******
Hereditary1 bondsmen! Know ye not
Who would be free themselves must strike the blow?
BYRON.
Easily the most striking thing in the history of the American Negro since 1876 is the ascendancy2 of Mr. Booker T. Washington. It began at the time when war memories and ideals were rapidly passing; a day of astonishing commercial development was dawning; a sense of doubt and hesitation3 overtook the freedmen's sons,—then it was that his leading began. Mr. Washington came, with a simple definite programme, at the psychological moment when the nation was a little ashamed of having bestowed5 so much sentiment on Negroes, and was concentrating its energies on Dollars. His programme of industrial education, conciliation6 of the South, and submission7 and silence as to civil and political rights, was not wholly original; the Free Negroes from 1830 up to war-time had striven to build industrial schools, and the American Missionary8 Association had from the first taught various trades; and Price and others had sought a way of honorable alliance with the best of the Southerners. But Mr. Washington first indissolubly linked these things; he put enthusiasm, unlimited9 energy, and perfect faith into his programme, and changed it from a by-path into a veritable Way of Life. And the tale of the methods by which he did this is a fascinating study of human life.
It startled the nation to hear a Negro advocating such a programme after many decades of bitter complaint; it startled and won the applause of the South, it interested and won the admiration10 of the North; and after a confused murmur11 of protest, it silenced if it did not convert the Negroes themselves.
To gain the sympathy and cooperation of the various elements comprising the white South was Mr. Washington's first task; and this, at the time Tuskegee was founded, seemed, for a black man, well-nigh impossible. And yet ten years later it was done in the word spoken at Atlanta: "In all things purely12 social we can be as separate as the five fingers, and yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual13 progress." This "Atlanta Compromise" is by all odds14 the most notable thing in Mr. Washington's career. The South interpreted it in different ways: the radicals15 received it as a complete surrender of the demand for civil and political equality; the conservatives, as a generously conceived working basis for mutual understanding. So both approved it, and to-day its author is certainly the most distinguished16 Southerner since Jefferson Davis, and the one with the largest personal following.
Next to this achievement comes Mr. Washington's work in gaining place and consideration in the North. Others less shrewd and tactful had formerly18 essayed to sit on these two stools and had fallen between them; but as Mr. Washington knew the heart of the South from birth and training, so by singular insight he intuitively grasped the spirit of the age which was dominating the North. And so thoroughly19 did he learn the speech and thought of triumphant20 commercialism, and the ideals of material prosperity, that the picture of a lone21 black boy poring over a French grammar amid the weeds and dirt of a neglected home soon seemed to him the acme22 of absurdities23. One wonders what Socrates and St. Francis of Assisi would say to this.
And yet this very singleness of vision and thorough oneness with his age is a mark of the successful man. It is as though Nature must needs make men narrow in order to give them force. So Mr. Washington's cult24 has gained unquestioning followers25, his work has wonderfully prospered26, his friends are legion, and his enemies are confounded. To-day he stands as the one recognized spokesman of his ten million fellows, and one of the most notable figures in a nation of seventy millions. One hesitates, therefore, to criticise27 a life which, beginning with so little, has done so much. And yet the time is come when one may speak in all sincerity28 and utter courtesy of the mistakes and shortcomings of Mr. Washington's career, as well as of his triumphs, without being thought captious29 or envious30, and without forgetting that it is easier to do ill than well in the world.
The criticism that has hitherto met Mr. Washington has not always been of this broad character. In the South especially has he had to walk warily31 to avoid the harshest judgments,—and naturally so, for he is dealing33 with the one subject of deepest sensitiveness to that section. Twice—once when at the Chicago celebration of the Spanish-American War he alluded34 to the color-prejudice that is "eating away the vitals of the South," and once when he dined with President Roosevelt—has the resulting Southern criticism been violent enough to threaten seriously his popularity. In the North the feeling has several times forced itself into words, that Mr. Washington's counsels of submission overlooked certain elements of true manhood, and that his educational programme was unnecessarily narrow. Usually, however, such criticism has not found open expression, although, too, the spiritual sons of the Abolitionists have not been prepared to acknowledge that the schools founded before Tuskegee, by men of broad ideals and self-sacrificing spirit, were wholly failures or worthy36 of ridicule37. While, then, criticism has not failed to follow Mr. Washington, yet the prevailing38 public opinion of the land has been but too willing to deliver the solution of a wearisome problem into his hands, and say, "If that is all you and your race ask, take it."
