At the Lafayette monument, two banner bearers emerged from the group; and stationed themselves on the platform at the base of the statue.
One of them, Mary Gertrude Fendall, bore Inez Milholland’s banner, inscribed2 with her memorable3 last words:
HOW LONG MUST WOMEN WAIT FOR LIBERTY?
The other, borne by Clara Wold and Blanche McPherson, carried what was really the message of the meeting:
WE PROTEST AGAINST THE CONTINUED DISFRANCHISEMENT
OF AMERICAN WOMEN, FOR WHICH THE PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES IS RESPONSIBLE.
WE CONDEMN4 THE PRESIDENT AND HIS PARTY FOR ALLOWING
THE OBSTRUCTION5 OF SUFFRAGE6 IN THE SENATE.
356WE DEPLORE7 THE WEAKNESS OF PRESIDENT WILSON IN PERMITTING THE SENATE TO LINE ITSELF WITH THE PRUSSIAN REICHSTAG BY DENYING DEMOCRACY TO THE PEOPLE WE DEMAND THAT THE PRESIDENT AND HIS PARTY SECURE THE PASSAGE OF THE SUFFRAGE AMENDMENT8 THROUGH THE SENATE IN THE PRESENT SESSION. The other banner bearers marched to both sides of the statue where they made solid banks of vivid color. Mrs. Lawrence Lewis stepped forward. “We are here,” she said, “because when our country is at war for liberty and democracy....”
At the word “democracy,” the police, who had been drawing nearer and nearer, placed her under arrest. Other women standing9 about her were arrested, although they had not even spoken.
For a moment there was a complete silence.
Then Hazel Hunkins, who had led the line carrying the American flag, leaped upon the base of the statue and said:
Here, at the statue of Lafayette, who fought for the liberty of this country, and under the American flag, I am asking for the enfranchisement11 of American women.
She was immediately arrested. Another woman took her place, and she was arrested; another; and another; and on and on, until forty-seven women had been taken into custody12.
Alice Paul, who had not participated in the parade, was standing in the middle of the street, watching and listening. She had no banner. She had not spoken. She had not moved. But a policeman, pointing at her, said: “That is the leader; get her!” And she was arrested.
Burning the President’s Words at the Lafayette Monument, Washington.
A Summer Picket13 Line.
Many women asked on what charge they were arrested. “Do not answer them! Do not tell them anything!” said a policeman. Others answered with very labored14 charges, which were not substantiated15 later by Police Headquarters. Patrol wagon16 after patrol wagon appeared, was filled with 357women, and dashed off, followed by the purple, white, and gold flutter of the banners.
When Hazel Hunkins was arrested, she forbade the policemen to take the American flag which she carried from her. At the Municipal Building, she refused to relinquish17 it. After the preliminaries of their arrest were over and the women released on bail18, they marched back in an unbroken line behind Hazel’s flag.
The arrested women were the following:
Hazel Adams, Eva E. Sturtevant, Pauline Clarke, Blanche A. McPherson, Katherine R. Fisher, Rose Lieberson, Alice Kimball, Matilda Terrace, Lucy Burns, Edith Ainge, May Sullivan, Mary Gertrude Fendall, Julia Emory, Anna Kuhn, Gladys Greiner, Martha W. Moore, Cora Crawford, Dr. Sarah Hunt Lockrey, Mrs. Lawrence Lewis, Ellen Winsor, Mary Winsor, Mrs. Edmund C. Evans, Christine M. Doyle, Kate Cleaver19 Heffelfinger, Lavinia Dock, Harriet Keehn, Alice Paul, Mary E. Dubrow, Lillian M. Ascough, Edna M. Purtelle, Ruby20 E. Koeing, Elsie Hill, Helena Hill Weed, Eleanor Hill Weed, Mrs. Gilson Gardner, Sophie G. Meredith, Louise M. Black, Agnes Chase, Kate J. Boeckh, Hazel Hunkins, Cora Wold, Clara P. Wold, Margaret Oakes, Mollie Marie Green, Gertrude Lynde Crocker, Effie Boutwell Main, Annie Arniel, Emily Burke Main.
The forty-seven were ordered to appear in court the next morning at half-past nine. The United States attorney told them, when he arrived at 10:30, that the case was postponed22 for a week. The police clerk told Clara Wold that she was arrested “for climbing the statue.”
