And naked on the Air of Heaven ride,
Were't not a Shame—were't not a Shame for him
In this clay carcase crippled to abide1?
OMAR KHAYYAM (FITZGERALD).
From the shimmering2 swirl3 of waters where many, many thoughts ago the slave-ship first saw the square tower of Jamestown, have flowed down to our day three streams of thinking: one swollen5 from the larger world here and overseas, saying, the multiplying of human wants in culture-lands calls for the world-wide cooperation of men in satisfying them. Hence arises a new human unity6, pulling the ends of earth nearer, and all men, black, yellow, and white. The larger humanity strives to feel in this contact of living Nations and sleeping hordes7 a thrill of new life in the world, crying, "If the contact of Life and Sleep be Death, shame on such Life." To be sure, behind this thought lurks8 the afterthought of force and dominion,—the making of brown men to delve9 when the temptation of beads10 and red calico cloys11.
The second thought streaming from the death-ship and the curving river is the thought of the older South,—the sincere and passionate12 belief that somewhere between men and cattle, God created a tertium quid, and called it a Negro,—a clownish, simple creature, at times even lovable within its limitations, but straitly foreordained to walk within the Veil. To be sure, behind the thought lurks the afterthought,—some of them with favoring chance might become men, but in sheer self-defence we dare not let them, and we build about them walls so high, and hang between them and the light a veil so thick, that they shall not even think of breaking through.
And last of all there trickles13 down that third and darker thought,—the thought of the things themselves, the confused, half-conscious mutter of men who are black and whitened, crying "Liberty, Freedom, Opportunity—vouchsafe to us, O boastful World, the chance of living men!" To be sure, behind the thought lurks the afterthought,—suppose, after all, the World is right and we are less than men? Suppose this mad impulse within is all wrong, some mock mirage14 from the untrue?
So here we stand among thoughts of human unity, even through conquest and slavery; the inferiority of black men, even if forced by fraud; a shriek15 in the night for the freedom of men who themselves are not yet sure of their right to demand it. This is the tangle16 of thought and afterthought wherein we are called to solve the problem of training men for life.
Behind all its curiousness, so attractive alike to sage17 and dilettante18, lie its dim dangers, throwing across us shadows at once grotesque19 and awful. Plain it is to us that what the world seeks through desert and wild we have within our threshold,—a stalwart laboring21 force, suited to the semi-tropics; if, deaf to the voice of the Zeitgeist, we refuse to use and develop these men, we risk poverty and loss. If, on the other hand, seized by the brutal22 afterthought, we debauch23 the race thus caught in our talons24, selfishly sucking their blood and brains in the future as in the past, what shall save us from national decadence25? Only that saner27 selfishness, which Education teaches, can find the rights of all in the whirl of work.
Again, we may decry28 the color-prejudice of the South, yet it remains29 a heavy fact. Such curious kinks of the human mind exist and must be reckoned with soberly. They cannot be laughed away, nor always successfully stormed at, nor easily abolished by act of legislature. And yet they must not be encouraged by being let alone. They must be recognized as facts, but unpleasant facts; things that stand in the way of civilization and religion and common decency30. They can be met in but one way,—by the breadth and broadening of human reason, by catholicity of taste and culture. And so, too, the native ambition and aspiration31 of men, even though they be black, backward, and ungraceful, must not lightly be dealt with. To stimulate32 wildly weak and untrained minds is to play with mighty33 fires; to flout34 their striving idly is to welcome a harvest of brutish crime and shameless lethargy in our very laps. The guiding of thought and the deft35 coordination36 of deed is at once the path of honor and humanity.
And so, in this great question of reconciling three vast and partially37 contradictory38 streams of thought, the one panacea39 of Education leaps to the lips of all:—such human training as will best use the labor20 of all men without enslaving or brutalizing; such training as will give us poise40 to encourage the prejudices that bulwark41 society, and to stamp out those that in sheer barbarity deafen42 us to the wail43 of prisoned souls within the Veil, and the mounting fury of shackled44 men.
