erect162 the mind, by submitting the shows of things to the desires of the mind; whereas reason doth buckle163 and bow the mind unto the nature of things." He conceived that there was a mystic meaning, a record of lost wisdom, in the myths of the Greeks (which are mainly decorated survivals of savage142 guesses at the causes of things). He asks for more biographies, in an age very careless of biography. He speaks of the "inductive" method, as opposed to the scholastic164 reasoning from invented assumptions; and his mind was always busy with a perfect system, "Instauratio Magna," of the interpretation165 of nature, and the encyclop?dic organization of knowledge. This work he never completed; the "Novum[Pg 276] Organum" (1620), written in Latin, is the most important fragment. He "had a vision of his own," but what his great and perfect method really was, in practical operation, he probably did not know himself. Fallacies he could detect and classify in brilliant fashion, the "Eidola" or shadowy Dwellers166 on the Threshold of Truth, bewildering men who would enter that sanctuary167. His work in this kind, especially the "Novum Organum," is immensely stimulating168: he saw in vision the Promised Land of Science into which he did not enter, and he would have been much disenchanted by the results, as regards human happiness, of the discoveries which he, not vainly, summoned men to make. He did not urge haste in practical application—the commercializing of science. He insisted on the collection of "contradictory169 instances," a method always, in accordance with human eagerness, too much neglected.[1]
Bacon's mind, in fact, was encyclop?dic, and shared the faults common to encyclop?dias. The contemporary specialist, like Gilbert with his remarkable170 experiments in magnetism171, is spoken of but slightingly by Bacon; nor has he much praise for other students who, in his time, were practising what he was preaching.
Bacon's prose, beyond the region of essays and of science, may best be studied in his "Reign5 of Henry VII," the fruit of a few months' labour, after his banishment172 to the country, in 1621. He had no access to manuscripts of the period, except in copies made for him in the great collection of Sir Robert Cotton, now in the British Museum. The printed books concerning the reign, those of Polydore Virgil, Holinshed (translating Polydore), Stowe, and Speed, led Bacon into some mistakes about facts. But the book is lucid and sagacious; the character of the king is clearly depicted173, without favour or deliberate fault-finding. The study of Perkin Warbeck is full of subtle interest. "Himself with long and continued counterfeiting174 and with often telling a lie was turned,[Pg 277] by habit, almost into the thing he seemed to be, and from a liar21 to a believer." Ford43 makes Henry VII express the same opinion in his tragedy of "Perkin Warbeck". Bacon treats the strange career of Perkin in terms of the Stage, speaks of the prompter with his prompt-book, and, in the last Act, says, "therefore now, like the end of a play, a great number came upon the stage at once". The nature of the statecraft of Henry VII, not very apprehensive175 or forecasting of future events, afar off, "but an entertainer of Fortune by the day," is admirably analysed. "I have not flattered the king," says Bacon in his dedication to Charles, Prince of Wales, "but took him to life as well as I could, sitting so far off, and having no better light." Henry's attempt to secure the canonization of Henry VI is amusingly described. Cardinals176 were set to examine that poor prince's career, "but it died under the reference. The general opinion was that Pope Julius was too dear, and that the king would not come to his rates." But Bacon holds that the Pope did not wish to cheapen saintliness, and chose to "keep a distance between innocents and Saints". The virtues177 of Henry VI had not the necessary quality of being heroic.
"The New Atlantis," unfinished in 1624, was published with the "Sylva Sylvarum," after Bacon's death, in 1627. Here our author appears as the framer of a philosophical romance, not unlike More's "Utopia," but concerned, as far as it goes, with the organization of experiment and of knowledge, as practised by the people of Bensalem, somewhere in the southern seas. Bacon makes no long story of how he and his company arrived at Bensalem, an unheard of land, where civilization has survived since the time of Plato's mythical178 lost Atlantis. Bacon was inclined to suspect that there must have been "in the dark backward and abysm of time," a race more advanced in knowledge than the Greeks or the men of his own age. The Bensalemites are survivors179 of that race, people very stately, peaceable (though well provided with improved artillery), and Christian. The tale of their miraculous180 conversion181, through St. Bartholomew, "about twenty years after the ascension of our Saviour"; and of their acquisition of the Old Testament and the New (including parts of it not yet written) about 53 a.d., is the most romantic part of the romance.[Pg 278] The Bensalemites, who are rich in everything, make trading voyages, not for lucre182, but "for Light," knowledge. They have every kind of museum, library, and scientific apparatus183 which the mind of Bacon could desire, regardless of expense, nor do they seem to have shrunk from vivisection in their search for the secrets of nature. "We have some degrees of flying in the air," they have Christian temples: they are extremely moral, kind, and industrious184, in fact are a sort of scientific Ph?acians; "far apart they dwell, in the midst of the wash of the waves, and with them are no men conversant," for they help, but do not welcome mariners185.
