All these months, the work of organizing the nation-wide demonstration1 of May 2—which had been decided2 upon at the opening meeting of the Congressional union for 1914—had been going on.
The Congressional union sent organizers into all the States of the union to make plans for the demonstration. Minnie E. Brooke went through every State in the South. Mabel Vernon, one of the organizers for the Congressional union, traveled through the southwestern part of the country and up through California, ending her trip in Nevada. Crystal Eastman of the Executive Committee took care of the Northwestern States, Emma Smith DeVoe covered the Far Western States; Jessie Hardy3 Stubbs, the Middle Western States; Mrs. Lawrence Lewis and Alice Paul, assisted by Olive Hasbrouck, New England and the Middle Atlantic States.
On February 12, the National American Woman Suffrage4 Association promised its co-operation also, and from that date aided in making the demonstration a success.
The demonstration—taking the form of parades in most cases, meetings in a few—occurred in at least one great city in every State. The following resolution was adopted at the various gatherings5.
Resolved, that this meeting calls upon Congress to take immediate7 and favorable action upon the Bristow-Mondell Resolution enfranchising8 women.
The culminating demonstration occurred May 9 in Washington. There was a mass-meeting at the Belasco Theatre, 67and following this a procession starting promptly9 at three o’clock, marched to the Capitol. At the foot of the Capitol steps, the enormous gathering6 sang the Woman’s March. Then five hundred and thirty-one delegates representing every Congressional and Senatorial district in the country, bearing resolutions passed at the country-wide demonstrations10, marched up the long steps into the great Rotunda11 of the Capitol. A Committee of Senators and Representatives awaited the delegates, received the resolutions and introduced them on the floor of each House of Congress.
Here, as always, Alice Paul visualized12 her work in pageantry. On this occasion, that pageantry was particularly beautiful. Zona Gale13 writes in the Suffragist:
“I shall watch it, but it will not mean anything to me,” said a visitor to me on Saturday, but that night she said: “I leaned out of my window, and held my screen up with one hand, and let the sun beat in my face for the forty minutes that you were passing, and I wept. To think of your being part of it—and caring like that—and the men there on the sidewalk holding back, by what right, what you ask!”
The effect of this lengthened—and therefore accumulative—nation-wide demonstration was immediately felt at the national Capitol. Between the dates of the demonstration throughout the States May 2, and the demonstration in Washington, May 9, the Judiciary Committee reported the Mondell Resolution without recommendation, but with an overwhelming vote, to the House. This marked an epoch14 in the Suffrage work in the United States; for Suffrage had never been debated on the floor of the House, and not since 1890 had it progressed beyond the Committee stage in the House. The Resolution rested on May 5 at the foot of the highly congested House calendar. On May 13, Representative Mondell introduced a Resolution asking time for an early consideration of the Suffrage Amendment15. The adoption16 of this Resolution meant that the Amendment would be taken up, debated, and voted on.
68The Rules Committee, to which the Resolution was referred, failed to act upon it. Suffragists began to besiege17 the Rules Committee. The Rules Committee, however, proved unamenable to argument, discussion, or entreaty18.
Later in the year, in a speech at the Newport Conference, Lucy Burns said of the Rules Committee that it “adopted devious19 means for avoiding action on the Suffrage Resolution. It was difficult for them to vote against it, and it seemed difficult for them to vote for it. They apparently20 decided that the best policy for them to pursue was to take no action at all, so they hit upon the happy expedient21 of holding no meetings whatever.”
A detailed22 account of the action of the Rules Committee proves the adamancy23 of Party control. It gives some idea of the obstacles which ingenious politicians can put in the way of citizens, even though those citizens are making a perfectly24 legitimate25 request.
Mr. Henry, the Chairman of the Rules Committee, had declared in the spring that he thought it was out of the power of his Committee to take action (i.e. on the matter of the Suffrage Resolution which was only to allot26 time in the House for the discussion of the Suffrage Amendment) since the Suffrage Amendment had not been favorably acted upon at the last Democratic Caucus27: “You may tell this to the Press. You may tell it to the newspapers,” Mr. Henry said; “my hands are tied.”
However, early in June, the Suffragist says, “Mr. Henry’s view of his political helplessness weakened slightly.” He promised to report out the Suffrage Resolution. But he could not be prevailed upon to state when he would do so. The Congressional union, therefore, organized a series of deputations which visited the Rules Committee during all the long, hot summer and the long, hot fall. Deputations from nearly every State in the union and from nearly every occupation and profession of women waited upon the members of the Rules Committee. The reader must remember always that they were asking—not that the Amendment 69be passed—only that a few hours be set aside for the discussion of the Suffrage question in the House of Representatives. Repeated deputations called upon individual members of the Committee. On June 10, the Committee met, but decided to postpone28 action on the Suffrage question till July 1. Mr. Henry left immediately for Texas. A large deputation came to Washington to be present at the July 1 meeting. Many of the most prominent members of the Club women’s Deputation of five hundred, who had called the afternoon of June 30 on the President, remained in Washington overnight, so that they might be present at the meeting.
When, however, they arrived at the Committee room, they were told that the Committee would not meet, although no notice had been given of any change of date of the meeting. Mr. Henry had not returned to Washington. There was a quorum29 of the Committee in town; but the Democratic members said that they were bound by a “gentlemen’s agreement” among themselves not to meet. August 1 was set for the next meeting.