Among his own people, however, Mr. Washington has encountered the strongest and most lasting39 opposition40, amounting at times to bitterness, and even today continuing strong and insistent41 even though largely silenced in outward expression by the public opinion of the nation. Some of this opposition is, of course, mere42 envy; the disappointment of displaced demagogues and the spite of narrow minds. But aside from this, there is among educated and thoughtful colored men in all parts of the land a feeling of deep regret, sorrow, and apprehension43 at the wide currency and ascendancy which some of Mr. Washington's theories have gained. These same men admire his sincerity of purpose, and are willing to forgive much to honest endeavor which is doing something worth the doing. They cooperate with Mr. Washington as far as they conscientiously44 can; and, indeed, it is no ordinary tribute to this man's tact17 and power that, steering45 as he must between so many diverse interests and opinions, he so largely retains the respect of all.
But the hushing of the criticism of honest opponents is a dangerous thing. It leads some of the best of the critics to unfortunate silence and paralysis46 of effort, and others to burst into speech so passionately47 and intemperately48 as to lose listeners. Honest and earnest criticism from those whose interests are most nearly touched,—criticism of writers by readers,—this is the soul of democracy and the safeguard of modern society. If the best of the American Negroes receive by outer pressure a leader whom they had not recognized before, manifestly there is here a certain palpable gain. Yet there is also irreparable loss,—a loss of that peculiarly valuable education which a group receives when by search and criticism it finds and commissions its own leaders. The way in which this is done is at once the most elementary and the nicest problem of social growth. History is but the record of such group-leadership; and yet how infinitely50 changeful is its type and character! And of all types and kinds, what can be more instructive than the leadership of a group within a group?—that curious double movement where real progress may be negative and actual advance be relative retrogression. All this is the social student's inspiration and despair.
Now in the past the American Negro has had instructive experience in the choosing of group leaders, founding thus a peculiar49 dynasty which in the light of present conditions is worth while studying. When sticks and stones and beasts form the sole environment of a people, their attitude is largely one of determined51 opposition to and conquest of natural forces. But when to earth and brute52 is added an environment of men and ideas, then the attitude of the imprisoned53 group may take three main forms,—a feeling of revolt and revenge; an attempt to adjust all thought and action to the will of the greater group; or, finally, a determined effort at self-realization and self-development despite environing opinion. The influence of all of these attitudes at various times can be traced in the history of the American Negro, and in the evolution of his successive leaders.
Before 1750, while the fire of African freedom still burned in the veins54 of the slaves, there was in all leadership or attempted leadership but the one motive55 of revolt and revenge,—typified in the terrible Maroons56, the Danish blacks, and Cato of Stono, and veiling all the Americas in fear of insurrection. The liberalizing tendencies of the latter half of the eighteenth century brought, along with kindlier relations between black and white, thoughts of ultimate adjustment and assimilation. Such aspiration57 was especially voiced in the earnest songs of Phyllis, in the martyrdom of Attucks, the fighting of Salem and Poor, the intellectual accomplishments58 of Banneker and Derham, and the political demands of the Cuffes.
Stern financial and social stress after the war cooled much of the previous humanitarian60 ardor61. The disappointment and impatience62 of the Negroes at the persistence63 of slavery and serfdom voiced itself in two movements. The slaves in the South, aroused undoubtedly64 by vague rumors65 of the Haytian revolt, made three fierce attempts at insurrection,—in 1800 under Gabriel in Virginia, in 1822 under Vesey in Carolina, and in 1831 again in Virginia under the terrible Nat Turner. In the Free States, on the other hand, a new and curious attempt at self-development was made. In Philadelphia and New York color-prescription led to a withdrawal66 of Negro communicants from white churches and the formation of a peculiar socio-religious institution among the Negroes known as the African Church,—an organization still living and controlling in its various branches over a million of men.