Bacon's Latin tracts are numerous: he believed that Latin was a permanent, English a less stable speech, but of course, since his day, knowledge of Latin has more and more decreased, owing to the progress of education and the march of science. The prophetic enthusiasm of his insistence186 on experimental philosophy, the brilliance187 of his illustrations, and the sagacity of his aphoristic observations, are the bases of his literary fame. He was not so well fitted to be an experimental philosopher himself, as to be the cause of experimental philosophy in others.
Raleigh.
Sir Walter Raleigh (born 1552, at Hayes Barton, Budleigh, Devonshire), educated at Oxford, a soldier with the Huguenots in France, familiar with the wits in 1576 (when he wrote commendatory verses for Gascoigne's "Steel Glass"), a courtier who enjoyed the sunshine and suffered from the frosts of Elizabeth's favour, when supplanted188 by Essex went to Ireland, as we saw, became the friend of Spenser, and was styled by him "The Shepherd of the Ocean".
In life and in literature a fiery189 and indefatigable190 adventurer, his productions, from sonnets191 and the long, and for the most part lost poem, "Cynthia" (on Elizabeth) to tracts on practical points; accounts of voyages and of South America, and the gigantic" History of the World," give proof of extraordinary energy and fertility. His description of the glorious fight of "The Revenge," and the death of Sir Richard Grenville (published in 1596) can never be forgotten. In 1596 appeared, too, his account of his first exploration (1595) of Guiana, with a description of "the great and golden City of Manoa,"—a mirage192.
On the death of Elizabeth, James I, on grounds of not unnatural193 if baseless suspicion, imprisoned Raleigh in the Tower, where he was well treated[Pg 279] enough, and, with what amount of aid from collaborators is uncertain (Ben Jonson said that he had much) but, in any case with portentous194 industry, Raleigh compiled his "History of the World," from the creation to 130 b.c. The book (1614-1615) had a very great popularity: even the Puritans read it with admiration195. There was then no such world-history in English, and though, as history, it is now obsolete196 of course; it is admired for its vigour197, for the character it displays, and the personal observations suggested by the author's wide experience of men; and above all for occasional passages of lofty eloquence, and the organ-tones of a magnificent style, as in the famous address to Death. The capacities of style in original work had never so been exemplified in English, though such examples are but occasional.
Raleigh's very title in "The Prerogative198 of Parliaments" was offensive to the king, who doted on the prerogative of princes, and the book was not printed till after Raleigh's execution, following his return from his second expedition to Guiana. He also wrote tracts on War in general, on "The Navy and Sea Service," on "Trade and Commerce," on "A War with Spain" (the last thing that James desired), on "The Arts of Empire" (published by Milton, 1658, as "The Cabinet Council") and doubtless much is lost of the 3452 sheets of Raleigh's writing which John Hampden was having transcribed199 before the Great Rebellion.
More than Bacon, Raleigh tuned200 the language of "lofty, insolent201, and passionate202 English prose": these terms were applied203 by Puttenham ("Art of English Poesie") to Raleigh's "dittie and amorous204 ode". "Insolent," of course, means here "out of the common".
Overbury.
