Private 14th Regt. 1742.
But ill deeds take long a-dying. It was not yet a century since kings had tried to crush the freedom of a people, or since an army had taken the place of personal rule and had threatened another and still worse form of autocracy15; still matters were mending. National poverty—for the country was then neither populous16 nor rich—may have had a little to do with past reluctance17 to enter the arena18 of European politics; and for a long time a natural dread19 of a despotism of any kind led a freedom-loving people to refuse supplies that might be used to create a weapon hostile to their continued liberty. But all strong nations, not governed by feminine hysteria or led by ill-balanced doctrinaires, like to feel themselves strong and respected abroad as well as at home. Blake had already shown the value of such a sentiment, but the time was hardly yet ripe for the full influence of his work to be felt. It was possibly but little known, generally, in his lifetime; for information, in the middle of the seventeenth century, was slow in spreading. Certainly it had not been fully20 grasped. But times were changing. National glory, once tasted, could not be maintained by keeping aloof21 from the broader work and interests of the world. The wars of Anne’s reign6, in which Marlborough was the leading spirit, roused the bold fighting spirit that made the England of the eighteenth century, as the campaigns of the early part of the nineteenth century have kept that spirit from decay.
THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH
From an old print
But, more than this, an Englishman, the greatest of our national leaders, John Churchill, Earl of Marlborough, Captain-General of the combined forces in the Netherlands, was not only to take a more prominent part in the coming war, was not only to enter into a campaign the theatre of which was to range from the Atlantic to the German Ocean, but was to command a more distinctly British contingent22 than in William’s reign, when British, Dutch, and even Danes fought under the same flag. And if the74 causes of the wars of the Dutch prince had been rather of a personal nature, as before remarked, those which now led the advisers23 of Queen Anne to take a vigorous offensive on the Continent, were to preserve that “Balance of Power in Europe,” which eventually became one of the special reasons advanced in the Mutiny Act for the continuous, large standing4 army in this country. The war was to check French oppression generally, for Europe’s sake, and to prevent a single small State from falling into her hands.
“The necessity of war is occasioned by the want of a supreme24 judge, who may decide upon the disputes of individuals.... In the failure of any perfect remedy, however, for the disorder25 of war, a corrector of its evils has been found in the system called the Balance of Power. Europe being divided into many separate states, it has been the established policy of all, that when any one by its aggrandisement, threatened the general safety, the rest should unite to defend their independence. Thus Louis XIV. was checked by England, Holland, and the Empire.”19
So the war-clouds again burst, with, on one side, a British, Dutch, and Austrian army under Marlborough and Prince Eugene, and a force of Spanish, Bavarians, and French under Tallard on the other; but the extension of the interest in foreign political war was not now confined only to the Continent, for seven regiments26 of infantry28 were also despatched to the West Indies, to attempt the capture of the enemy’s possessions in the Caribbean Sea and elsewhere.
There was much desultory30 fighting before the great battles whose names are borne on British colours were fought; for victories at Schellenburg, Bonn, Huy, etc., earned for the British general a dukedom before the battles of Blenheim, Ramilies, Oudenarde, and Malplaquet were fought. Ramilies is remarkable31 for the fact that, though the contending forces were nearly equal, of the Allies only twenty-two battalions32 were English, and nine Scotch33; and that Marlborough, by recognising that the French left was75 behind a marsh34 difficult to pass, neglected this side and attacked in strength the other flank with complete success. Here, too, an Irish regiment27 captured an English colour, which long hung in the Irish Benedictine Church at Ypres; and it was at Ramilies that the 25th King’s Own Borderers found the French had not to halt and fix the “plug” bayonet in the muzzle35 before charging, because they had adopted the socketed36 bayonet. Of the regiments that fought in these campaigns, the Coldstream Guards were at Oudenarde and Malplaquet only; the 28th and 29th at Ramilies; but all four of these great victories are borne on the colours of the 1st, 3rd, 5th, 6th, and 7th Dragoon Guards, the 2nd Dragoons, the 5th Lancers, the Grenadier Guards, and the 1st, 3rd, 8th, 10th, 15th, 16th, 18th, 21st, 23rd, 24th, 26th, and 37th Regiments of the line.