Clara Wold describes her subsequent experiences when, dismissed by the court, she walked to Headquarters past the Lafayette monument, “there sat a colored man on the very same ledge—basket, bundles, and papers strewn about him as he comfortably devoured23 a sandwich.”
Lafayette Park was not under the District of Columbia, but directly under the President’s military aide—Colonel Ridley, who was also Superintendent24 of Public Buildings and grounds in Washington.
358On August 13, the women appeared in the Federal Police Court, as ordered, for trial. The charge had been decided25 on; “For holding a meeting in public grounds.” But again the Court announced postponement26 until August 15.
After vigorous protests by the Suffragists against further delay, the cases of the eighteen, who were charged in addition with “climbing a statue,” were tried separately.
The women had no lawyers. Each spoke10 on her own behalf. They defended themselves on the ground of the constitutional right of free assemblage and appeal to the Government for the redress27 of grievances28. They all pleaded, Not Guilty. Many of them added that they did not recognize the jurisdiction29 of the Court. Hazel Hunkins explained: “Women cannot be law-breakers until they are law-makers.”
One of the witnesses was the Chief Clerk of Public Grounds, an elderly man. Elsie Hill suddenly asked him when he had taken office. He replied, “In 1878.” “Do you realize,” Miss Hill said, “that in that year a Federal Suffrage Amendment was introduced, and that since then women have been helping30 to pay your salary and that of other government officials under protest?” The Chief Clerk was so astounded31 that he merely shook his head.
The trial of the remainder of the women on the charge of “holding a meeting on public grounds” took place on August 15.
At the very beginning of proceedings32 Alice Paul said:
As a disfranchised class we feel that we are not subject to the jurisdiction of this court and therefore refuse to take any part in its proceedings. We also feel that we have done nothing to justify33 our being brought before it.
They then sat down and refused to answer any question put to them.
The judge was utterly34 nonplussed35 by this situation. He said that he would call a recess36 of fifteen minutes to consider the question of contempt. Among the spectators who packed the room was a lawyer—a visitor in Washington. He extracted 359a great deal of enjoyment37 out of this occasion, because, he said, “if the women are not afraid of jail, there is nothing the judge can do.” He awaited the judge’s decision with an entertained anticipation38. Apparently39 the judge came to the same decision, for at the end of fifteen minutes, the Court reconvened and the trial went on as though nothing had happened.
The women refused to rise when charged. They refused to plead Guilty or Not Guilty. They sat and read, or knitted, or, as the proceedings bored them, fell asleep. The Park Police were, of course, the only witnesses. At last all the women whom they could identify were found Guilty. They were sentenced to pay fines of five or ten dollars or to serve in prison ten or fifteen days. They all refused to pay the fine. Mary Winsor said: “It is quite enough to pay taxes when you are not represented, let alone pay a fine if you object to this arrangement.” The prisoners were then bundled in the Black Maria and taken off to prison.
Before the pickets40 were released from prison at the end of the previous year, Superintendent Zinkham said to them:
Now don’t come back, for, if you do, I will have a far worse place than the jail fixed41 up for you. I will have the old workhouse fixed up for you, and you will have cells without sunlight, with windows high up from the ground. You won’t be as comfortable as you are here.
Everything happened as Superintendent Zinkham prophesied42, and a great deal more that was worse. The old workhouse which he had promised them had been condemned43 in Roosevelt’s Administration, and had not been used for years. The lower tier of cells was below the level of the ground. The doors of the cells were partly of solid steel and only partly of grating, so that little light penetrated44. The wash basin was small and inadequate45. The toilet was open, the cots were of iron and without springs, and with a thin straw mattress46 on them. Outside, they left behind a day so hot as to be almost insupportable, but in the Workhouse, 360it was so cold that their teeth chattered47. It was damp all the time. When the present writer visited this old Workhouse in October, 1919, beads48 of water hung on everything. The walls were like the outside of an ice water pitcher49 in summer. Several of the pickets developed rheumatism50. But the unendurable thing about it was the stench which came in great gusts51; component52 of all that its past history had left behind and of the closeness of the unaired atmosphere. Apparently something was wrong with the water, or perhaps it was that the pipes had not been used for years. Most of the women believe they suffered with lead poisoning. They ached all over; endured a violent nausea53; chills.