Walker's wild appeal against the trend of the times showed how the world was changing after the coming of the cotton-gin. By 1830 slavery seemed hopelessly fastened on the South, and the slaves thoroughly cowed into submission. The free Negroes of the North, inspired by the mulatto immigrants from the West Indies, began to change the basis of their demands; they recognized the slavery of slaves, but insisted that they themselves were freemen, and sought assimilation and amalgamation67 with the nation on the same terms with other men. Thus, Forten and Purvis of Philadelphia, Shad of Wilmington, Du Bois of New Haven68, Barbadoes of Boston, and others, strove singly and together as men, they said, not as slaves; as "people of color," not as "Negroes." The trend of the times, however, refused them recognition save in individual and exceptional cases, considered them as one with all the despised blacks, and they soon found themselves striving to keep even the rights they formerly had of voting and working and moving as freemen. Schemes of migration69 and colonization70 arose among them; but these they refused to entertain, and they eventually turned to the Abolition35 movement as a final refuge.
Here, led by Remond, Nell, Wells-Brown, and Douglass, a new period of self-assertion and self-development dawned. To be sure, ultimate freedom and assimilation was the ideal before the leaders, but the assertion of the manhood rights of the Negro by himself was the main reliance, and John Brown's raid was the extreme of its logic4. After the war and emancipation71, the great form of Frederick Douglass, the greatest of American Negro leaders, still led the host. Self-assertion, especially in political lines, was the main programme, and behind Douglass came Elliot, Bruce, and Langston, and the Reconstruction72 politicians, and, less conspicuous73 but of greater social significance, Alexander Crummell and Bishop74 Daniel Payne.
Then came the Revolution of 1876, the suppression of the Negro votes, the changing and shifting of ideals, and the seeking of new lights in the great night. Douglass, in his old age, still bravely stood for the ideals of his early manhood,—ultimate assimilation through self-assertion, and on no other terms. For a time Price arose as a new leader, destined75, it seemed, not to give up, but to re-state the old ideals in a form less repugnant to the white South. But he passed away in his prime. Then came the new leader. Nearly all the former ones had become leaders by the silent suffrage76 of their fellows, had sought to lead their own people alone, and were usually, save Douglass, little known outside their race. But Booker T. Washington arose as essentially77 the leader not of one race but of two,—a compromiser between the South, the North, and the Negro. Naturally the Negroes resented, at first bitterly, signs of compromise which surrendered their civil and political rights, even though this was to be exchanged for larger chances of economic development. The rich and dominating North, however, was not only weary of the race problem, but was investing largely in Southern enterprises, and welcomed any method of peaceful cooperation. Thus, by national opinion, the Negroes began to recognize Mr. Washington's leadership; and the voice of criticism was hushed.
Mr. Washington represents in Negro thought the old attitude of adjustment and submission; but adjustment at such a peculiar time as to make his programme unique. This is an age of unusual economic development, and Mr. Washington's programme naturally takes an economic cast, becoming a gospel of Work and Money to such an extent as apparently78 almost completely to overshadow the higher aims of life. Moreover, this is an age when the more advanced races are coming in closer contact with the less developed races, and the race-feeling is therefore intensified79; and Mr. Washington's programme practically accepts the alleged80 inferiority of the Negro races. Again, in our own land, the reaction from the sentiment of war time has given impetus81 to race-prejudice against Negroes, and Mr. Washington withdraws many of the high demands of Negroes as men and American citizens. In other periods of intensified prejudice all the Negro's tendency to self-assertion has been called forth82; at this period a policy of submission is advocated. In the history of nearly all other races and peoples the doctrine83 preached at such crises has been that manly84 self-respect is worth more than lands and houses, and that a people who voluntarily surrender such respect, or cease striving for it, are not worth civilizing85.
In answer to this, it has been claimed that the Negro can survive only through submission. Mr. Washington distinctly asks that black people give up, at least for the present, three things,—
First, political power,
Second, insistence86 on civil rights,
Third, higher education of Negro youth,—and concentrate all their energies on industrial education, and accumulation of wealth, and the conciliation of the South. This policy has been courageously87 and insistently88 advocated for over fifteen years, and has been triumphant for perhaps ten years. As a result of this tender of the palm-branch, what has been the return? In these years there have occurred:
1. The disfranchisement of the Negro.
2. The legal creation of a distinct status of civil inferiority for the Negro.
3. The steady withdrawal of aid from institutions for the higher training of the Negro.
These movements are not, to be sure, direct results of Mr. Washington's teachings; but his propaganda has, without a shadow of doubt, helped their speedier accomplishment59. The question then comes: Is it possible, and probable, that nine millions of men can make effective progress in economic lines if they are deprived of political rights, made a servile caste, and allowed only the most meagre chance for developing their exceptional men? If history and reason give any distinct answer to these questions, it is an emphatic89 NO. And Mr. Washington thus faces the triple paradox90 of his career:
1. He is striving nobly to make Negro artisans business men and property-owners; but it is utterly91 impossible, under modern competitive methods, for workingmen and property-owners to defend their rights and exist without the right of suffrage.
2. He insists on thrift92 and self-respect, but at the same time counsels a silent submission to civic93 inferiority such as is bound to sap the manhood of any race in the long run.
3. He advocates common-school and industrial training, and depreciates94 institutions of higher learning; but neither the Negro common-schools, nor Tuskegee itself, could remain open a day were it not for teachers trained in Negro colleges, or trained by their graduates.
This triple paradox in Mr. Washington's position is the object of criticism by two classes of colored Americans. One class is spiritually descended95 from Toussaint the Savior, through Gabriel, Vesey, and Turner, and they represent the attitude of revolt and revenge; they hate the white South blindly and distrust the white race generally, and so far as they agree on definite action, think that the Negro's only hope lies in emigration beyond the borders of the United States. And yet, by the irony96 of fate, nothing has more effectually made this programme seem hopeless than the recent course of the United States toward weaker and darker peoples in the West Indies, Hawaii, and the Philippines,—for where in the world may we go and be safe from lying and brute force?
The other class of Negroes who cannot agree with Mr. Washington has hitherto said little aloud. They deprecate the sight of scattered97 counsels, of internal disagreement; and especially they dislike making their just criticism of a useful and earnest man an excuse for a general discharge of venom98 from small-minded opponents. Nevertheless, the questions involved are so fundamental and serious that it is difficult to see how men like the Grimkes, Kelly Miller99, J. W. E. Bowen, and other representatives of this group, can much longer be silent. Such men feel in conscience bound to ask of this nation three things:
1. The right to vote.
2. Civic equality.
3. The education of youth according to ability. They acknowledge Mr. Washington's invaluable100 service in counselling patience and courtesy in such demands; they do not ask that ignorant black men vote when ignorant whites are debarred, or that any reasonable restrictions101 in the suffrage should not be applied102; they know that the low social level of the mass of the race is responsible for much discrimination against it, but they also know, and the nation knows, that relentless103 color-prejudice is more often a cause than a result of the Negro's degradation104; they seek the abatement105 of this relic106 of barbarism, and not its systematic107 encouragement and pampering108 by all agencies of social power from the Associated Press to the Church of Christ. They advocate, with Mr. Washington, a broad system of Negro common schools supplemented by thorough industrial training; but they are surprised that a man of Mr. Washington's insight cannot see that no such educational system ever has rested or can rest on any other basis than that of the well-equipped college and university, and they insist that there is a demand for a few such institutions throughout the South to train the best of the Negro youth as teachers, professional men, and leaders.
This group of men honor Mr. Washington for his attitude of conciliation toward the white South; they accept the "Atlanta Compromise" in its broadest interpretation109; they recognize, with him, many signs of promise, many men of high purpose and fair judgment32, in this section; they know that no easy task has been laid upon a region already tottering110 under heavy burdens. But, nevertheless, they insist that the way to truth and right lies in straightforward111 honesty, not in indiscriminate flattery; in praising those of the South who do well and criticising uncompromisingly those who do ill; in taking advantage of the opportunities at hand and urging their fellows to do the same, but at the same time in remembering that only a firm adherence112 to their higher ideals and aspirations113 will ever keep those ideals within the realm of possibility. They do not expect that the free right to vote, to enjoy civic rights, and to be educated, will come in a moment; they do not expect to see the bias114 and prejudices of years disappear at the blast of a trumpet115; but they are absolutely certain that the way for a people to gain their reasonable rights is not by voluntarily throwing them away and insisting that they do not want them; that the way for a people to gain respect is not by continually belittling116 and ridiculing117 themselves; that, on the contrary, Negroes must insist continually, in season and out of season, that voting is necessary to modern manhood, that color discrimination is barbarism, and that black boys need education as well as white boys.