But when we have vaguely45 said that Education will set this tangle straight, what have we uttered but a truism? Training for life teaches living; but what training for the profitable living together of black men and white? A hundred and fifty years ago our task would have seemed easier. Then Dr. Johnson blandly46 assured us that education was needful solely47 for the embellishments of life, and was useless for ordinary vermin. To-day we have climbed to heights where we would open at least the outer courts of knowledge to all, display its treasures to many, and select the few to whom its mystery of Truth is revealed, not wholly by birth or the accidents of the stock market, but at least in part according to deftness48 and aim, talent and character. This programme, however, we are sorely puzzled in carrying out through that part of the land where the blight49 of slavery fell hardest, and where we are dealing50 with two backward peoples. To make here in human education that ever necessary combination of the permanent and the contingent51—of the ideal and the practical in workable equilibrium—has been there, as it ever must be in every age and place, a matter of infinite experiment and frequent mistakes.
In rough approximation we may point out four varying decades of work in Southern education since the Civil War. From the close of the war until 1876, was the period of uncertain groping and temporary relief. There were army schools, mission schools, and schools of the Freedmen's Bureau in chaotic52 disarrangement seeking system and co-operation. Then followed ten years of constructive53 definite effort toward the building of complete school systems in the South. Normal schools and colleges were founded for the freedmen, and teachers trained there to man the public schools. There was the inevitable54 tendency of war to underestimate the prejudices of the master and the ignorance of the slave, and all seemed clear sailing out of the wreckage55 of the storm. Meantime, starting in this decade yet especially developing from 1885 to 1895, began the industrial revolution of the South. The land saw glimpses of a new destiny and the stirring of new ideals. The educational system striving to complete itself saw new obstacles and a field of work ever broader and deeper. The Negro colleges, hurriedly founded, were inadequately56 equipped, illogically distributed, and of varying efficiency and grade; the normal and high schools were doing little more than common-school work, and the common schools were training but a third of the children who ought to be in them, and training these too often poorly. At the same time the white South, by reason of its sudden conversion58 from the slavery ideal, by so much the more became set and strengthened in its racial prejudice, and crystallized it into harsh law and harsher custom; while the marvellous pushing forward of the poor white daily threatened to take even bread and butter from the mouths of the heavily handicapped sons of the freedmen. In the midst, then, of the larger problem of Negro education sprang up the more practical question of work, the inevitable economic quandary59 that faces a people in the transition from slavery to freedom, and especially those who make that change amid hate and prejudice, lawlessness and ruthless competition.
The industrial school springing to notice in this decade, but coming to full recognition in the decade beginning with 1895, was the proffered60 answer to this combined educational and economic crisis, and an answer of singular wisdom and timeliness. From the very first in nearly all the schools some attention had been given to training in handiwork, but now was this training first raised to a dignity that brought it in direct touch with the South's magnificent industrial development, and given an emphasis which reminded black folk that before the Temple of Knowledge swing the Gates of Toil61.
Yet after all they are but gates, and when turning our eyes from the temporary and the contingent in the Negro problem to the broader question of the permanent uplifting and civilization of black men in America, we have a right to inquire, as this enthusiasm for material advancement62 mounts to its height, if after all the industrial school is the final and sufficient answer in the training of the Negro race; and to ask gently, but in all sincerity63, the ever-recurring query64 of the ages, Is not life more than meat, and the body more than raiment? And men ask this to-day all the more eagerly because of sinister65 signs in recent educational movements. The tendency is here, born of slavery and quickened to renewed life by the crazy imperialism66 of the day, to regard human beings as among the material resources of a land to be trained with an eye single to future dividends67. Race-prejudices, which keep brown and black men in their "places," we are coming to regard as useful allies with such a theory, no matter how much they may dull the ambition and sicken the hearts of struggling human beings. And above all, we daily hear that an education that encourages aspiration, that sets the loftiest of ideals and seeks as an end culture and character rather than bread-winning, is the privilege of white men and the danger and delusion68 of black.