At Oudenarde there was a slight superiority on the part of the French, and the battle is noteworthy for the presence and the gallant37 bearing of “the Prince Elector of Hanover,” who afterwards, as George II., fought at Dettingen. It was essentially38 an infantry battle, for the cavalry39 found little ground for their useful employment, and the artillery40 were scarcely engaged at all. The field was contested far into the darkness, and the French total loss in killed, wounded, and missing is reported to have amounted to 20,000 men.
Malplaquet ranks as the most sanguinary conflict of the four, and the loss of life almost exceeded the total of the other three. Among the distinguished42 historical names of the combatants is that of the “Chevalier de St. George,” who, as Marshal Boufflers says in his despatch29, “behaved himself during the whole action with all possible bravery and vivacity,” and led twelve charges of the Household troops. Courage was common, therefore, to both aspirants43 for the British throne. The loss on both sides was heavy, that on the part of the Allies has been variously put at between 35,000 and 18,000 men (Villars); while the French loss was 15,000. Many of the veterans of these wars lived up to the present century, and one, Henry Francis of New York, died in 1820, aged41 134.
76 Of all these battles, Blenheim offers the best type of the “order of battle” of the times. In a story that simply proposes to tell how our army came to be, and how and why it increased, any detailed44 reference to the causes of and even sequence of the successive wars is beyond its province. It will be sufficient, therefore, to recall to mind that the campaign in which Blenheim was the distinguishing feature arose, in the beginning, from the offensive action on the part of Louis XIV. in supporting the Stuarts, and in the support he gave to the claims of his grandson Philip to the throne of Spain. The odium theologicum was also a serious factor in the game. It was the ever recurring45 battle between the Catholicism of Rome and that of the other sections of Christianity antagonistic46 to the claims of the Romish Church.
It was nominally47 a coalition48 against France; at the bottom of it all was religious antagonism49, and this notwithstanding the nature of the alliance. The Dutch wanted to preserve their frontiers, to protect their faith. The Imperial army wanted to check French aggression50 and support the Austrian candidature to the Spanish throne; while the alliance of Bavaria with France left the heart of Germany open to these allies. The defeat of the Emperor would destroy the Austrian hopes, and therefore the French, under Tallard, moved towards the valley of the Danube. Hence it was that Marlborough, grasping the situation and seeing the importance of the defeat of the main Franco-Bavarian army, decided51 on concentrating the allied52 forces in the valley of the Danube, as Napoleon did later at Ulm.20
Thus, after some unimportant tactical and strategical operations, the opposing armies found themselves approaching each other near the village of Blenheim, or Blindheim, between Dillingen and Donauwerth, on the north bank of the great river.
The road between these places is crossed by two streams running into the Danube. West of the first is Hochstadt, the77 usual name given to the battle by foreign writers; on the second, the Nebel, and close to the Danube, was “Blindheim,” with Unterglauheim, on a marshy53 space a short distance up the stream, and midway between the Danube and the wooded heights in which these small tributary54 streams rise. Between the rivulets56 lie parallel ledges57 of no great height; but, owing to the period of the year, the streamlet was practically passable—except possibly to cavalry and artillery—in most places. West of the Nebel were the Franco-Bavarians, and Tallard had viewed his front of battle as reduced to a series of defiles58 by the nature of the wet ground in front, and had moreover retired59 so far from the stream as to leave plenty of room for an assaulting column to deploy60 after it had crossed the comparatively insignificant61 obstacle. Thinking the centre naturally strong, Tallard therefore occupied Blenheim, which was strong enough almost to take care of itself, with twenty-six battalions and twelve squadrons.
Formation of the Lines of Battle at Blenheim 13th August 1704.
The centre was practically composed of cavalry, eighty squadrons, and seven battalions. The left was held by Marsin from Oberglauheim farther up the Nebel to the wooded hill lands in strength with fourteen battalions (including the Irish Brigade) and thirty-six squadrons. On the east bank of the rivulet55, Marlborough, arriving first, had to wait for his ally Eugene, and decided on holding or containing the enemy’s right with Cutts’ hard-fighting regiment; and, waiting for the similar attack by his ally on the enemy’s left, kept in hand a centre of 8000 cavalry in two lines in front and a force of infantry in second line behind. His artillery were posted to cover the passage of the stream, over which extra pontoon bridges had been thrown. So he waited until Eugene was ready to engage.
This happened about 1 p.m., and the battle on this side was hotly contested to the end, with varying results; indeed, the Irish Brigade assailed62 the infantry of Marlborough’s right centre with serious results, until checked, and finally Marsin was able to retreat in good order. Meanwhile, on the other flank, Cutts had been able to “contain” Blenheim, and then,78 about 5 p.m., Marlborough’s centre crossed between the villages of Unter and Oberglauheim, and, supported as far as possible by guns, vigorously attacked and broke the centre of the defence, and the battle was practically over. For the separation of the wings obliged Marsin to fall back on Dillingen; and Blenheim, with twenty-four battalions and twelve squadrons, was compelled to surrender.
The Allied loss came to about 5000 killed and 8000 wounded. Of the French, 12,000 were killed and 14,000 made prisoners; while all the cannon63 and stores, some 300 colours, the general commanding, and 12,000 officers, were captured.
The “advice to officers,” printed at Perth in 1795, tells a quaint64 story of the conduct of the men of the 15th Foot during the battle. One of the senior officers, who knew he was unpopular because of his severity with his men, turned round to them before getting under fire, and confessed he had been to blame, and begged to fall by the hands of the French, not theirs. “March on, sir,” replied a grenadier; “the enemy is before us, and we have something else to do than think of you now.” On the French giving way, the major took off his hat and cried, “Huzzah, gentlemen!—the day is our own”; and, so saying, he fell dead, pierced through the brain; whether even then accidentally or otherwise by some of his own men or by the enemy, will never be known. But the death of officers by other bullets than those of the enemy is no new thing, if past stories and tradition be true.
The victory had a twofold aspect. On the one side the political effect was enormous. It had checked for ever the idea of universal dominion65 which may have been in Louis’ mind. More than this, but for it the whole face of Europe might have been politically altered. Protestantism might have once more been overridden66 by Roman Catholicism; Stuarts and not Guelphs might have reigned67 in England; the growth of commercial enterprise and religious freedom might have received a serious check; and, to quote Alison without fully endorsing68 his views, it is possible that “the Colonial Empire of England might have withered69 away and perished, as79 that of Spain has done in the grasp of the Inquisition. The Anglo-Saxon race would have been arrested in its mission to overspread the earth and subdue70 it. The centralised despotism of the Roman Empire would have been renewed in Continental71 Europe. The chains of Romish tyranny, and with them the general infidelity of France before the Revolution, would have extinguished or prevented thought in the British Islands.” These are strong views and possibly exaggerated; but whatever danger might have accrued72 from French aggression, the victory of Blenheim effectually stopped it. On the other hand, from a military standpoint the battle shows a curious change in tactics, which forms a sort of link with those of the time preceding it and those that followed. The actual order of battle shows how little, even then, the true employment of the mounted arms with respect to the infantry was understood. For example, Tallard had sent, besides a crowd of infantry, into the confined village space of Blenheim, where the few could check the many, some twelve dragoon squadrons to be dismounted and fight on foot. He did not, evidently, understand or grasp the proportion of footmen necessary for mere passive defence, or the value of the defensive73 when the protective nature of the cover afforded by such a place was taken into account.
Nor was the relative support of the three arms of battle better understood. If in the past the men-at-arms formed the mainstay of the attack, so here, with a slight difference, is the same result apparent. Much as the infantry had improved and come to the front, it was, apparently74, not even now recognised that it was a principal arm of battle, to which all others are accessory. Then, when the decisive moment of the day, about 5 p.m., came, the cavalry, some 8000 strong, were led by the duke himself against the French position. There was still personal leadership of men rather than the direction of them that the general showed. “The infantry were in support, with intervals75 between the battalions, so that the squadrons, if repulsed76, might pass through.” The admixture of the dissimilar arms of infantry and cavalry in the same fighting line is still curious. Similarly, says General80 Kane, “the Gens d’armes ... began the battle by a most furious charge, and broke through part of the front line” of Cutts’ division.
The probable fact is that the cavalry, being more mobile than the infantry, whose fighting power depended on the fire-action, which was necessarily slow, were used for the real attack, as the infantry were less able to take a vigorous offensive. Besides, the enemy’s centre was composed chiefly of the mounted arm. The artillery, slow moving like the infantry, were brought up in support of the more mobile body. It was only therefore when the ground was hopelessly bad for the mounted arm, as at Oudenarde and Malplaquet, that the decisive blow was given by infantry, and then the fight was more prolonged, more bloody77, more stubbornly contested and less resultful. Good as the infantry was,—so good that “Salamander Cutts” advanced his regiments right up to the palisades of Blenheim without firing a shot, and he contained and held therefore in the village the mass of troops that finally had to surrender there,—it was not the principal arm yet. The infantry supported the main attack of the cavalry, and completed the victory. Time was to come when the cavalry were to reverse these tactics, and complete the success that the infantry had begun.
The proportion of the cavalry to infantry again proves the case; nowadays it would be absolutely abnormal. Of the 52,000 Allies (9000 of whom were English), there were 20,000 cavalry. Of the 56,000 French, 8000 were cavalry. It is a stage in the tactical history, and that is all. The artillery took the preparatory part of the battle, and practically stopped there. The infantry finished what the cavalry had begun by Marlborough’s “decisive attack” with his two lines of cavalry; but the value of artillery to support such an advance and its increased mobility78 is foreshadowed by the advance of the guns across the Nebel.
How history repeats itself backwards79 and forwards! In a war of pure aggression, with, at its bottom, racial and religious hatred80, Shouvaloff, after the capture of Ismail in 1790, “with bloody hands” writes his first despatch, and81 in it says, “Glory to God and the Empress, Ismail’s ours!” So, in, 1870 Emperor William telegraphs to his Queen, “Thanks be to God!” Here too, at Blenheim, Marlborough says in his despatch to Queen Anne: “So with the blessing81 of God we obtained a complete victory. We have cut off great numbers of them as well in the action as in the retreat, besides upwards82 of thirty squadrons of the French which I pushed into the Danube.” The assumption that Providence83 is on the winning side, or on that of the “big battalions,” is common throughout the military history of all time.
The victory of Blenheim was certainly most complete. The French were not defeated only, but routed and dispersed84 by the central attack, as Napoleon defeated his adversaries85 at Austerlitz later on, by a similar tactical blow. “The best troops in the world had been vanquished,” said the marshal mournfully; but, replied Marlborough, “I think my own must be the best in the world, as they have conquered those on whom you bestow86 so high an encomium87.”
And, says another writer of the time, speaking of the anxious and dreadful side of war, “A great general—I mean such as the Duke of Marlborough, weak in his constitution and well stricken in years—would not undergo those eating cares which must be continually at his heart, the toils88 and hardships he must endure, if he has the least spark of human consideration; I say he could not engage in such a life, if not for the sake of his Queen, his country, and his honour.”
Meanwhile, other warlike operations had been conducted elsewhere on the Continent, though their glories and disasters were overshadowed by the more tremendous conflicts in the northern theatre of war. An allied Anglo-Dutch force under the Earl of Peterborough had been despatched to the Spanish Peninsula in support of the claim of Charles III. to the Spanish throne; and in consequence of the maritime89 nature of the operations, battalions for sea service as marines were raised, so to the three already in existence were added the 30th, 31st, and 32nd Regiments of the line. The first success was the capture of Barcelona, in which Colonel Southwell of82 the 6th Foot distinguished himself, and where two Marine90 colonels, Birr and Rodney, disagreed on landing to such an extent that they thereupon fought in front of the line, and the latter was wounded unto death. Birr finally commanded the 32nd.
But one of the rare disasters in our military annals befell us in this campaign at Almanza, where the Guards, the 2nd, 6th, 9th, 11th, 17th, 28th, 33rd, 35th, and 36th Regiments, the 2nd Dragoon Guards, 3rd, 4th, and 8th Hussars, besides other regiments since disbanded, were present, and where the new union Jack91, with the two crosses of St. Andrew and St. George only, was first carried; but the British were heavily outnumbered by the fifty-two battalions and seventy-six squadrons of the enemy, led by the Duke of Berwick, the son of James II. and Arabella Churchill, and were practically dispersed, with the loss of all their guns, 620 colours, and 10,000 prisoners. To counterbalance this was the gallant defence of the castle of Alicante, and the brilliant “affair” of Saragossa, when 30 standards were taken; and the 6th Foot claim the right of wearing their badge of the antelope92 from the date of this battle, in which one of the standards taken by them bore that emblem93.
Meanwhile, Marlborough retired to France after the treaty of Utrecht, to return when George I. ascended94 the throne, as Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Forces, Colonel of the 1st Foot Guards, and Master of the Ordnance95. But he did not survive the receipt of his new honours and return to power long. He died in 1722, at the age of seventy-three years, and a grateful nation interred96 him in Westminster Abbey.
Whatever estimate may be formed as to the private character of Churchill, there can be but one opinion as to his military career. Few great generals have had a more difficult task to perform than he, hampered97 as he was by alliances which often prevented his carrying to its full end the instincts and direction of his military genius. He was, besides being a skilful98 and scientific general, a brave man, and a leader of men. He never lost a battle83 or a siege. His recognition of the enemy’s weakness in the centre at Blenheim is only equalled by the similar penetration99 that Napoleon displayed at Austerlitz, and which proved once more that piercing the centre, if possible and successful, necessarily involves the temporary dispersion of the defeated army. His quick eye for “ground” is equally shown in his grasping the weakness of the French defensive position at Ramilies, and his seeing that the enemy’s left, being powerless for rapid offence, could be checked and held in place, while the weight of the rest of his army was thrown against the other wing.
His personal bravery at the same battle nearly cost him his life; and it is curious to read of the general commanding himself leading a charge in person, and fighting like a trooper, sword in hand.
But this and his personal care for and interest in his men was the secret of his power of leadership. He himself inspected his line before a battle, and his calm presence imparted a courage and confidence that all soldiers understand. His cheerful and cheering “Be steady and go on—keep up your fire, and the enemy will soon be dispersed,” accounts for much of the feeling that the rank and file felt for “Corporal John,” the affectionate title the men applied100 to him, as French soldiers did that of “le petit Caporal” to the equally great soldier of the next century. The ballad-writer of about 1711 fully emphasises this:—
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“Don’t talk of Schomberg and such to me; Noll and King William they might be queer To deal with, but he’d have beat them all three, Lord! as easy as I’m taking off this beer. All along I was with him, and I should know, And I tell you, my boys, the sun never shone On one that has led a charge here below That was fit to be named with Corporal John.
* * * * *
Then May good luck and Ramilies brought, At Ottomond’s tomb, by the red Mehaigne, To slaughter101 our corporal, Villeroi thought, But the French and their marshal we thrashed again. Eighty standards and every gun Our corporal took that glorious day, And with it the whole of Brabant we won, And Louis from Flanders, he slunk away. Oh, Corporal John always fought to beat; He was the one who could reckon upon; There was glory and plunder102, but never retreat, For all who fought under Corporal John.”
He believed in his men, and was careful of them as far as such was possible. He believed that “with 10,000 well-fed Englishmen, 10,000 half-starved Scotchmen, and 10,000 Irishmen charged with usquebaugh, he could march from Boulogne to Bayonne in spite of Le Grand Monarque.” And, true Englishman, he was “always of opinion that English horses, as well as English men, were better than could be had anywhere else.”
And while a strict disciplinarian (an absolute necessity with the very rough material he had to command) he allowed no severe court martial103 punishment to be carried into effect without his knowledge and confirmation104. Men were kept sufficiently105 employed, when in camp and not actively engaged, to prevent liberty degenerating106 into licence. He was no advocate, apparently, for night marching, thinking that three hours of sound sleep before midnight were all-important. After that, it did not matter how early the reveillé was sounded. And, lastly, it is curious to read of a fighting man of the early part of the eighteenth century, when morals were not at their highest, and of one the private side of whose character is, to say the least, questionable107, taking special care of the theological element of governance. His chaplains were intended to do their duty, and did it. He rarely, if ever, went into action without going to prayers first! At least, so it is said. He has much in common with Napoleon. Both as soldiers stand preeminent108; both in their private capacities show weaknesses that are little removed from criminal. But in thus judging the great duke, every allowance must be made for the times in which he lived, and the corruption109 that was so common as to be almost excusable. But whether his hands were85 clean or not, whether his conscience was pure or otherwise, whether he was really loyal or disloyal to the sovereign he, militarily, served so well, now all these things may be forgotten, and only the fact that he raised the name of the English army to the highest pitch of glory, and laid the foundation of our present respected position both by land and sea, need be remembered by this generation.
With the peace of Utrecht the great war for a time came to an end, and the army of 200,000 men was reduced to 8000 in Great Britain and 11,000 in the Plantations110 and elsewhere. All this, be it remembered, with the remembrance of the victories of Blenheim and Ramilies still ringing in the nation’s ears. But people began slowly, though still with reluctance, to desire that the army should go to war strong, even if, after the sound of battle had ceased, the Government reduced it to a mere cipher111 of its former battle strength. Yet, though a cipher, it was still one of larger value after each campaign than it was before.
When, therefore, a German-speaking king, George I., ascended the throne, the standing army had permanently112 grown.
There were, besides the Life and Horse Guards, the seven Dragoon Guards Regiments, the light regiments up to the 8th Light Dragoons (of which the 7th, formed from troops of the “Greys” and Royal Dragoons, was disbanded in 1713, but restored in 1715), and up to the 39th Foot inclusive; and of these the 30th, 31st and 32nd, as Sanderson’s, Villiers’ and Fox’s Marines, had been raised for sea service before coming on the army’s strength. It cannot be too often pointed113 out that the regiments were formed and disbanded more or less after every war, and that consequently many rank their seniority from their first creation.
The arms had little changed. The cuirass for cavalry was abandoned in 1702 and restored temporarily in 1707. The socketed bayonet had been introduced, and Blenheim was the first great battle in which the pike had been replaced by the new weapon. Sergeants114 still carried the halberd, which was succeeded as time went on by the lighter86 pike or “spontoon,” which remained in the service until after the Peninsular war, and which was carried by the “covering sergeant,” who protected or “covered” his captain with the weapon while his superior directed the work of the company.
The colours, formerly115 three in number, had by this time been reduced to two, the one the union “Jack,” the other the Regimental Colour, the ground of which was that of the regimental facings.
Doubtless the political feeling of expediency116 and the want of a larger revenue had still much to do with these continuous and expensive reductions, even more than the decaying dread of standing armies. They were expensive as involving greater expenditure117 when war broke out afresh, as it was likely to do. They cost the internal economy of the State much, from the difficulty of finding employment for the vast numbers of disbanded soldiery after a campaign. Politicians of the time were too narrow-minded to see that it costs less to be always prepared for war in peace rather than wait for the warlike necessity to arise. They were “penny wise and pound foolish” then, much as we are to-day. Taxpayers118 and Governments are proverbially slow to recognise this. The greater the national wealth, the more need for the national insurance. That means an army and a navy sufficient for that insurance.
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impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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truthfulness
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| n. 符合实际 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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rift
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| n.裂口，隙缝，切口；v.裂开，割开，渗入 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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33
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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34
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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35
muzzle
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| n.鼻口部；口套；枪(炮)口；vt.使缄默 | |
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36
socketed
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| v.把…装入托座（或插座），给…装上托座（或插座）( socket的过去分词 )；[高尔夫球]用棒头承口部位击（球） | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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39
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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40
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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41
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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42
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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43
aspirants
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| n.有志向或渴望获得…的人( aspirant的名词复数 )v.渴望的，有抱负的，追求名誉或地位的( aspirant的第三人称单数 )；有志向或渴望获得…的人 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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52
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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54
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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rivulets
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| n.小河，小溪( rivulet的名词复数 ) | |
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ledges
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| n.（墙壁，悬崖等）突出的狭长部分( ledge的名词复数 )；（平窄的）壁架；横档；（尤指）窗台 | |
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defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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deploy
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| v.（军）散开成战斗队形，布置，展开 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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overridden
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| 越控( override的过去分词 )； （以权力）否决； 优先于； 比…更重要 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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endorsing
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| v.赞同( endorse的现在分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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69
withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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accrued
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| adj.权责已发生的v.增加( accrue的过去式和过去分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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mobility
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| n.可动性，变动性，情感不定 | |
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backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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81
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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82
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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83
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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85
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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86
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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87
encomium
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| n.赞颂；颂词 | |
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88
toils
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| 网 | |
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89
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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antelope
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| n.羚羊；羚羊皮 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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interred
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| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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99
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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100
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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101
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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102
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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103
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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104
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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105
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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106
degenerating
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的现在分词 ) | |
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107
questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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108
preeminent
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的 | |
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109
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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110
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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111
cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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112
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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113
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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114
sergeants
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| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
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115
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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116
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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117
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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118
taxpayers
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| 纳税人，纳税的机构( taxpayer的名词复数 ) | |
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