Sir Thomas Overbury was born in Warwickshire in 1581: was the son of a Gloucestershire squire205, was a gentleman commoner of Queen's College, Oxford, 1595-1598, entered the Middle Temple, and passed some years abroad. On his return he became, in Scotland, the friend of Robert Carr (or Ker), son of Ker of Fernihirst, one of Queen Mary's Border partisans206. Carr, who was handsome, became King James's minion207, and, in 1613, was created Earl of Somerset. His friend Overbury obtained a place at Court; and was first the friend, then the foe208 of Ben Jonson. An ally of Somerset, Overbury dissuaded209 him from his fatal marriage with Frances Howard, who, after a child-marriage (1606) with the boy Earl of Essex, detested him, loved Somerset, and, backed by James's influence, in spite of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Abbott, obtained a decree of nullity against her husband. The poet Donne, as Somerset's adviser, and the poet Campion, as a physician connected with a courtier more or less concerned in the affair, were entangled in this odious210 and mysterious matter. Overbury, on the other hand, was opposed to the unholy marriage of Somerset, and is thought to have written his popular poem "The Wife," to show him that Lady Essex was not what a wife should be. She plotted in various ways to get rid of Overbury. The offer of a diplomatic post in Paris he refused, with insolence211 it seems; he was sent to[Pg 280] the Tower, and there, through the instigation of Lady Essex, was poisoned, with circumstances of bungling212 cruelty: for, as we know in the Spanish case of Escovedo, the science of poisoning was then quite in its infancy213. Overbury died on 15 September, 1613. His death provoked many elegies214 and gave popularity to his poem "The Wife" (1614), which is of very slight merit, and to his "Characters," brief mordant215 sketches216 of types of men, in prose by Overbury and his friends. They appear to have been suggested rather by the Characters of the Greek Theophrastus, than by Montaigne or Bacon. Some pieces are ideal, "The Good Wife," and the charming "Fair and Happy Milkmaid," worthy of Izaak Walton. "She is never alone for she is still accompanied with old songs, honest thoughts, and prayers, but short ones.... Thus lives she, and all her care is she may die in the spring-time, to have store of flowers stuck upon her winding-sheet." Most of the other characters are drawn217 in a mocking style. Of "A Mere86 Scholar" we learn that "the antiquity218 of his University is his creed219; and the excellency of his College, though but for a match of football, an article of his faith". "The Mere Fellow of a House," or don, with his airs of a man of the world, provokes the handsome courtier, and ex-undergraduate of Queen's. This on the scholar is good, "University jests are his universal discourse220 and his news the demeanour of the Proctors". Overbury jests at "The Melancholy221 Man". Melancholy, as Ben Jonson's Master Stephen had proved, was the fashion; a curious proof of this is the "Niobe" of Stafford (1611), a wonderful piece of railing at "the damnable times," of which a copy bears the arms of Charles I when Prince of Wales. "Straggling thoughts," says Overbury, "are the Melancholy Man's content, they make him dream waking; there's his pleasure!"
Translators.
Translation was a great, if not to the toilers a profitable industry between the reigns of Edward VI and James I. The wealth of classical, French, Spanish, and Italian learning, thought, and poetry was rapidly and strenuously222 conveyed into English, sometimes rough and ready, and rich in flowers of slang, sometimes replete223 with elegance224 and vigour. The translators certainly produced most idiomatic225 English; the ancients, in their versions, were not, as in reality, concise226 and classically self-restrained. There was, as a rule, no thought of minute accuracy. In fact, if some learned men were good Greek scholars, they did not write translations; the earlier translators in England used French and Italian versions of the Greek originals. Thus, Thomas Nicolls did Thucydides, the greatest of Greek historians, out of a French translation of an Italian version of the difficult original (1550). Nevertheless if you turn to the tragic227 pages on the utter ruin of the Athenian expedition to Sicily, the tale is still moving and rich in melancholy. Whoever B. R. was (Barnaby Rich?) the translator of the first two books of Herodotus (including his account of "the beastly devices" (as B. R. says) of the Egyptians), you cannot complain, as Macaulay did of another version, that Herodotus is "as flat as champagne228 in tumblers". B. R. uses slang, as "the Greeks were in[Pg 281] the wrong box". Sir Thomas North, whose translation of Plutarch (1579) Shakespeare uses in his Roman plays, merely rendered the French version by Amyot. Whereas Plutarch's Greek lives of great men are, though in manner quiet, not frigid229, North "picturesqued it everywhere". In fact these translators made Greeks and Romans speak as if they had come back to life and were writing in lusty Elizabethan England. Unluckily their volumes are not often to be picked up at bookstalls, and as magnificently printed in "Tudor Translations" they are expensive.
It is strange that the great Athenian dramatists, ?schylus, Sophocles, Euripides, and the comic Aristophanes, were left untranslated; probably because no contemporary foreign versions were easily procurable230. What our ancestors knew of ancient tragedy was mainly through the rhetorical Roman imitations by Seneca. Of Plato scarce anything was translated. By 1600 Philemon Holland (born 1552), who actually went to the ancient originals for his texts, published his translation of Livy. As early as 1547 John Wylkinson Englished the Ethics231 of Aristotle,—out of an Italian version. Philemon was rapid, racy, indefatigable. He translated Plutarch's "Morals" in a year, using but one quill232. It was through Florio's English version that Shakespeare read Montaigne's Essays. It is hardly necessary to name Richard Stanyhurst's "Four Books of Virgil's '?neid'" (1582) written in hideous233 English hexameters; and Thomas Phaer's Virgil, in "fourteeners" like Chapman's Homer, is even more helpless as a reproduction of "the stateliest measure
Ever moulded by the lips of man,"
than Conington's modern version in the metres of "The Lay of the Last Minstrel". It was clearly through Arthur Golding's translation of Ovid's "Metamorphoses" (1567, Four Books in 1565) that Shakespeare knew Ovid best. Golding also did C?sar's "De Bello Gallico" (1565), and Sir Henry Savile, Provost of Eton, undertook Tacitus.