However, all the twenty-six, with the exception of two elderly women, went on hunger-strikes. Lucy Burns presented a demand on behalf of the entire company to Superintendent Zinkham. She said: “We must have twenty-three more blankets and twenty-three hot-water bottles. This place is cold and unfit for human habitation.”
“I know it is cold and damp,” he replied, “but you can all get out of here by paying your fines.”
The Woman’s Party showed their usual ingenuity54 in bringing these conditions before the public. As fast as women were arrested, their State Senators and Representatives were besieged55 by letters and telegrams from home urging them to go to see these imprisoned56 constituents57. The Press of their district made editorial question or comment. As long as this imprisoning58 of the pickets continued, there was a file of Representatives and Senators visiting the victims. Senator Jones of Washington was the first outside visitor to see them.
In the meantime, another meeting of protest, held at the Lafayette Monument on August 12, with the same speakers and many of the same banner bearers, was broken up by the police.
A curious feature of this case was that at Police Headquarters 361the police decided to confiscate59, along with the banners, the Suffragist regalia—a sash of purple, white, and gold without any lettering whatever. The women refused to relinquish these sashes, and there was in every case a struggle, in which wrists were twisted, fingers sprained60; bruises61 and cuts of all kinds administered. All the thirty-eight women were, however, released unconditionally62.
On August 14, the women held two meetings of protest at the Lafayette Monument—one at half-past four in the afternoon, and one at eight o’clock in the evening.
This double protest came about in this way.
At the afternoon demonstration63, the women were immediately arrested. They were held at Police Headquarters for two hours. The authorities feeling then that the hour was too late for further demonstrations64, released them. They did not require bail, or a promise to appear in Court.
The women went at once to Headquarters, snatched a hasty dinner; slipped quietly out of the building, and marched to the Lafayette Monument. Everybody agrees that this evening demonstration was very beautiful. It was held in the soft dusk of the Washington August. The crescent moon, which seemed tangled65 in the trees of the park, gave enough light to bring out the Suffrage tri-color and the Stars and Stripes. As the women gathered closer and closer around the statue, the effect was of color, smudged with shadow; of shadow illuminated66 with color.
Elsie Hill, carrying the American flag in one hand, and the purple, white, and gold banner in the other spoke first; spoke wonderfully—as Elsie Hill always spoke. She said in part:
We know that our protest is in harmony with the belief of President Wilson, for he has stood before the world for the right of the governed to a voice in their own government. We resent the fact that the soldiers of our country, the men drafted to fight Prussia abroad, are used instead to help still the demand of American women for political freedom. We resent the suppression of our demands but our voices will carry across the country 362and down through time. The world will know that the women of America demand the passage of the Federal Suffrage Amendment and that the President insists that the Senate act.
There were only two policemen on duty. For two policemen to try to arrest nine lively and athletic67 pickets was a little like a scene in Alice in Wonderland. They would pull one woman down from the statue, start to get another, whereupon the first would be back again with her flying banner.
Finally, the police reserves arrived, but every woman had managed to make a speech.
While the Suffragists were still in the old Workhouse, Alice Paul, following her usual system of complete publicity68, had announced another protest meeting at the Lafayette Monument.
Later Alice Paul received a letter from Colonel Ridley:
I have been advised that you desire to hold a demonstration in Lafayette Square on Thursday, August 22. By direction of the Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army, you are hereby granted permission to hold this demonstration. You are advised good order must prevail.
Miss Paul replied:
We received yesterday your permit for a Suffrage demonstration in Lafayette Park this afternoon, and are very glad that our meetings are no longer to be interfered69 with. Because of the illness of so many of our members, due to their treatment in prison this last week, and with the necessity of caring for them at Headquarters, we are planning to hold our next meeting a little later. We have not determined70 on the exact date but we will inform you of the time as soon as it is decided upon.
As a result of the first series of protest meetings, the Administration had yielded to the point of no longer interfering71 with the meetings at the Lafayette Monument. But as time went by and neither the Senate nor the President did anything about Suffrage, the National Woman’s Party announced that a protest meeting would be held at the Lafayette 363Monument on September 16 at four o’clock. Immediately the President announced that he would receive a delegation72 of Southern and Western Democratic women that day at two.