On July 13, a deputation of more than a hundred members of the Congressional union, led by Alice Paul, Lucy Burns, and Mrs. Gilson Gardner, called upon the individual members of the Rules Committee. They asked each member to sign a petition requesting the Acting30 Chairman, Mr. Pou, to call the Committee together for the purpose of reporting out the Resolution on the Suffrage Amendment. This petition was signed by the two Republican members of the Committee in Washington, and the one Progressive member. The two Democratic members then in Washington refused to sign. The petition was presented to Mr. Pou in his office by Representative Mondell.
Mr. Pou rose from his chair, viewing with amazement31 the numbers of the deputation as they filed into the room till all available space was occupied, leaving the majority of their number in the corridor. Mr. Pou definitely declined to call the meeting, although a quorum of the Committee 70was in the city, and although all of the Republican members on the Committee and the Progressive member had requested a meeting. Mr. Pou stated that he was bound by a “gentleman’s agreement” entered into by the Democratic members to hold no meetings of the Committee before August 1. He said, “The Democratic members agreed not to hold any meetings until August 1. In view of that understanding, I would not feel at liberty to call the Committee together.... When the Republicans were in charge, they decided what they were going to do; now that we are in charge, we decide what we are going to do.”
On August 1, a deputation consisting of Lucy Burns and Mrs. Gilson Gardner from the Congressional union accompanied by Maude F. Clark, called upon Mr. Pou. The forthright32 Lucy Burns began. “Mr. Pou, today is the first day of August. You told us when a Committee of our Organization called upon you in July that the Democratic members of the Committee had a ‘gentlemen’s agreement’ not to hold a meeting until August 1. Now that the day has come we should be glad to know when a meeting of your Committee will be held to consider House Resolution 514, allotting33 time for the consideration of the Suffrage Amendment in the House.”
Mr. Pou informed the delegation34 that Mr. Henry, Chairman of the Rules Committee, would return to Washington on Monday, August 3, and that a meeting of the Committee would be called for that day. Among other things, Mr. Pou made the significant statement, “The Rules Committee has in its keeping the policy of the Democratic Party in Congress.”
On August 3, a second delegation from the Congressional union, consisting of Alice Paul, Lucy Burns, Mrs. Gilson Gardner, Dr. Clara E. Ludlow, went to attend the promised meeting at the office of the Chairman, Mr. Henry. The elusive35 Mr. Henry was at last visible in the flesh. He informed these women that no meeting of the Committee had been called for that day. He did not know when it would be 71called, nor what measures it would consider. He suggested that they call again in a few days.
On August 28, the Rules Committee finally met. A deputation from the Congressional union presented themselves at the door. The deputation consisted of Mrs. Gilson Gardner, Minnie E. Brooke, Mrs. S. B. McDuffie, Virginia Arnold.
At the door of the Committee room, Mr. Henry’s secretary declared that it would be impossible for him to take a message or a card to Mr. Henry.
“I should be glad, then,” said the gently diplomatic Mrs. Gardner, “to send a card to other members of the Committee.”
“The Chairman has given orders,” said the secretary, “that no messages may be sent in to the Committee room.”
“I quite understand,” said Mrs. Gardner, “that Mr. Henry can speak for the majority members of the Committee, but surely not for the Republican and Progressive members, and I should like your permission to send word in to one of them.”
The secretary maintained that this was against Mr. Henry’s specific orders.
Mrs. Gardner then went on very gently: “It is not the desire of the deputation to disturb the Committee; but, on the other hand, it is the sense of the deputation that it is necessary to send the Committee a message. What would you suggest that we do?”
The secretary considered and decreed, “A message might be sent in by telephone.” Mrs. Gardner accepted the use of Mr. Henry’s desk telephone, called up Representative Kelly who was attending the meeting in the adjoining Committee room, and asked if he would bring the Suffrage Resolution to the attention of the Committee. Mr. Kelly promptly promised to call up the Suffrage Resolution if it were possible to do so. This colloquy36 effectively brought the matter before the Committee.
The Suffrage Resolution was brought up, but a substitute 72motion that the Committee adjourn37 was immediately made and carried. It was a tie vote, but Mr. Henry, as chairman, cast the deciding vote. The Committee accordingly adjourned38 without having taken action on the Suffrage Resolution.
The Congressional union, undaunted, maintained its siege of the Rules Committee until Congress adjourned in October. Throughout the remaining months of that Congressional Session, however, the Rules Committee continued its policy of evasion39. No action was taken before adjournment40.
Of course, all this blocking of their efforts on the part of the Democrats41 made inevitable42 the election policy which the Congressional union was about to adopt—that of holding them “responsible.”
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1
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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enfranchising
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| v.给予选举权( enfranchise的现在分词 )；（从奴隶制中）解放 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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rotunda
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| n.圆形建筑物；圆厅 | |
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visualized
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| 直观的，直视的 | |
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gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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entreaty
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| n.恳求，哀求 | |
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devious
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| adj.不坦率的，狡猾的；迂回的，曲折的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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adamancy
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| n.坚硬，坚强，固执 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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allot
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| v.分配；拨给；n.部分；小块菜地 | |
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caucus
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| n.秘密会议；干部会议；v.（参加）干部开会议 | |
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postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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quorum
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| n.法定人数 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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forthright
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| adj.直率的，直截了当的 [同]frank | |
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allotting
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的现在分词 ) | |
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delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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elusive
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| adj.难以表达(捉摸)的；令人困惑的；逃避的 | |
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colloquy
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| n.谈话，自由讨论 | |
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adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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