Among books from foreign modern authors, William Painter's "Palace of Pleasure" (1566-1567) with tales from Boccaccio, Queen Margaret of Navarre, Bandello, and Straparola (as well as from classical sources) was a treasure-house of plots and situations for the playwrights234. In the tragedies and comedies of the age, Italian characters are predominant. The Spanish novel of the roads and inns and adventures, "Lazarillo de Tormes," was done out of Spanish in 1576, and set the example of this kind of fiction to Nash. Ariosto and Tasso were translated, the former by Sir John Harington (1591), the latter by Edward Fairfax (in 1600), and Richard Carew, but Dante was neglected. Of Chapman's "Homer," elsewhere spoken of, seven books appeared in 1598, and Shakespeare either glanced at it for his "Troilus and Cressida," or used, in places, a French or Latin version of Homer. It is impossible to enumerate235 all the translators, most of them are very readable, more so, in fact, than our most exact literal renderings236 of Greek and Latin originals into prose.
[Pg 282]
The Authorized238 Version of the Bible.
The noblest and most enduring monument of Elizabethan prose is, of course, the Authorized Version of the Bible. The nature of the texts to be translated suppressed all tendency to wilful239 conceits; a substratum of simple English from the time of Wyclif's versions in Chaucer's day, and from Tyndale's learned rendering237, was retained; the lofty poetry of the ancient prophets was echoed in English as stately, balanced, and harmonious; and if it be said that the English does not represent "the speech" of any one age in the life of England, we may reply that the original texts also are the work of a thousand years in different languages.
Pulpit Eloquence.
It has often been remarked that sermons, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, "discharged one part of the function of the modern newspaper" (though this is more true of Scotland than of England), and that sermons, where published, were a favourite form of reading. That is proved by their abundance in country house libraries, where old sermons usually occupy much valuable wall-space, as they cannot be sold, and present an imposing240 array of calf-backed volumes. Our space does not permit us to do more than name the famous preachers of the Elizabethan age, such as Lancelot Andrewes (1555-1626), Bishop of Winchester under James I; James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh (1581-1656), a man of varied learning who arranged the chronology of the Bible; Bishop Joseph Hall (1574-1656) and Donne whose prose has many of the merits and defects of his age.
[1] To take a very simple instance, a critic, observing that Hector, in the "Iliad," slays241 some men who lived on the road from Thessaly to Boeotia, infers that Hector's exploits are a record of the wars of a tribe advancing in that direction. But he entirely242 overlooks the "contradictory instances," those in which Hector spears men from other remote parts of Greece.
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1
sketching
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| n.草图 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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conceits
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| 高傲( conceit的名词复数 )； 自以为； 巧妙的词语； 别出心裁的比喻 | |
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metaphors
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| 隐喻( metaphor的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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wrangled
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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succinctly
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| adv.简洁地；简洁地，简便地 | |
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lucid
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| adj.明白易懂的，清晰的，头脑清楚的 | |
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plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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colloquial
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| adj.口语的，会话的 | |
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tersely
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| adv. 简捷地, 简要地 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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antitheses
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| n.对照，对立的，对比法；对立( antithesis的名词复数 )；对立面；对照；对偶 | |
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clenches
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| v.紧握，抓紧，咬紧( clench的第三人称单数 ) | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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corroding
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| 使腐蚀，侵蚀( corrode的现在分词 ) | |
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distressful
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| adj.苦难重重的，不幸的，使苦恼的 | |
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boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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wilts
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| （使）凋谢，枯萎( wilt的第三人称单数 ) | |
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posthumously
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| adv.于死后，于身后；于著作者死后出版地 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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liturgy
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| n.礼拜仪式 | |
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scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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temperaments
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| 性格( temperament的名词复数 )； （人或动物的）气质； 易冲动； （性情）暴躁 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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sifting
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| n.筛，过滤v.筛( sift的现在分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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components
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| （机器、设备等的）构成要素，零件，成分； 成分( component的名词复数 )； [物理化学]组分； [数学]分量； （混合物的）组成部分 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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sequester
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| vt.使退隐，使隔绝 | |
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contentedly
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| adv.心满意足地 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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tampered
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| v.窜改( tamper的过去式 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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89
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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90
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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91
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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92
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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93
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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94
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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95
banter
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| n.嘲弄，戏谑；v.取笑，逗弄，开玩笑 | |
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96
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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98
variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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99
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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100
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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101
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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102
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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103
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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104
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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105
parsimonious
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| adj.吝啬的，质量低劣的 | |
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106
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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107
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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108
worthy
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|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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109
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
lapse
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|
| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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111
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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112
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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113
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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114
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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115
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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116
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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117
inventory
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| n.详细目录，存货清单 | |
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118
interrogating
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| n.询问技术v.询问( interrogate的现在分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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119
wrenching
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| n.修截苗根，苗木铲根（铲根时苗木不起土或部分起土）v.（猛力地）扭( wrench的现在分词 )；扭伤；使感到痛苦；使悲痛 | |
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120
meditations
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| 默想( meditation的名词复数 )； 默念； 沉思； 冥想 | |
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121
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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122
desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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123
aphoristic
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| 警句（似）的，格言（似）的 | |
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124
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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125
aphorisms
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| 格言，警句( aphorism的名词复数 ) | |
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126
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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127
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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128
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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129
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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130
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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131
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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132
laud
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| n.颂歌；v.赞美 | |
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133
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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134
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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135
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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136
culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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137
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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138
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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139
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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140
atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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141
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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142
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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143
exalt
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| v.赞扬，歌颂，晋升，提升 | |
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144
frailty
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|
| n.脆弱；意志薄弱 | |
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145
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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146
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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147
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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148
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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149
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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150
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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151
turrets
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| （六角）转台( turret的名词复数 )； （战舰和坦克等上的）转动炮塔； （摄影机等上的）镜头转台； （旧时攻城用的）塔车 | |
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152
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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153
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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154
consecutiveness
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| Consecutiveness | |
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155
humane
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|
| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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156
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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157
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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158
cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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159
ciphers
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| n.密码( cipher的名词复数 )；零；不重要的人；无价值的东西 | |
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160
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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161
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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162
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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163
buckle
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| n.扣子，带扣；v.把...扣住，由于压力而弯曲 | |
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164
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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165
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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166
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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167
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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168
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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169
contradictory
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|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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170
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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171
magnetism
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| n.磁性，吸引力，磁学 | |
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172
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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173
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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174
counterfeiting
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| n.伪造v.仿制，造假( counterfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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175
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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176
cardinals
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|
| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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177
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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178
mythical
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| adj.神话的；虚构的；想像的 | |
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179
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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180
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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181
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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182
lucre
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| n.金钱，财富 | |
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183
apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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184
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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185
mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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186
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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187
brilliance
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| n.光辉，辉煌，壮丽，（卓越的）才华，才智 | |
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188
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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190
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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191
sonnets
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| n.十四行诗( sonnet的名词复数 ) | |
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192
mirage
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| n.海市蜃楼，幻景 | |
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193
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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194
portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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195
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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196
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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197
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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198
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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199
transcribed
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的过去式和过去分词 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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200
tuned
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| adj.调谐的，已调谐的v.调音( tune的过去式和过去分词 )；调整；（给收音机、电视等）调谐；使协调 | |
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201
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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202
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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203
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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204
amorous
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| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
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205
squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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206
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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207
minion
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| n.宠仆；宠爱之人 | |
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208
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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209
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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210
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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211
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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212
bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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213
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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214
elegies
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| n.哀歌，挽歌( elegy的名词复数 ) | |
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215
mordant
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| adj.讽刺的；尖酸的 | |
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sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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217
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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218
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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221
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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replete
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| adj.饱满的，塞满的；n.贮蜜蚁 | |
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224
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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idiomatic
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| adj.成语的，符合语言习惯的 | |
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concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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229
frigid
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| adj.寒冷的，凛冽的；冷淡的；拘禁的 | |
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procurable
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| adj.可得到的，得手的 | |
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231
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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232
quill
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| n.羽毛管；v.给（织物或衣服）作皱褶 | |
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233
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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234
playwrights
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| n.剧作家( playwright的名词复数 ) | |
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235
enumerate
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| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
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236
renderings
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| n.（戏剧或乐曲的）演奏( rendering的名词复数 )；扮演；表演；翻译作品 | |
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237
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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238
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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239
wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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240
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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241
slays
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的第三人称单数 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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