Alice Paul began work at once. Nina Allender says that one Sunday a stranger called. She was wearing “a slim 19dress and a little purple hat and she was no bigger,” Mrs. Allender held up her forefinger4, “than that.” The call was brief and it was unaccompanied by any of the small talk or the persiflage5 which distinguishes most social occasions. But when the door closed, a few moments later, mother and daughter looked at each other in amazement6. Mrs. Evans had promised to contribute to Suffrage a sum of money monthly. Mrs. Allender had promised to contribute to Suffrage a sum of money monthly. Mrs. Evans had agreed to do a certain amount of work monthly. Mrs. Allender had agreed to do a certain amount of work monthly. Their amazement arose partly from the fact that they had not been begged, urged, or argued with—they had simply been asked; and partly from the fact that, before the arrival of this slim little stranger, they had no more idea of contributing so much money or work than of flying. But they agreed to it the instant she requested it of them.
This is a perfect example of the way Alice Paul works. There may be times when she urges, even begs; but they appear to be rare. She often forgets to thank you when you say yes; for she has apparently7 assumed that you will say yes. She does not argue with you when you say no—but you rarely say no. She has only to ask apparently. Perhaps it is part the terseness8 with which she puts her request. Perhaps it is part her simple acceptance of the fact that you are not going to refuse. Perhaps it is her expectation that you will understand that she is not asking for herself but for Suffrage. Perhaps it is the Quaker integrity which shines through every statement. Perhaps it is the intensity9 of devotion which blazes back of the gentleness of her personality and the inflexibility10 of purpose which gives that gentleness power. At any rate, it is very difficult to refuse Alice Paul.
A member of the Woman’s Party, meeting her for the first time in New York and riding for a short distance in a taxicab with her, says that Alice Paul turned to her as soon as they were alone:
20“Will you give a thousand dollars to the Woman’s Party?”
“No, I haven’t that amount to give.”
“Will you give one hundred dollars?”
“No.”
“Will you give twenty-five dollars?”
“No.”
“Will you——”
“I’ll give five dollars.”
Mrs. Gilson Gardner says that one day, in the midst of the final preparations for the procession of March 3, she came to Headquarters. Alice Paul, it was apparent, was in a state of considerable perturbation. At the sight of Mrs. Gardner she said, “There’s Mrs. Gardner! She’ll attend to it.” She went on to explain. “The trappings for the horses have been ruined. Will you order some more? They must be delivered tomorrow night.” Mrs. Gardner says that she had no more idea how to order a trapping than a suspension bridge, but—magic-ed as always by Alice Paul’s personality—she emitted a terrified “Yes,” and started out. She walked round and round the block a dozen times, reviewing her problem, and casting about her looks of an appalled11 desperation. Suddenly she espied12 a little tailor shop, and in it, at work, a little tailor. She approached and confided13 her problem to him. Mrs. Gardner kept shop while he went to Headquarters and got the measurements. He delivered the trappings on time.
Later in the history of the Woman’s Party, Margery Ross came to Washington to spend the winter with a cousin.
She was young and pretty. She established herself there and began to enjoy herself. She was a Suffragist. One day, out of a clear sky, Alice Paul said: “Miss Ross, will you go to Wyoming on Saturday, and organize a State Convention there within three weeks?” “Why, Miss Paul,” the girl faltered14, “I can’t. My plans are all made for the winter. I’ve only just got here.” Nevertheless, in a few days, Miss Ross started for Wyoming. There were only eight members of the Congressional union in that State, and yet three 21weeks later she had achieved a State Convention with one hundred and twenty delegates.
Perhaps, however, the story which best illustrates15 Miss Paul’s power to make people work is one of Nina Allender’s. One must remember that Mrs. Allender is an artist. One day Alice Paul telephoned her to ask her if she would go the next day to Ohio to campaign for the Woman’s Party. Mrs. Allender, who had no more expectation of going to Ohio than to the moon, replied: “I’m sorry. It’s impossible. You see, we have just moved. The place is being papered and painted, and I’ve got to select the wallpaper.” “Oh, that’s all right,” Alice Paul suggested. “I’ll send a girl right up there. She’ll pick your paper for you and see that it’s put on.” In the end, of course, Mrs. Allender chose her own paper. But although she did not go to Ohio the next day, she went within a week.