The same day, September 16, as Maud Younger was coming back from the Capitol to Headquarters, Senator Overman of the Rules Committee came and sat by her in the car. In the course of his conversation, he remarked casually73: “I don’t think your bill is coming up this session.”
That afternoon, Abby Scott Baker74 went to see Senator Jones of New Mexico, Chairman of the Suffrage Committee, to ask him to call a meeting of the Committee to bring Suffrage to the vote. Senator Jones refused. He said he would not bring up the Suffrage Amendment at this session in Congress.
When—still later—that delegation of Southern and Western Democratic women called on the President, he said to them:
I am, as I think you know, heartily75 in sympathy with you. I have endeavored to assist you in every way in my power, and I shall continue to do so. I shall do all that I can to assist the passage of the Amendment by an early vote.
This was the final touch.
The National Woman’s Party hastily changed the type of its demonstration. Instead of holding a mere21 meeting of protest, they decided to burn the words which the President had said that very afternoon to the Southern and Western Democratic women. At four o’clock instead of two, forty women marched from Headquarters to the Lafayette Monument. They carried the famous banners: HOW LONG MUST WOMEN WAIT FOR LIBERTY? MR. PRESIDENT, WHAT WILL YOU DO FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE? At the Lafayette statue, Bertha Arnold delivered an appeal to Lafayette, written by Mrs. Richard Wainwright and beginning with the famous words of Pershing in France:
364Lafayette, we are here!
We, the women of the United States, denied the liberty which you helped to gain, and for which we have asked in vain for sixty years, turn to you to plead for us.
Speak, Lafayette! Dead these hundred years but still living in the hearts of the American people. Speak again to plead for us, condemned like the bronze woman at your feet, to a silent appeal. She offers you a sword. Will you not use the sword of the spirit, mightier76 far than the sword she holds out to you?
Will you not ask the great leader of our democracy to look upon the failure of our beloved country to be in truth the place where every one is free and equal and entitled to a share in the government? Let that outstretched hand of yours pointing to the White House recall to him his words and promises, his trumpet77 call for all of us to see that the world is made safe for democracy.
As our army now in France spoke to you there, saying, “Here we are to help your country fight for liberty,” will you not speak here and now for us, a little band with no army, no power but justice and right, no strength but in our Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, and win a great victory again in this country by giving us the opportunity we ask to be heard through the Susan B. Anthony Amendment?
Lafayette, we are here!
The police, having no orders to arrest the women, smiled and nodded. And while the crowd that had very quickly gathered applauded, Lucy Branham stepped forward. Beside her was Julia Emory, holding a flaming torch.
“We want action,” Miss Branham stated simply, “not words.” She took the torch from Julia Emory, held the words of the President’s message of that afternoon in the flames. As it burned, she said:
The torch which I hold symbolizes78 the burning indignation of women who for a hundred years have been given words without action. In the spring our hopes were raised by words much like these from President Wilson, yet they were permitted to be followed by a filibuster79 against our Amendment on the part of the Democratic Senate leaders.
President Wilson still refuses any real support to the movement for the political freedom of women....
We, therefore, take these empty words, spoken by President Wilson this afternoon, and consign80 them to the flames.
Lucy Branham Burning the President’s Words at the Lafayette Monument.
Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C.
The Russian Envoy81 Banner, August, 1917.
Photo Copr. Harris and Ewing, Washington, D. C.
365This is a symbol of the indignation of American women at the treatment given by the President to their plea for democracy.
We have protested to this Administration by banners; we have protested by speeches; we now protest by this symbolic82 act.
As in the ancient fights for liberty the crusaders for freedom symbolized83 their protest against those responsible for injustice84 by consigning85 their hollow phrases to the flames, so we, on behalf of thousands of Suffragists, in this same way today, protest against the action of the President and his Party in delaying the liberation of American women.
For five years, women have appealed to this President and his Party for political freedom. The President has given words, and words, and words. Today, women receive more words. We announce to the President and the whole world today, by this act of ours, our determination that words shall no longer be the only reply given to American women—our determination that this same democracy, for whose establishment abroad we are making the utmost sacrifice, shall also prevail at home.