In failing thus to state plainly and unequivocally the legitimate118 demands of their people, even at the cost of opposing an honored leader, the thinking classes of American Negroes would shirk a heavy responsibility,—a responsibility to themselves, a responsibility to the struggling masses, a responsibility to the darker races of men whose future depends so largely on this American experiment, but especially a responsibility to this nation,—this common Fatherland. It is wrong to encourage a man or a people in evil-doing; it is wrong to aid and abet119 a national crime simply because it is unpopular not to do so. The growing spirit of kindliness120 and reconciliation121 between the North and South after the frightful122 difference of a generation ago ought to be a source of deep congratulation to all, and especially to those whose mistreatment caused the war; but if that reconciliation is to be marked by the industrial slavery and civic death of those same black men, with permanent legislation into a position of inferiority, then those black men, if they are really men, are called upon by every consideration of patriotism123 and loyalty124 to oppose such a course by all civilized125 methods, even though such opposition involves disagreement with Mr. Booker T. Washington. We have no right to sit silently by while the inevitable126 seeds are sown for a harvest of disaster to our children, black and white.
First, it is the duty of black men to judge the South discriminatingly. The present generation of Southerners are not responsible for the past, and they should not be blindly hated or blamed for it. Furthermore, to no class is the indiscriminate endorsement128 of the recent course of the South toward Negroes more nauseating129 than to the best thought of the South. The South is not "solid"; it is a land in the ferment130 of social change, wherein forces of all kinds are fighting for supremacy131; and to praise the ill the South is today perpetrating is just as wrong as to condemn132 the good. Discriminating127 and broad-minded criticism is what the South needs,—needs it for the sake of her own white sons and daughters, and for the insurance of robust133, healthy mental and moral development.
Today even the attitude of the Southern whites toward the blacks is not, as so many assume, in all cases the same; the ignorant Southerner hates the Negro, the workingmen fear his competition, the money-makers wish to use him as a laborer134, some of the educated see a menace in his upward development, while others—usually the sons of the masters—wish to help him to rise. National opinion has enabled this last class to maintain the Negro common schools, and to protect the Negro partially135 in property, life, and limb. Through the pressure of the money-makers, the Negro is in danger of being reduced to semi-slavery, especially in the country districts; the workingmen, and those of the educated who fear the Negro, have united to disfranchise him, and some have urged his deportation136; while the passions of the ignorant are easily aroused to lynch and abuse any black man. To praise this intricate whirl of thought and prejudice is nonsense; to inveigh137 indiscriminately against "the South" is unjust; but to use the same breath in praising Governor Aycock, exposing Senator Morgan, arguing with Mr. Thomas Nelson Page, and denouncing Senator Ben Tillman, is not only sane138, but the imperative139 duty of thinking black men.
It would be unjust to Mr. Washington not to acknowledge that in several instances he has opposed movements in the South which were unjust to the Negro; he sent memorials to the Louisiana and Alabama constitutional conventions, he has spoken against lynching, and in other ways has openly or silently set his influence against sinister140 schemes and unfortunate happenings. Notwithstanding this, it is equally true to assert that on the whole the distinct impression left by Mr. Washington's propaganda is, first, that the South is justified141 in its present attitude toward the Negro because of the Negro's degradation; secondly142, that the prime cause of the Negro's failure to rise more quickly is his wrong education in the past; and, thirdly, that his future rise depends primarily on his own efforts. Each of these propositions is a dangerous half-truth. The supplementary143 truths must never be lost sight of: first, slavery and race-prejudice are potent144 if not sufficient causes of the Negro's position; second, industrial and common-school training were necessarily slow in planting because they had to await the black teachers trained by higher institutions,—it being extremely doubtful if any essentially different development was possible, and certainly a Tuskegee was unthinkable before 1880; and, third, while it is a great truth to say that the Negro must strive and strive mightily145 to help himself, it is equally true that unless his striving be not simply seconded, but rather aroused and encouraged, by the initiative of the richer and wiser environing group, he cannot hope for great success.