When Alice Paul asked Maud Younger to deliver the memorial address on Inez Milholland, Miss Younger was at first staggered by the idea. “I can’t,” she said. “I don’t know how to do it.”
“Oh,” directed Alice Paul in a dégagé way, “just write something like Lincoln’s Gettysburg address.”
The first Headquarters consisted of one long basement room, partitioned at the back into three small rooms of which two were storerooms, and one Miss Paul’s office. This opened into a court. Later when the Suffragist was published, they had rooms upstairs; sometimes one, sometimes more, according to their funds. By the first anniversary, they had expanded to ten rooms. Later still, they had two whole floors.
Almost all the work was done by volunteers. All kinds of people worked for them. Comparatively idle women of the moneyed class gave up matinées, teas, and other social occasions; stenographers, who worked all day long, labored18 until midnight. Anybody who dropped into Headquarters for any purpose was put to work. Once a distinguished19 lawyer from a western city called on business with Alice Paul.
22“Would you mind addressing a few envelopes?” asked Alice Paul when the business was concluded. The distinguished lawyer, whose own office was of course manned by a small army of stenographers, smiled; but he took off his coat and went to work.
Alice Paul’s swift, decisive leadership was accepted, unquestioningly. Her word was immutable20. One day an elderly woman was observed at a typewriter, painfully picking at it with a stiff forefinger. It was obvious that with a great expenditure21 of time and energy, she was accomplishing nothing.
“Why are you doing that?” somebody asked curiously22.
“Because Alice Paul told me to,” was the plaintive23 answer.
Most of the work was done in the big front room. The confusion of going and coming of the volunteer workers; the noise of conflicting activity; conversation; telephones; made concentrated thinking almost impossible. The policeman on the beat said that a light burned in Headquarters all night long. That was true. Alice Paul and Lucy Burns used to work far into the morning because then, alone, were they assured of quiet. There were times though when Alice Paul worked all day, all night and sitting up in bed, into the next morning. She never lost time. Later when she picketed25 the White House, she used to take a stenographer17 with her and dictate26 while on picket24 duty.
Volunteer work is of course not always to be depended upon. It is eccentric and follows its own laws. There would be periods when Headquarters would be flooded with help. There came intervals27 when it was almost empty. Sara Grogan, herself a devoted28 adherent29, tells how in this case, she used to go out on the streets and ask strangers to help. Volunteer workers—if they were housekeepers30 or the mothers of families—learned, on their busy days, to give F Street a wide berth31. As they had no time to give and as it was impossible to say no to Alice Paul, the streets about Headquarters were as closed to them as the streets of his creditors32 23to Dick Swiveller. It was perhaps this experience which taught Alice Paul what later became one of her chief assets—her power to put to use every bit of human material that came her way; which developed in her that charitable willingness, when this human material failed in one direction, to try it in another; and another; and another. Rarely did she reject any offer of help, no matter how untrained or seemingly untrainable it was. I asked Mabel Vernon how she got so much work—and such splendid work of all kinds—out of amateurs. She answered, “She believed we could do it and so she made us believe it.”
In those days, Alice Paul herself was like one driven by a fury of speed. She was a human dynamo. She made everybody else work as hard as possible, but she drove—although she did drive—nobody so hard as herself. Winifred Mallon said, “I worked with Alice Paul for three months before I saw her with her hat off. I was perfectly33 astonished, I remember, at that mass of hair. I had never suspected its existence.” For a long time, Alice Paul deliberately34 lived in a cold room, so that she could not be tempted35 to sit up late to read. It was more than a year before she visited the book-shop opened by a friend because, she said, “I should be tempted to buy so many books there.” Anne Martin says that she believes Alice Paul made a vow36 not to think or to read anything that was not connected with Suffrage until the Amendment was passed. There was certainly no evidence of her reading anything else. They make the humorous observation at Headquarters now that the instant the Amendment had passed both Houses, Alice Paul began to permit herself the luxury of one mental relaxation—the reading of detective stories. But in those early days she worked all the time and she worked at everything. Somebody said to Lucy Burns, “She asks nothing of us that she doesn’t do herself,” and Lucy Burns answered dryly, “Yes, she’s annoyingly versatile37.”
