"Does your highness think," I asked, in the interview I am about to report here, "that the discontent everywhere noticeable in all classes of society is real and of political significance?"
"We must make distinctions," answered the prince; "of its reality there is no doubt. But if you ask whether I consider it politically fruitful, in the same sense that we may gain through this discontent some necessary change in the present régime, I must answer, unfortunately, no."
"Is this, then, only the chronic11 discontent present in western Europe as well as in Russia, or is it now acute?"
"It is acute. As you have justly observed, the West has its discontented element also; yet your[Pg 85] Western discontent with all work of man may best be compared with that frame of mind prevalent in our country, even under a régime that is normal and well-intentioned, lacking only efficiency. The restlessness that you, as a stranger, have noted12 here is quite abnormal, and is due to the decided13 wickedness, not to say infamy14, of the existing system."
"Then it is stronger than usual?"
"Incomparably stronger. No entertainment however harmless, no scientific congress, no meeting of any corporation can take place that will not end in a political demonstration15. All the prisons are filled with most worthy16 people, deportations and banishments increase, yet other men and women press onward17 to martyrdom."
"I admire this spirit of sacrifice in your intelligent classes."
"That is the difference between to-day and a few years ago. Ten years ago our public opinion was weakened, resigned, crushed by the heavy hand of Alexander III. and the serpent wiles18 of Pobydonostzev. With the accession to the throne of the present Czar new hopes were awakened19; but now, thanks to the executioners Sipyagin and Plehve, disappointment and exasperation20 have grown to such a vast extent that expression of them can no longer be repressed, and thousands risk life and liberty unable longer to bear this condition of grinding inward revolt."
[Pg 86]
"I witnessed the funeral of Mikhailovski. I must say that my ear detected revolutionary tones, and such a procession of five or six thousand men and women from among the highest classes, surrounded by Cossacks, among a listening police, singing songs, making fiery21, freedom-breathing speeches, impressed me of all things as a foreboding of revolution.
"Arrests in plenty were made among the participants in the funeral celebration. But do not deceive yourself. There is no revolution with us. Our country is too thinly populated. Let us say that ten, fifty, or one hundred thousand inspired intellectuals would willingly sacrifice themselves if they could help us thereby22; how many Cossacks and gendarmes23 would there be for each revolutionist, when we are spending millions to maintain an army against the nation? There is only one revolution that can be really dangerous, and I will not assert that such a revolution could not break out if the present war should end disastrously24. That would be a peasant revolution, directed, not against the régime itself, but against all property-owning and educated persons; it would begin by all of us being killed and thrown into the river. And the odds25 would be a hundred to one then that the police would not be actively26 against this revolution, but secretly would be for it, in order to rid themselves quickly and surely of their real antagonist27, the educated classes. A Kishinef may be arranged[Pg 87] here at any day, not only against the Jews, but against every one with whom the police wish to get even."
"Then your highness believes that the Kishinef massacres28 were arranged by the police?"
"This is not a mere29 belief; it is a proved fact. Their real authors, Krushevan and Pronin, are the special protégés of Plehve; and Baron30 Levendahl received a direct order from the higher authorities to refrain from any intervention31."
"And what was the purpose of it?"
"To intimidate32 the Jews, who, by their temperament33, bring a little more life to the radical34 parties, and to create the impression in the higher circles that there is discontent in the country, not against the government, but against the usurious Jews."
"And is not that true?"
"Usury35 with us is carried on by good, orthodox Christians36 much more successfully than by the Jews, who are comparatively few in number, and, besides, do not enjoy the protection of the authorities. No; the mob massacres the Jews because in the name of the Czar they are proclaimed outlaws37. It is a kind of annual picnic. The Kishinef massacres are condemned38 by the whole country, not only by the philo-Semites—to whom, by-the-way, I do not belong. It has showed to all of us what may be done in our land when an assumed purpose requires it. And for this reason the entire public opinion takes sides[Pg 88] with the Jews, who were merely intended to serve as scapegoats39 for the educated and the discontented."
"But in what respect is the present régime so essentially40 different from the preceding ones that such a fermentation could arise? Surely the people have not been spoiled by anything better?"
"Now it is worse than ever before. There is perhaps an explanation for this. Czar Nicholas is inspired by the best of motives41. He is the first of the malcontents. He would give his heart's blood to help his people. The clique42 knows that, and is, therefore, risking everything on one card, to prevent the Czar from drawing nearer to the people or creating institutions that would put an end to bureaucratic43 omnipotence44. The terrors of revolution are painted on the wall, and the daily arrests are intended to prove that it is only the mailed fist of the present government that can curb45 a popular uprising."
"I know from sources near the Czar's family that the Czar is again finding threatening letters in his coat-pockets, under his pillow, and elsewhere."
"This is an old police trick. It was used to frighten Alexander III., and it almost drove him insane. Naturally, it is only the police that can carry out such devices, for others could not reach the Czar's room. But Plehve retains his ascendency through the illusion that his dismissal would mean the way to the scaffold for the Czar's family."
[Pg 89]
"Has the Czar really anything to fear should the police relax its vigilance?"
"Heaven forbid! The Czar is a sort of deity46 to the people, and the educated classes know only too well that no man is less responsible for existing conditions than he, in whose name these conditions are inflicted47 upon us. But the Czar is made to believe that every attempt to free public opinion from its fetters48 would lead to popular representation, to a constitution, and finally to the scaffold."
"And all that is done by Plehve?"
"By him alone. His predecessor49, Sipyagin, was an honest, narrow reactionary50, who regarded the state as the private property of the dynasty, something like a great estate with property in souls as well as in inanimate things. The nation has no more right to complain against the impositions of the master than the cattle on the estate to complain about the methods of feeding. Plehve is of an entirely different caliber51. A political cheat, an intriguer52, an unscrupulous cynic, the playing on the key-board of power tickles53 his blunted nerves. He has as much conscience, sympathy, and humanity as my tiger here. His talent consists of cunning and the art of dealing54 with men. There is no one with whom he has exchanged three words that he has not lied to. His patriotic55 overzeal, however, as a non-Russian—he naturally overdoes56 his patriotism—commends him to the 'camarilla,' and so he becomes omnipotent57."
[Pg 90]
"You say that Plehve is not Russian?"
"He is partly Lettish, partly Polish, partly Jewish. Men like this are always the worst here; they must see that their non-Russian names are forgotten."
"And what do you mean by 'camarilla'?"
"The servile courtiers, the high officials, but above all, the entire system. Do not forget that we are being ruled by a Camorra of bureaucrats58, that have no interest at all in the real welfare of the country, but have their primary interest in the uncurtailed maintenance of their power. If the Czar wished to hear, to-day, the truth about the condition and sentiments of the country, he would never succeed, because they do not expose one another in the Camorra; for there is only one god—the career with all its chances of legitimate59 and illegitimate gain."
"Your highness, I must allow myself an indiscreet question. It is said that you are a friend of the Czar. You are surely not the only one. You must have colleagues among the nobility, statesmen, and patriots who cannot be prevented from being heard by the Emperor. Are you not in a position to break through the iron ring of the bureaucrats, and to tell the Czar the truth about the men who possess his confidence?"
"I appreciate your question. But what could single individuals do against the abuses of centuries? Something is being done in the direction[Pg 91] indicated by you. The Czar receives, often enough, honest and unreserved statements. But a lasting60 effect from such occasional impulses is out of the question. Moreover, one must know the spirit of the antechamber, the slanders61 and suspicions, the burden of routine. It would require the power of a Hercules to escape from the net of these forces, and the Czar is of a timid, modest, kindly62 nature. And how quickly is every suggestion or initiative paralyzed! And what influences cross one another at such a court! Who is strong enough to oppose a grand vizier who works with unscrupulous falsification, and weaves about the sovereign an impenetrable fabric63 of false dangers by means of documentary calumnies64 and misstatements?"
"And so your highness can see no deliverance?"
"Only when God in heaven shall decree it, not otherwise. We live between the anarchists65 in office and the anarchists with dagger66 and revolver. These are only active forces, the latter as the logical sequence of the former, and more than once their tools as well. All else is inactive, limited to dissipating demonstration. The fountain of public opinion is not tolerated; the organization of a progressive party is prevented; the system anxiously guards the people from any contact with the educated classes. There is no room for sentimentality in repelling67 every attempt to render the Camorra harmless. An unguarded word, a simple denunciation, are sufficient to send honorable and respected[Pg 92] men where they lose all desire for criticism. Whence, then, can help come? And we need it, for the war places before us entirely new problems, that may be solved only by unshackling intelligence. But now our bankruptcy68 will become evident to all the world."
"And Witte! Has he no longer any influence?"
"None whatever. He is not a convenient and acceptable minister, for he has a statesman's ambition and political ideas. He could, perhaps, inaugurate a new system, but this is not allowed. In this country there rules only the ministry69 of the interior—that is, the secret police; the other departments are merely figure-heads."
"And a constitution would change nothing of this?"
"The Liberals and Radicals70 believe so, but I do not. I am of a different opinion. 'Men and not measures,' is my motto, especially in an autocracy71. You know my views on the war. I am convinced that our brave army will win. That will only mean a greater strengthening of the system, till the complete financial and economic, social and moral collapse72, or till the first collision with a real power like the United States of America. I see no relief and no salvation73, especially since foreign public opinion also forsakes74 us. We are fawned75 upon for political or commercial reasons. Tell them abroad that we deserve something better than this contemptible76, statesman-like reserve and these affected77 [Pg 93]expressions of respect before a régime that we ourselves denounce without exception. We deserve honest sympathy, for no other nation has yet been made to struggle for its civilization against so pitiless an adversary78. Europe must further distinguish between the Russian nation and this adversary. Russian society is full of noble impulses; it is generous, warm-hearted, capable of inspiration, and free from odious79 prejudices. Our common oppressor, the danger to the world's peace as well as the author of this unhappy war, I repeat it again, is the Camorra of the officials, a thoroughly80 anarchistic81 class. I do not know, I must admit, when and how our release will come. I fear that we shall, ere that, pass through sad trials, and even more terrible misery82 of our flayed83 and hunger-enfeebled people, before Heaven shall take pity on us."
I left the noble-minded prince with feelings that are usually awakened in us only by tragedy.
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1
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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riddles
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| n.谜（语）( riddle的名词复数 )；猜不透的难题，难解之谜 | |
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withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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exasperation
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| n.愤慨 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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disastrously
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| ad.灾难性地 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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31
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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32
intimidate
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| vt.恐吓，威胁 | |
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33
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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35
usury
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| n.高利贷 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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39
scapegoats
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| n.代人受过的人，替罪羊( scapegoat的名词复数 )v.使成为替罪羊( scapegoat的第三人称单数 ) | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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41
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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42
clique
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| n.朋党派系，小集团 | |
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43
bureaucratic
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| adj.官僚的，繁文缛节的 | |
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44
omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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45
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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49
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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caliber
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| n.能力；水准 | |
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52
intriguer
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| 密谋者 | |
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53
tickles
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| （使）发痒( tickle的第三人称单数 )； （使）愉快，逗乐 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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56
overdoes
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| v.做得过分( overdo的第三人称单数 )；太夸张；把…煮得太久；（工作等）过度 | |
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omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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58
bureaucrats
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| n.官僚( bureaucrat的名词复数 )；官僚主义；官僚主义者；官僚语言 | |
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59
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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60
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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61
slanders
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| 诽谤，诋毁( slander的名词复数 ) | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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67
repelling
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| v.击退( repel的现在分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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68
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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71
autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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72
collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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forsakes
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| 放弃( forsake的第三人称单数 )； 弃绝； 抛弃； 摒弃 | |
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75
fawned
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| v.（尤指狗等）跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的过去式和过去分词 )；巴结；讨好 | |
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76
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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80
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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81
anarchistic
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| 无政府主义的 | |
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82
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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83
flayed
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| v.痛打( flay的过去式和过去分词 )；把…打得皮开肉绽；剥（通常指动物）的皮；严厉批评 | |
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