In his failure to realize and impress this last point, Mr. Washington is especially to be criticised. His doctrine has tended to make the whites, North and South, shift the burden of the Negro problem to the Negro's shoulders and stand aside as critical and rather pessimistic spectators; when in fact the burden belongs to the nation, and the hands of none of us are clean if we bend not our energies to righting these great wrongs.
The South ought to be led, by candid146 and honest criticism, to assert her better self and do her full duty to the race she has cruelly wronged and is still wronging. The North—her co-partner in guilt—cannot salve her conscience by plastering it with gold. We cannot settle this problem by diplomacy147 and suaveness148, by "policy" alone. If worse come to worst, can the moral fibre of this country survive the slow throttling149 and murder of nine millions of men?
The black men of America have a duty to perform, a duty stern and delicate,—a forward movement to oppose a part of the work of their greatest leader. So far as Mr. Washington preaches Thrift, Patience, and Industrial Training for the masses, we must hold up his hands and strive with him, rejoicing in his honors and glorying in the strength of this Joshua called of God and of man to lead the headless host. But so far as Mr. Washington apologizes for injustice150, North or South, does not rightly value the privilege and duty of voting, belittles151 the emasculating effects of caste distinctions, and opposes the higher training and ambition of our brighter minds,—so far as he, the South, or the Nation, does this,—we must unceasingly and firmly oppose them. By every civilized and peaceful method we must strive for the rights which the world accords to men, clinging unwaveringly to those great words which the sons of the Fathers would fain forget: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."
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1
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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6
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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7
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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11
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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12
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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13
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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lone
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| adj.孤寂的，单独的；唯一的 | |
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acme
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| n.顶点，极点 | |
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absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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captious
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| adj.难讨好的，吹毛求疵的 | |
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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warily
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| adv.留心地 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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37
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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38
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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39
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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40
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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41
insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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42
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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43
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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45
steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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46
paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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47
passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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48
intemperately
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| adv.过度地，无节制地，放纵地 | |
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49
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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50
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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51
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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52
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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53
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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55
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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56
maroons
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| n.逃亡黑奴（maroon的复数形式）vt.把…放逐到孤岛（maroon的第三人称单数形式） | |
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57
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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58
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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59
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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60
humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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61
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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62
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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63
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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64
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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65
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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66
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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67
amalgamation
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| n.合并，重组；；汞齐化 | |
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68
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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69
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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70
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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71
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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72
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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73
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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74
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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75
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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76
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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77
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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78
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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79
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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81
impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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82
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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83
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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84
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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85
civilizing
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| v.使文明，使开化( civilize的现在分词 ) | |
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86
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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87
courageously
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| ad.勇敢地，无畏地 | |
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88
insistently
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| ad.坚持地 | |
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89
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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90
paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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91
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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92
thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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93
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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94
depreciates
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的第三人称单数 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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95
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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96
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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97
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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98
venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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99
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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100
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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101
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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102
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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103
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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104
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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105
abatement
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| n.减(免)税，打折扣，冲销 | |
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106
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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107
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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108
pampering
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| v.纵容，宠，娇养( pamper的现在分词 ) | |
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109
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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110
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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111
straightforward
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| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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112
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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113
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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114
bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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115
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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116
belittling
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| 使显得微小，轻视，贬低( belittle的现在分词 ) | |
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117
ridiculing
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的现在分词 ) | |
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118
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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119
abet
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| v.教唆，鼓励帮助 | |
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120
kindliness
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| n.厚道，亲切，友好的行为 | |
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121
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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122
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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123
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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124
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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125
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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126
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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127
discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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128
endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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129
nauseating
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| adj.令人恶心的，使人厌恶的v.使恶心，作呕( nauseate的现在分词 ) | |
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130
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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131
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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132
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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133
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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134
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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135
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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136
deportation
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| n.驱逐，放逐 | |
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137
inveigh
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| v.痛骂 | |
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138
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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139
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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140
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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141
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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142
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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143
supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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144
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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145
mightily
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| ad.强烈地；非常地 | |
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146
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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147
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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148
suaveness
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| n.suave（和蔼的）的变形 | |
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149
throttling
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| v.扼杀( throttle的现在分词 )；勒死；使窒息；压制 | |
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150
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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151
belittles
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| 使显得微小，轻视，贬低( belittle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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