Not only did Alice Paul ask you to work but after you had agreed to it, she kept after you. “She ‘nagged’ us”-they 24say humorously at Headquarters. Once, just before leaving for Chicago, Alice Paul appointed a certain young person chairman of a certain committee, with power to select chairmen of ten other committees to arrange for a demonstration39 when the Suffrage Special returned. This was four weeks off and yet in three days from Chicago came a telegram: “Wire me immediately the names of your chairmen!”
But just as Alice Paul never thanked herself for what she was doing, it never occurred to her to thank anybody else. And perhaps she had an innate40 conviction that it was egregious41 personally to thank people for devotion to a cause. However that did not always work out in practice, naturally.
Once a woman, a volunteer, who had worked all the morning reported to Alice Paul at noon. She retailed42 what she had done. Alice Paul made no comment whatever, but asked her immediately if she would go downtown for her. The woman refused; went away and did not come back. Alice Paul asked a friend for an explanation of her absence. “She is offended,” her friend explained. “You did not thank her for what she did.” “But,” exclaimed Alice Paul, “she did not do it for me. She did it for Suffrage. I thought she would be delighted to do it for Suffrage.” After that, however, Alice Paul tried very hard to remember to thank everybody. Once a party member said to her, as she was leaving Headquarters, “I have a taxi here, Miss Paul—can’t I take you anywhere?” “No,” Alice Paul answered abruptly43. She was halfway44 down the stairs when she seemed to remember something. Instantly she turned back and said, “Thank you!” Another time, somebody else announced that she was offended because Alice Paul had not thanked her, and was going to leave. A friend went to Alice Paul.
“Mrs. Blank is leaving us. I am afraid you have offended her.”
“Where is she?” Alice Paul demanded, “I will apologize at once.”
“For what?” the friend inquired.
“I don’t know,” Alice Paul answered, “anything!”
25Like Roosevelt, Alice Paul had a remarkable45 news sense. She was the joy of newspaper men. Ninety per cent of the Woman’s Party bulletins got publicity46 as against about twenty per cent of others. A New Orleans editor said they were the best publicity organization in the country. Gilson Gardner compares her to a Belasco, staging the scene admirably but, herself, always in the background.
Later, when the first stress was over, her companions spoke47 of the joy of work with her. They marveled at that creative quality which made her put over her demonstrations48 on so enormous a scale and the beauty with which she inundated49 them.
Maud Younger tells of going with her one night to the Capitol steps, when she painted imaginatively, on the scene which lay outstretched before her, the great demonstration which she was planning: wide areas of static color here, long lines of pulsating50 color there, laid on in great splashes and welts, like a painter of the modern school. Above all, her companions took a fearful joy in the serene51 way in which she brushed aside red tape, ignored rules. She would decide on some unexpected, daring bit of pioneer demonstration. Her companions would report to her regarding restrictions52. “What an absurd rule,” she would remark, and then proceed calmly to ignore it. “Oh, Miss Paul, we can’t do that!” was the commonest exclamation53 with which the fellow workers greeted her plans. But always they did do it because she convinced them that it could be done. After the death of Inez Milholland, Alice Paul decided54 to hold a memorial service in Statuary Hall at the Capitol.
“Oh, Miss Paul, we can’t do that! Memorial services are held there only for those whose statues are in the Hall.” But in the end she did it. When her Committee spoke about it to the officials who have Statuary Hall in charge they said, “One thing we cannot permit. You cannot go up into the gallery because the doors open from that gallery into rooms containing old and valued books and those books 26might be stolen.” The police said, “No, you must not hang curtains over those openings in case a Senator wants to pass through.” Later the police themselves were helping55 Alice Paul to place the purple, white, and gold pennants56 about the gallery; they themselves were piling around their standards, in order to hold them straight, those same old and valued books; they themselves were standing57 on stepladders to help her hang curtains before those unsealable openings.
When the Suffrage Special returned, Alice Paul decided to hold a welcoming banquet in the dining-room of the beautiful new Washington railroad station. She sent somebody to ask this privilege of the authorities. At first, of course, they said, no, but in the end, of course, they said, yes. The Woman’s Party hired a band to help in the welcome. Alice Paul observed that the man who played the horn was so tall that he obscured an important detail in the decoration. She asked him to stand in another part of the band group. Of course he answered that that was impossible, that the horn always stood where he was standing, but in the end, of course, he stood where Alice Paul told him to stand.