Applause greeted these spirited words. As Jessie Hardy86 Mackaye started to speak, a man in the crowd handed her a twenty-dollar bill for the Woman’s Party. Others began passing money to her. The Suffragists were busy running through the crowd collecting it. The crowd continued to applaud and cheer.
Mrs. Mackaye said:
Against the twofold attitude on the part of the Senate toward democracy, I protest with all the power of my being. The same Congress and the same Administration that are appropriating billions of dollars and enlisting87 the services of millions of men to establish democracy in Europe, is at the same time refusing to do so common a piece of justice as to vote to submit the Woman Suffrage Amendment to the States.
This was the first time the President’s words were burned.
The President’s car drove up to the door during the progress of this demonstration, and President Wilson stepped in. But instead of going out at the usual gate, the driver turned the car about, so that he could make his exit elsewhere.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
saluted
|
|
| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
inscribed
|
|
| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
memorable
|
|
| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
condemn
|
|
| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
obstruction
|
|
| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
suffrage
|
|
| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
deplore
|
|
| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
amendment
|
|
| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
enfranchisement
|
|
| 选举权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
custody
|
|
| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
picket
|
|
| n.纠察队；警戒哨；v.设置纠察线；布置警卫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
labored
|
|
| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
substantiated
|
|
| v.用事实支持（某主张、说法等），证明，证实( substantiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
wagon
|
|
| n.四轮马车，手推车，面包车；无盖运货列车 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
relinquish
|
|
| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
bail
|
|
| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
cleaver
|
|
| n.切肉刀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
ruby
|
|
| n.红宝石，红宝石色 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
postponed
|
|
| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
devoured
|
|
| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
superintendent
|
|
| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
postponement
|
|
| n.推迟 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
redress
|
|
| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
grievances
|
|
| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
jurisdiction
|
|
| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
helping
|
|
| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
astounded
|
|
| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
proceedings
|
|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
justify
|
|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
nonplussed
|
|
| adj.不知所措的，陷于窘境的v.使迷惑( nonplus的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
recess
|
|
| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
enjoyment
|
|
| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
anticipation
|
|
| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
pickets
|
|
| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
fixed
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
prophesied
|
|
| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
penetrated
|
|
| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
inadequate
|
|
| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
mattress
|
|
| n.床垫，床褥 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
chattered
|
|
| （人）喋喋不休( chatter的过去式 )； 唠叨； （牙齿）打战； （机器）震颤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
beads
|
|
| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
pitcher
|
|
| n.(有嘴和柄的)大水罐；(棒球)投手 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
rheumatism
|
|
| n.风湿病 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
gusts
|
|
| 一阵强风( gust的名词复数 )； （怒、笑等的）爆发； （感情的）迸发； 发作 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
component
|
|
| n.组成部分，成分，元件；adj.组成的，合成的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
nausea
|
|
| n.作呕，恶心；极端的憎恶(或厌恶) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
ingenuity
|
|
| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
besieged
|
|
| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
imprisoned
|
|
| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
constituents
|
|
| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
imprisoning
|
|
| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
confiscate
|
|
| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
sprained
|
|
| v.&n. 扭伤 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
bruises
|
|
| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
unconditionally
|
|
| adv.无条件地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
demonstration
|
|
| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
demonstrations
|
|
| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
tangled
|
|
| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
illuminated
|
|
| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
athletic
|
|
| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
publicity
|
|
| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
interfered
|
|
| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
interfering
|
|
| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
delegation
|
|
| n.代表团；派遣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
casually
|
|
| adv.漠不关心地，无动于衷地，不负责任地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
baker
|
|
| n.面包师 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
heartily
|
|
| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
mightier
|
|
| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
trumpet
|
|
| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
symbolizes
|
|
| v.象征，作为…的象征( symbolize的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
filibuster
|
|
| n.妨碍议事，阻挠；v.阻挠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
consign
|
|
| vt.寄售（货品），托运，交托，委托 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
envoy
|
|
| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
symbolic
|
|
| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
symbolized
|
|
| v.象征，作为…的象征( symbolize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
injustice
|
|
| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
consigning
|
|
| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的现在分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
hardy
|
|
| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
enlisting
|
|
| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |