Not very long after the dismissal of the former minister of education, S?nger, I sought out a certain university professor who had been mentioned to me as being accurately1 informed about university affairs. Of course, my visit to him had been carefully planned, for it is not possible in Russia for a person—least of all if he be an official—to express himself freely to strangers.
The information which I received from this authority on the general political and economic position of Russia agreed with the discussions I had heard on every side. Misery2, despair, inevitable3 collapse4, these were the words which were most noticeable in his description, too, and it would be almost superfluous5 for one to reproduce the conversation unless certain additional details had been brought out which are particularly characteristic of the intense ferment6 in which intellectual Russia is at just this time involved.
Just previously7 several students had been arrested. I asked about the cause of the arrest and the probable fate of the young folks. A [Pg 227]demonstration9 in favor of the Japanese had been held by the students, and had been reported. This was the cause of the arrest. "As yet nothing can be said about the fate of the incautious young men," the professor answered.
"You say that the students held a demonstration for the Japanese? It is scarcely credible10!"
"And yet it is true. All enlightened people, and accordingly the students, too, regard the Japanese as an unexpected ally in their fight against the existing conditions, and so sympathy for them is not concealed11. And, besides, aversion to them as a nation does not exist."
"But it is the very brothers and fellow-countrymen of the students who must pay for it with their own blood if the Japanese retain the upper hand!"
"That is partially12 true. But, first of all, Poles, Jews, and Armenians have been sent to the seat of war, so that the Russian families do not as yet feel the war so keenly; and then the Russian is used to the idea that there must be bloody13 sacrifices for the cause of freedom. At any rate, those who were arrested are much nearer the other students than the troops who have gone to the front."
"But they challenged their fate!"
"That is a part of the fight against the régime. They seek martyrdom, since they have become convinced that nothing can be attained15 by bare protests and petitions. Perhaps a trace of Asiatic fatalism, and a lower valuation upon life than is[Pg 228] given it in the West, plays a part in their acts, but, more powerful than all else probably, their conviction that public opinion appreciates their sacrifices and approves of their conduct."
"Then ambition is also an influence?"
"If you care to call it so. There is a little ambition in every martyrdom. But the strongest motive16 is that youthful self-sacrifice, and the belief that something can be attained for the cause by their offering themselves up—in short, fanaticism17. In this way some of the most incredible things occur; for example, a student in prison emptied an oil lamp over his body and set fire to it only in order to protest against absolutism."
"I have heard this horrible story."
"Those who are now under arrest," the professor continued, "will probably most of them soon be let free, for I do not believe that the authorities have at present any desire to raise much of a storm. But as many of them as are Jews will in all probability be more severely18 punished, if only for statistical19 reasons."
"I understand."
"Oh yes. You know that the police have their special code for the Jews, so as to prove that the discontent is entirely20 due to them. Plehve asserts that he has forty thousand political indictments21, eighty per cent. of the indicted22 being Jews. That is made up to suit themselves, and has nothing to do with turbulence23. On the other hand, I dare say,[Pg 229] that quite often just for this statistical reason, and because the Jews are punished quite differently from the sons of distinguished24 families, the Jews are urged by their congeners not to expose themselves; but they, too, are of course infected by the general fanaticism of self-sacrifice."
"But from what do the special student disturbances25 about which we hear so much proceed? Are they not caused by troubles in the universities?"
"Only in the very rarest cases. It is occurrences of general politics which find a particularly lively echo among the students; the reforms which are demanded for the university by us, the professors, are even repudiated26 by the students, because they do not wish to let the causes of their discontent be removed."
"What is the nature of the reforms in question?"
"General Wannowski, former minister of education, was perhaps a man of limited capacity, who considered the university a barracks, the professors colonels and other officers, the students privates, and explained that the only thing lacking was non-commissioned officers to keep their respective squads27 in order. Still he showed us the consideration of asking us eighteen questions which were to be answered by the faculties28. Look here"—the professor pointed29 to a heavy bundle of printed matter—"here you have the results of our inquest."
"And what is the substance of your wishes, to put it into a very few words?"
[Pg 230]
"One word is sufficient, 'Autonomy.' We want independence in teaching, 'Lehrfreiheit' as it is in Germany, independent regulation of our own affairs, and liberation from the direction of another department which has neither interest in us nor understanding of us. This demand was unanimously expressed by all the universities; in Moscow only two professors in the whole faculty30 declared themselves for the prevalent system."
"Was anything accomplished31 by this inquest?"
"To a slight extent. We obtained a university court, constituted of professors, and the permission to form scientific societies among the students."
"That is not so bad. And you say that the students are not in sympathy with that?"
"No, they are afraid that discontent may be lessened32 by these concessions33, and they wish to be discontented until they have accomplished everything."
"What do you mean by 'everything'?"
"A constitution and freedom of the press. They do not even use the right to form scientific societies. At present there is no studying done at our universities; politics have swallowed up everything, and the radical34 element has seized the leadership completely. They hope in a few months, by means of demonstrations35, and Heaven knows what fateful resources, to attain14 a constitution, and after that there will always be time enough for study. At present, study, too, would be treason against the[Pg 231] cause of freedom. The universities are only political camps awaiting the call to arms and nothing more."
"But in this respect, at least, they must be glad of their independent university courts—that is, that at any rate they punish their youthful misdeeds more leniently36 than the police."
"No. In the first place, it is only disciplinary matters over which our court has jurisdiction37; and then, in the second place, you forget that the students do not at all want to be mildly treated, but to be sacrificed."
"Of course. It is hard to reckon with motives38 that one scarcely understands. But one thing is still unintelligible39 to me. It cannot exactly be said that Russia is a radical country in the sense that the whole upper stratum40 is radical. How is it that the student body, which comes principally from this upper stratum, is so laden41 with revolutionary tendencies?"
"I might answer you in a French phrase, although it is not particularly flattering to us, 'Le Russe est liberal jusqu'à trente ans, et après—canaille.'[8] The Russian is absolutely not conservative, not even the official. He can mock conservatism while seeking office, but in his own house he remains42 a free-thinker, and youth, which has not yet learned to cringe and hedge, blushes at[Pg 232] the two-facedness of its parentage, and continually reveals the true attitude of the house. Then, with the exception of the high nobility, our whole landowner class is more than liberal. Moreover, from two to three hundred conservative students are to be found at each of the great universities, and they have formed a secret association for the protection of the sacred régime—and it is characteristic that the Novoye Vremya was allowed to print the call to form this secret society, although here in Russia all secret societies are illegal."
"And are not these conservative students dangerous to their fellows?"
"Up to the present they have confined themselves to patriotic43 demonstrations. They might become dangerous if they once decided44 to go to lectures—not even then to their fellow-students, but to the professors, who have greater doctrinal freedom, and who also make use of the right to express their opinions, of course within the limits of their special subjects. [Shortly after this interview a professor in Kharkov who had expressed sympathy for the Japanese was actually informed against by the conservative students and disciplined by the authorities, a thing which led to great student demonstrations.] Moreover, there are special spies which keep watch over the professors and students, but luckily they are too illiterate45 to understand the import of what is said, and therefore can do little damage."
[Pg 233]
"Are the professors sufficiently46 in sympathy with each other for the formation of a university esprit de corps47?"
"Most certainly. The common suffering, the fact that they are forbidden to take open part in politics draw them together. Where in other places rivalries48 and differences of opinion occasion dissensions, here there is to be found only one solid whole—oppression is the firm cement. And only in this way is it possible to make some resistance to the absolutism of the police. In open resistance we are quite weak, yes, even defenceless, against the brutality49 of the régime, but in passive resistance we are almost unconquerable because of our close contact with each other."
"Ah! And so here there is brought to my attention one of those subterranean50 sources of public opinion in Russia, which I have so long sought."
"Of course. The universities form at least one of the main channels."
"And you consider the next generation to be thoroughly51 impregnated with ideas of independence?"
"Thoroughly."
To the question with which I always parted from my authorities—that is, what he believed the immediate52 future contained for Russia—this professor, whose department I am not at liberty to indicate, but of whom I can say that he is particularly well informed, gave the following answer:
[Pg 234]
"We are exhausted53. The transition to the financing of railroads, tariff54 legislation, the tightening55 of screws of taxation56 bring in money for a while, but no real power. We are on the brink57 of a crisis. I believe that the war will greatly accelerate and force us to discount our coupons58.[9] Then, in my opinion, it cannot be long before a sort of national assembly is called. This is my belief and my hope. Conditions of excitement like the present ones at our universities cannot be long endured under any circumstances. In one way or another a change must take place, and we must hold fast to the hope of better things."
FOOTNOTES:
[8] The Russian is liberal until his thirtieth year—and then he joins the rabble60.
[9] Den8 Coupon59 zu kürzen.
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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indictments
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| n.（制度、社会等的）衰败迹象( indictment的名词复数 )；刑事起诉书；公诉书；控告 | |
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indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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turbulence
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| n.喧嚣，狂暴，骚乱，湍流 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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squads
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| n.（军队中的）班( squad的名词复数 )；（暗杀）小组；体育运动的运动（代表）队；（对付某类犯罪活动的）警察队伍 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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leniently
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| 温和地，仁慈地 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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stratum
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| n.地层，社会阶层 | |
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laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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tightening
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| 上紧，固定，紧密 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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coupons
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| n.礼券( coupon的名词复数 )；优惠券；订货单；参赛表 | |
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coupon
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| n.息票，配给票，附单 | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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