Late in the history of the Woman’s Party, somebody discovered that Alice Paul had never seen an anti-Suffragist. At a legislative58 hearing during ratification59 they pointed38 out one to her—a beautiful one. “She looks like a Botticelli,” Alice Paul said—and gazed admiringly at her for the rest of the hearing.
Her companions marveled, I reiterate60, at Alice Paul’s creative power. That did not manifest itself in demonstrations alone. Her policy had creative quality. It had a wide sweep. It moved on wings and with accumulating force and speed. Her work in Washington started slowly, though with sureness of attack, but all the time it heightened and deepened. From 1913 to 1919 it never faltered. Sometimes changes in outside affairs made changes in her self-evolved plan, but they never stopped it, never even slowed it. From 27the beginning she saw her objective clearly; and always she made for it. Activities that may often have seemed to the callow-minded but the futile61 militancy62 of a group of fanatics63 were part of a perfectly co-ordinated plan. Moreover, she had always reserve ideas and always a buried ace16. Sapient64 members of the Party—those who were close to her—believe that she used only a part of an enormous scheme; that she was prepared far into the future and for any possible contingency65. They wonder sometimes how far that creative impulse reached ... what form it would later ... and later ... and later have taken. Yet she proceeded slowly, giving every new form of agitation66 its chance; prudent67 always of her reserves. The instant one kind of demonstration exhausted68 its usefulness, she moved to the next. She wasted no time on side issues, on petty hostilities69, on rivalries70 with other organizations.
But the quality that, above all, informed her other qualities, the quality that she first of all brought to the Suffrage situation, the quality that made her associates regard her with a kind of awe71, was her political-mindedness, and political-mindedness was not at all uncommon72 in the Woman’s Party. It was, perhaps, its main asset, although initiative and efficiency, speed, and courage of the most daring order marked it. But Alice Paul’s political-mindedness had quality as well as quantity. When Hughes was made the Republican nominee73 for the 1916 election, Alice Paul asked him to declare for National Suffrage. He was exceedingly dubious74. It is obvious that, in asking favors of a politician, it is necessary to prove to him that action on his part will not hurt him in the matter of votes and may help him. On this point, Alice Paul said in effect:
“Your Party consists of two factions75, the old, stand-pat Republicans and the Progressives. Now, if you put a Suffrage plank76 in your platform, you will not alienate77 the Progressives, because the Progressives have a Suffrage plank, and the old stand-pat Republicans will not vote for a Democrat78 no matter what you put in your platform.”
28When in the same election campaign Hughes went West, and the West turned to Wilson, it became evident, however much the Woman’s Party diminished the prestige of Wilson, it could not defeat him. Numerous advisers79 suggested to Alice Paul to withdraw her speakers from the campaign.
Alice Paul answered, “No; if we withdraw our speakers from the campaign, we withdraw the issue from the campaign. The main thing is to make the Suffrage Amendment a national issue that the Democrats80 will not want to meet in another campaign.”
After the election, somebody said to her, “The people of the United States generally think you made a great mistake in fighting Wilson. They think your campaign a failure.” Alice Paul answered, “In this case, it is not important what the people think but what the Democratic leaders know.”
The most magical thing about Alice Paul’s political-mindedness was, however, a quality which is almost indescribable. Perhaps it should be symbolized81 by some term of the fourth dimension—although Helena Hill Weed’s happy word “prescience” comes near to describing it. Maud Younger gives an extraordinary example of this. She says again and again, lobbyists would come back from the Capitol with the news of some unexpected man?uver which perplexed82 or even blocked them. Congressmen, themselves, would be puzzled over the situation. Again and again, she has seen Alice Paul walk to the window, stand there, head bent83, thinking. Then, suddenly she would come back. She had seen behind the veil of conflicting and seemingly untranslatable testimony84. She had, in Maud Younger’s own words, cloven “straight to the heart of things.” Often her lobbyists had the experience of explaining to baffled members of Committees in Congress the concealed85 tactics of their own Committee.
It was small wonder that they were so busy at Headquarters during those first months. They were preparing 29for a monster demonstration in the shape of a procession which was to occur on March 3, 1913, on the eve of President Wilson’s first inauguration86. That procession, which was really a thing of great beauty, brought Suffrage into prominence87 in a way the Suffragists had not for an instant anticipated. About eight thousand women took part. The procession started from the Capitol, marched up Pennsylvania Avenue past the White House and ended in a mass-meeting at the Hall of the Daughters of the American Revolution. Although a permit had been issued for the procession, and though this carried with it the right to the street, the police failed to protect the marchers as had been rumored88 they would. The end of the Avenue was almost impassable to the parade. A huge crowd, drawn89 from all over the country, had appeared in Washington for the Inauguration festivities. They chose to act in the most rowdy manner possible and many of the police chose to seem oblivious90 of what they were doing. Disgraceful episodes occurred. Secretary of War Stimson had finally to send for troops from Fort Meyer. There was an investigation91 of the action of the police by a Committee of the Senate. The official report is a thick book containing testimony that will shock any fine-minded American citizen. Ultimately, the Chief of Police for the District of Columbia was removed.
The investigation, however, kept the Suffrage procession in the minds of the public for many weeks. It almost over-shadowed the Inauguration itself.
On this occasion, the banner—in a slightly modified form to be afterwards always known as the Great Demand banner—was carried for the first time. This banner marched peremptorily92 through the history of the Woman’s Party until the Suffrage Amendment was passed. It said:
WE DEMAND AN AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE
UNITED STATES ENFRANCHISING93 THE WOMEN OF THE COUNTRY.
30On March 3 there arrived in Washington a man who was that day a simple citizen of the United States. The next day he was to become the President of the United States. As Woodrow Wilson drove from the station through the empty streets to his hotel, he asked, “Where are the people?”
The answer was, “Over on the Avenue watching the Suffrage Parade.”
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1
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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forefinger
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| n.食指 | |
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persiflage
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| n.戏弄；挖苦 | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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8
terseness
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| 简洁，精练 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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inflexibility
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| n.不屈性，顽固，不变性；不可弯曲；非挠性；刚性 | |
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appalled
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| v.使惊骇，使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的；丧胆的 | |
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espied
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| v.看到( espy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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faltered
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| （嗓音）颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 )； 支吾其词； 蹒跚； 摇晃 | |
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illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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ace
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| n.A牌；发球得分；佼佼者；adj.杰出的 | |
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stenographer
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| n.速记员 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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immutable
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| adj.不可改变的，永恒的 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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plaintive
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| adj.可怜的，伤心的 | |
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picket
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| n.纠察队；警戒哨；v.设置纠察线；布置警卫 | |
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picketed
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| 用尖桩围住（picket的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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housekeepers
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| n.（女）管家( housekeeper的名词复数 ) | |
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berth
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| n.卧铺，停泊地，锚位；v.使停泊 | |
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creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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egregious
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| adj.非常的，过分的 | |
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retailed
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| vt.零售（retail的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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halfway
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| adj.中途的，不彻底的，部分的；adv.半路地，在中途，在半途 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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49
inundated
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| v.淹没( inundate的过去式和过去分词 )；（洪水般地）涌来；充满；给予或交予（太多事物）使难以应付 | |
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50
pulsating
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| adj.搏动的，脉冲的v.有节奏地舒张及收缩( pulsate的现在分词 )；跳动；脉动；受（激情）震动 | |
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51
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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52
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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53
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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pennants
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| n.校旗( pennant的名词复数 )；锦标旗；长三角旗；信号旗 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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60
reiterate
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| v.重申，反复地说 | |
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61
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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militancy
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| n.warlike behavior or tendency | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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sapient
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| adj.有见识的，有智慧的 | |
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contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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plank
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| n.板条，木板，政策要点，政纲条目 | |
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alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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symbolized
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| v.象征，作为…的象征( symbolize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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inauguration
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| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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88
rumored
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| adj.传说的，谣传的v.传闻( rumor的过去式和过去分词 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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oblivious
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| adj.易忘的，遗忘的，忘却的，健忘的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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enfranchising
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| v.给予选举权( enfranchise的现在分词 )；（从奴隶制中）解放 | |
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