Especially has criticism been directed against the former educational efforts to aid the Negro. In the four periods I have mentioned, we find first, boundless69, planless enthusiasm and sacrifice; then the preparation of teachers for a vast public-school system; then the launching and expansion of that school system amid increasing difficulties; and finally the training of workmen for the new and growing industries. This development has been sharply ridiculed71 as a logical anomaly and flat reversal of nature. Soothly we have been told that first industrial and manual training should have taught the Negro to work, then simple schools should have taught him to read and write, and finally, after years, high and normal schools could have completed the system, as intelligence and wealth demanded.
That a system logically so complete was historically impossible, it needs but a little thought to prove. Progress in human affairs is more often a pull than a push, a surging forward of the exceptional man, and the lifting of his duller brethren slowly and painfully to his vantage-ground. Thus it was no accident that gave birth to universities centuries before the common schools, that made fair Harvard the first flower of our wilderness72. So in the South: the mass of the freedmen at the end of the war lacked the intelligence so necessary to modern workingmen. They must first have the common school to teach them to read, write, and cipher73; and they must have higher schools to teach teachers for the common schools. The white teachers who flocked South went to establish such a common-school system. Few held the idea of founding colleges; most of them at first would have laughed at the idea. But they faced, as all men since them have faced, that central paradox74 of the South,—the social separation of the races. At that time it was the sudden volcanic75 rupture76 of nearly all relations between black and white, in work and government and family life. Since then a new adjustment of relations in economic and political affairs has grown up,—an adjustment subtle and difficult to grasp, yet singularly ingenious, which leaves still that frightful77 chasm78 at the color-line across which men pass at their peril79. Thus, then and now, there stand in the South two separate worlds; and separate not simply in the higher realms of social intercourse80, but also in church and school, on railway and street-car, in hotels and theatres, in streets and city sections, in books and newspapers, in asylums81 and jails, in hospitals and graveyards82. There is still enough of contact for large economic and group cooperation, but the separation is so thorough and deep that it absolutely precludes84 for the present between the races anything like that sympathetic and effective group-training and leadership of the one by the other, such as the American Negro and all backward peoples must have for effectual progress.
This the missionaries85 of '68 soon saw; and if effective industrial and trade schools were impracticable before the establishment of a common-school system, just as certainly no adequate common schools could be founded until there were teachers to teach them. Southern whites would not teach them; Northern whites in sufficient numbers could not be had. If the Negro was to learn, he must teach himself, and the most effective help that could be given him was the establishment of schools to train Negro teachers. This conclusion was slowly but surely reached by every student of the situation until simultaneously86, in widely separated regions, without consultation87 or systematic88 plan, there arose a series of institutions designed to furnish teachers for the untaught. Above the sneers89 of critics at the obvious defects of this procedure must ever stand its one crushing rejoinder: in a single generation they put thirty thousand black teachers in the South; they wiped out the illiteracy90 of the majority of the black people of the land, and they made Tuskegee possible.
Such higher training-schools tended naturally to deepen broader development: at first they were common and grammar schools, then some became high schools. And finally, by 1900, some thirty-four had one year or more of studies of college grade. This development was reached with different degrees of speed in different institutions: Hampton is still a high school, while Fisk University started her college in 1871, and Spelman Seminary about 1896. In all cases the aim was identical,—to maintain the standards of the lower training by giving teachers and leaders the best practicable training; and above all, to furnish the black world with adequate standards of human culture and lofty ideals of life. It was not enough that the teachers of teachers should be trained in technical normal methods; they must also, so far as possible, be broad-minded, cultured men and women, to scatter91 civilization among a people whose ignorance was not simply of letters, but of life itself.
It can thus be seen that the work of education in the South began with higher institutions of training, which threw off as their foliage92 common schools, and later industrial schools, and at the same time strove to shoot their roots ever deeper toward college and university training. That this was an inevitable and necessary development, sooner or later, goes without saying; but there has been, and still is, a question in many minds if the natural growth was not forced, and if the higher training was not either overdone93 or done with cheap and unsound methods. Among white Southerners this feeling is widespread and positive. A prominent Southern journal voiced this in a recent editorial.
"The experiment that has been made to give the colored students classical training has not been satisfactory. Even though many were able to pursue the course, most of them did so in a parrot-like way, learning what was taught, but not seeming to appropriate the truth and import of their instruction, and graduating without sensible aim or valuable occupation for their future. The whole scheme has proved a waste of time, efforts, and the money of the state."
While most fair-minded men would recognize this as extreme and overdrawn94, still without doubt many are asking, Are there a sufficient number of Negroes ready for college training to warrant the undertaking95? Are not too many students prematurely96 forced into this work? Does it not have the effect of dissatisfying the young Negro with his environment? And do these graduates succeed in real life? Such natural questions cannot be evaded97, nor on the other hand must a Nation naturally skeptical98 as to Negro ability assume an unfavorable answer without careful inquiry99 and patient openness to conviction. We must not forget that most Americans answer all queries100 regarding the Negro a priori, and that the least that human courtesy can do is to listen to evidence.
The advocates of the higher education of the Negro would be the last to deny the incompleteness and glaring defects of the present system: too many institutions have attempted to do college work, the work in some cases has not been thoroughly101 done, and quantity rather than quality has sometimes been sought. But all this can be said of higher education throughout the land; it is the almost inevitable incident of educational growth, and leaves the deeper question of the legitimate102 demand for the higher training of Negroes untouched. And this latter question can be settled in but one way,—by a first-hand study of the facts. If we leave out of view all institutions which have not actually graduated students from a course higher than that of a New England high school, even though they be called colleges; if then we take the thirty-four remaining institutions, we may clear up many misapprehensions by asking searchingly, What kind of institutions are they? what do they teach? and what sort of men do they graduate?
And first we may say that this type of college, including Atlanta, Fisk, and Howard, Wilberforce and Claflin, Shaw, and the rest, is peculiar103, almost unique. Through the shining trees that whisper before me as I write, I catch glimpses of a boulder104 of New England granite105, covering a grave, which graduates of Atlanta University have placed there,—
"GRATEFUL MEMORY OF THEIR FORMER TEACHER
AND FRIEND AND OF THE UNSELFISH LIFE HE LIVED,
AND THE NOBLE WORK HE WROUGHT106; THAT THEY,
THEIR CHILDREN, AND THEIR CHILDREN'S CHILDREN
MIGHT BE BLESSED."
This was the gift of New England to the freed Negro: not alms, but a friend; not cash, but character. It was not and is not money these seething107 millions want, but love and sympathy, the pulse of hearts beating with red blood;—a gift which to-day only their own kindred and race can bring to the masses, but which once saintly souls brought to their favored children in the crusade of the sixties, that finest thing in American history, and one of the few things untainted by sordid108 greed and cheap vainglory. The teachers in these institutions came not to keep the Negroes in their place, but to raise them out of the defilement109 of the places where slavery had wallowed them. The colleges they founded were social settlements; homes where the best of the sons of the freedmen came in close and sympathetic touch with the best traditions of New England. They lived and ate together, studied and worked, hoped and harkened in the dawning light. In actual formal content their curriculum was doubtless old-fashioned, but in educational power it was supreme110, for it was the contact of living souls.
From such schools about two thousand Negroes have gone forth111 with the bachelor's degree. The number in itself is enough to put at rest the argument that too large a proportion of Negroes are receiving higher training. If the ratio to population of all Negro students throughout the land, in both college and secondary training, be counted, Commissioner112 Harris assures us "it must be increased to five times its present average" to equal the average of the land.
Fifty years ago the ability of Negro students in any appreciable113 numbers to master a modern college course would have been difficult to prove. To-day it is proved by the fact that four hundred Negroes, many of whom have been reported as brilliant students, have received the bachelor's degree from Harvard, Yale, Oberlin, and seventy other leading colleges. Here we have, then, nearly twenty-five hundred Negro graduates, of whom the crucial query must be made, How far did their training fit them for life? It is of course extremely difficult to collect satisfactory data on such a point,—difficult to reach the men, to get trustworthy testimony115, and to gauge116 that testimony by any generally acceptable criterion of success. In 1900, the Conference at Atlanta University undertook to study these graduates, and published the results. First they sought to know what these graduates were doing, and succeeded in getting answers from nearly two-thirds of the living. The direct testimony was in almost all cases corroborated117 by the reports of the colleges where they graduated, so that in the main the reports were worthy114 of credence118. Fifty-three per cent of these graduates were teachers,—presidents of institutions, heads of normal schools, principals of city school-systems, and the like. Seventeen per cent were clergymen; another seventeen per cent were in the professions, chiefly as physicians. Over six per cent were merchants, farmers, and artisans, and four per cent were in the government civil-service. Granting even that a considerable proportion of the third unheard from are unsuccessful, this is a record of usefulness. Personally I know many hundreds of these graduates, and have corresponded with more than a thousand; through others I have followed carefully the life-work of scores; I have taught some of them and some of the pupils whom they have taught, lived in homes which they have builded, and looked at life through their eyes. Comparing them as a class with my fellow students in New England and in Europe, I cannot hesitate in saying that nowhere have I met men and women with a broader spirit of helpfulness, with deeper devotion to their life-work, or with more consecrated119 determination to succeed in the face of bitter difficulties than among Negro college-bred men. They have, to be sure, their proportion of ne'er-do-wells, their pedants120 and lettered fools, but they have a surprisingly small proportion of them; they have not that culture of manner which we instinctively121 associate with university men, forgetting that in reality it is the heritage from cultured homes, and that no people a generation removed from slavery can escape a certain unpleasant rawness and gaucherie, despite the best of training.
With all their larger vision and deeper sensibility, these men have usually been conservative, careful leaders. They have seldom been agitators122, have withstood the temptation to head the mob, and have worked steadily123 and faithfully in a thousand communities in the South. As teachers, they have given the South a commendable124 system of city schools and large numbers of private normal-schools and academies. Colored college-bred men have worked side by side with white college graduates at Hampton; almost from the beginning the backbone125 of Tuskegee's teaching force has been formed of graduates from Fisk and Atlanta. And to-day the institute is filled with college graduates, from the energetic wife of the principal down to the teacher of agriculture, including nearly half of the executive council and a majority of the heads of departments. In the professions, college men are slowly but surely leavening126 the Negro church, are healing and preventing the devastations of disease, and beginning to furnish legal protection for the liberty and property of the toiling127 masses. All this is needful work. Who would do it if Negroes did not? How could Negroes do it if they were not trained carefully for it? If white people need colleges to furnish teachers, ministers, lawyers, and doctors, do black people need nothing of the sort?
If it is true that there are an appreciable number of Negro youth in the land capable by character and talent to receive that higher training, the end of which is culture, and if the two and a half thousand who have had something of this training in the past have in the main proved themselves useful to their race and generation, the question then comes, What place in the future development of the South ought the Negro college and college-bred man to occupy? That the present social separation and acute race-sensitiveness must eventually yield to the influences of culture, as the South grows civilized128, is clear. But such transformation129 calls for singular wisdom and patience. If, while the healing of this vast sore is progressing, the races are to live for many years side by side, united in economic effort, obeying a common government, sensitive to mutual130 thought and feeling, yet subtly and silently separate in many matters of deeper human intimacy,—if this unusual and dangerous development is to progress amid peace and order, mutual respect and growing intelligence, it will call for social surgery at once the delicatest and nicest in modern history. It will demand broad-minded, upright men, both white and black, and in its final accomplishment131 American civilization will triumph. So far as white men are concerned, this fact is to-day being recognized in the South, and a happy renaissance132 of university education seems imminent133. But the very voices that cry hail to this good work are, strange to relate, largely silent or antagonistic134 to the higher education of the Negro.
Strange to relate! for this is certain, no secure civilization can be built in the South with the Negro as an ignorant, turbulent proletariat. Suppose we seek to remedy this by making them laborers135 and nothing more: they are not fools, they have tasted of the Tree of Life, and they will not cease to think, will not cease attempting to read the riddle136 of the world. By taking away their best equipped teachers and leaders, by slamming the door of opportunity in the faces of their bolder and brighter minds, will you make them satisfied with their lot? or will you not rather transfer their leading from the hands of men taught to think to the hands of untrained demagogues? We ought not to forget that despite the pressure of poverty, and despite the active discouragement and even ridicule70 of friends, the demand for higher training steadily increases among Negro youth: there were, in the years from 1875 to 1880, 22 Negro graduates from Northern colleges; from 1885 to 1890 there were 43, and from 1895 to 1900, nearly 100 graduates. From Southern Negro colleges there were, in the same three periods, 143, 413, and over 500 graduates. Here, then, is the plain thirst for training; by refusing to give this Talented Tenth the key to knowledge, can any sane26 man imagine that they will lightly lay aside their yearning137 and contentedly138 become hewers of wood and drawers of water?
No. The dangerously clear logic57 of the Negro's position will more and more loudly assert itself in that day when increasing wealth and more intricate social organization preclude83 the South from being, as it so largely is, simply an armed camp for intimidating139 black folk. Such waste of energy cannot be spared if the South is to catch up with civilization. And as the black third of the land grows in thrift140 and skill, unless skilfully141 guided in its larger philosophy, it must more and more brood over the red past and the creeping, crooked142 present, until it grasps a gospel of revolt and revenge and throws its new-found energies athwart the current of advance. Even to-day the masses of the Negroes see all too clearly the anomalies of their position and the moral crookedness143 of yours. You may marshal strong indictments144 against them, but their counter-cries, lacking though they be in formal logic, have burning truths within them which you may not wholly ignore, O Southern Gentlemen! If you deplore145 their presence here, they ask, Who brought us? When you cry, Deliver us from the vision of intermarriage, they answer that legal marriage is infinitely146 better than systematic concubinage and prostitution. And if in just fury you accuse their vagabonds of violating women, they also in fury quite as just may reply: The rape147 which your gentlemen have done against helpless black women in defiance148 of your own laws is written on the foreheads of two millions of mulattoes, and written in ineffaceable blood. And finally, when you fasten crime upon this race as its peculiar trait, they answer that slavery was the arch-crime, and lynching and lawlessness its twin abortions149; that color and race are not crimes, and yet it is they which in this land receive most unceasing condemnation150, North, East, South, and West.
I will not say such arguments are wholly justified,—I will not insist that there is no other side to the shield; but I do say that of the nine millions of Negroes in this nation, there is scarcely one out of the cradle to whom these arguments do not daily present themselves in the guise151 of terrible truth. I insist that the question of the future is how best to keep these millions from brooding over the wrongs of the past and the difficulties of the present, so that all their energies may be bent152 toward a cheerful striving and cooperation with their white neighbors toward a larger, juster, and fuller future. That one wise method of doing this lies in the closer knitting of the Negro to the great industrial possibilities of the South is a great truth. And this the common schools and the manual training and trade schools are working to accomplish. But these alone are not enough. The foundations of knowledge in this race, as in others, must be sunk deep in the college and university if we would build a solid, permanent structure. Internal problems of social advance must inevitably153 come, —problems of work and wages, of families and homes, of morals and the true valuing of the things of life; and all these and other inevitable problems of civilization the Negro must meet and solve largely for himself, by reason of his isolation154; and can there be any possible solution other than by study and thought and an appeal to the rich experience of the past? Is there not, with such a group and in such a crisis, infinitely more danger to be apprehended155 from half-trained minds and shallow thinking than from over-education and over-refinement? Surely we have wit enough to found a Negro college so manned and equipped as to steer156 successfully between the dilettante and the fool. We shall hardly induce black men to believe that if their stomachs be full, it matters little about their brains. They already dimly perceive that the paths of peace winding157 between honest toil and dignified158 manhood call for the guidance of skilled thinkers, the loving, reverent159 comradeship between the black lowly and the black men emancipated160 by training and culture.
The function of the Negro college, then, is clear: it must maintain the standards of popular education, it must seek the social regeneration of the Negro, and it must help in the solution of problems of race contact and cooperation. And finally, beyond all this, it must develop men. Above our modern socialism, and out of the worship of the mass, must persist and evolve that higher individualism which the centres of culture protect; there must come a loftier respect for the sovereign human soul that seeks to know itself and the world about it; that seeks a freedom for expansion and self-development; that will love and hate and labor in its own way, untrammeled alike by old and new. Such souls aforetime have inspired and guided worlds, and if we be not wholly bewitched by our Rhinegold, they shall again. Herein the longing161 of black men must have respect: the rich and bitter depth of their experience, the unknown treasures of their inner life, the strange rendings of nature they have seen, may give the world new points of view and make their loving, living, and doing precious to all human hearts. And to themselves in these the days that try their souls, the chance to soar in the dim blue air above the smoke is to their finer spirits boon162 and guerdon for what they lose on earth by being black.
I sit with Shakespeare and he winces163 not. Across the color line I move arm in arm with Balzac and Dumas, where smiling men and welcoming women glide164 in gilded165 halls. From out the caves of evening that swing between the strong-limbed earth and the tracery of the stars, I summon Aristotle and Aurelius and what soul I will, and they come all graciously with no scorn nor condescension166. So, wed4 with Truth, I dwell above the Veil. Is this the life you grudge167 us, O knightly168 America? Is this the life you long to change into the dull red hideousness169 of Georgia? Are you so afraid lest peering from this high Pisgah, between Philistine170 and Amalekite, we sight the Promised Land?
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1 abide | |
vi.遵守;坚持;vt.忍受 | |
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2 shimmering | |
v.闪闪发光,发微光( shimmer的现在分词 ) | |
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3 swirl | |
v.(使)打漩,(使)涡卷;n.漩涡,螺旋形 | |
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4 wed | |
v.娶,嫁,与…结婚 | |
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5 swollen | |
adj.肿大的,水涨的;v.使变大,肿胀 | |
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6 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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7 hordes | |
n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 );部落 | |
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8 lurks | |
n.潜在,潜伏;(lurk的复数形式)vi.潜伏,埋伏(lurk的第三人称单数形式) | |
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9 delve | |
v.深入探究,钻研 | |
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10 beads | |
n.(空心)小珠子( bead的名词复数 );水珠;珠子项链 | |
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11 cloys | |
v.发腻,倒胃口( cloy的第三人称单数 ) | |
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12 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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13 trickles | |
n.细流( trickle的名词复数 );稀稀疏疏缓慢来往的东西v.滴( trickle的第三人称单数 );淌;使)慢慢走;缓慢移动 | |
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14 mirage | |
n.海市蜃楼,幻景 | |
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15 shriek | |
v./n.尖叫,叫喊 | |
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16 tangle | |
n.纠缠;缠结;混乱;v.(使)缠绕;变乱 | |
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17 sage | |
n.圣人,哲人;adj.贤明的,明智的 | |
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18 dilettante | |
n.半瓶醋,业余爱好者 | |
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19 grotesque | |
adj.怪诞的,丑陋的;n.怪诞的图案,怪人(物) | |
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20 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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21 laboring | |
n.劳动,操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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22 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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23 debauch | |
v.使堕落,放纵 | |
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24 talons | |
n.(尤指猛禽的)爪( talon的名词复数 );(如爪般的)手指;爪状物;锁簧尖状突出部 | |
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25 decadence | |
n.衰落,颓废 | |
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26 sane | |
adj.心智健全的,神志清醒的,明智的,稳健的 | |
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27 saner | |
adj.心智健全的( sane的比较级 );神志正常的;明智的;稳健的 | |
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28 decry | |
v.危难,谴责 | |
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29 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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30 decency | |
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重 | |
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31 aspiration | |
n.志向,志趣抱负;渴望;(语)送气音;吸出 | |
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32 stimulate | |
vt.刺激,使兴奋;激励,使…振奋 | |
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33 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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34 flout | |
v./n.嘲弄,愚弄,轻视 | |
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35 deft | |
adj.灵巧的,熟练的(a deft hand 能手) | |
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36 coordination | |
n.协调,协作 | |
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37 partially | |
adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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38 contradictory | |
adj.反驳的,反对的,抗辩的;n.正反对,矛盾对立 | |
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39 panacea | |
n.万灵药;治百病的灵药 | |
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40 poise | |
vt./vi. 平衡,保持平衡;n.泰然自若,自信 | |
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41 bulwark | |
n.堡垒,保障,防御 | |
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42 deafen | |
vt.震耳欲聋;使听不清楚 | |
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43 wail | |
vt./vi.大声哀号,恸哭;呼啸,尖啸 | |
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44 shackled | |
给(某人)带上手铐或脚镣( shackle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45 vaguely | |
adv.含糊地,暖昧地 | |
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46 blandly | |
adv.温和地,殷勤地 | |
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47 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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48 deftness | |
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49 blight | |
n.枯萎病;造成破坏的因素;vt.破坏,摧残 | |
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50 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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51 contingent | |
adj.视条件而定的;n.一组,代表团,分遣队 | |
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52 chaotic | |
adj.混沌的,一片混乱的,一团糟的 | |
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53 constructive | |
adj.建设的,建设性的 | |
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54 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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55 wreckage | |
n.(失事飞机等的)残骸,破坏,毁坏 | |
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56 inadequately | |
ad.不够地;不够好地 | |
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57 logic | |
n.逻辑(学);逻辑性 | |
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58 conversion | |
n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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59 quandary | |
n.困惑,进迟两难之境 | |
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60 proffered | |
v.提供,贡献,提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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62 advancement | |
n.前进,促进,提升 | |
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63 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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64 query | |
n.疑问,问号,质问;vt.询问,表示怀疑 | |
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65 sinister | |
adj.不吉利的,凶恶的,左边的 | |
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66 imperialism | |
n.帝国主义,帝国主义政策 | |
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67 dividends | |
红利( dividend的名词复数 ); 股息; 被除数; (足球彩票的)彩金 | |
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68 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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69 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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70 ridicule | |
v.讥讽,挖苦;n.嘲弄 | |
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71 ridiculed | |
v.嘲笑,嘲弄,奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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73 cipher | |
n.零;无影响力的人;密码 | |
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74 paradox | |
n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法;自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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75 volcanic | |
adj.火山的;象火山的;由火山引起的 | |
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76 rupture | |
n.破裂;(关系的)决裂;v.(使)破裂 | |
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77 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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78 chasm | |
n.深坑,断层,裂口,大分岐,利害冲突 | |
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79 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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80 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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81 asylums | |
n.避难所( asylum的名词复数 );庇护;政治避难;精神病院 | |
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82 graveyards | |
墓地( graveyard的名词复数 ); 垃圾场; 废物堆积处; 收容所 | |
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83 preclude | |
vt.阻止,排除,防止;妨碍 | |
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84 precludes | |
v.阻止( preclude的第三人称单数 );排除;妨碍;使…行不通 | |
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85 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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86 simultaneously | |
adv.同时发生地,同时进行地 | |
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87 consultation | |
n.咨询;商量;商议;会议 | |
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88 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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89 sneers | |
讥笑的表情(言语)( sneer的名词复数 ) | |
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90 illiteracy | |
n.文盲 | |
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91 scatter | |
vt.撒,驱散,散开;散布/播;vi.分散,消散 | |
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92 foliage | |
n.叶子,树叶,簇叶 | |
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93 overdone | |
v.做得过分( overdo的过去分词 );太夸张;把…煮得太久;(工作等)过度 | |
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94 overdrawn | |
透支( overdraw的过去分词 ); (overdraw的过去分词) | |
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95 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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96 prematurely | |
adv.过早地,贸然地 | |
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97 evaded | |
逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 ); 避开; 回避; 想不出 | |
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98 skeptical | |
adj.怀疑的,多疑的 | |
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99 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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100 queries | |
n.问题( query的名词复数 );疑问;询问;问号v.质疑,对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 );询问 | |
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101 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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102 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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103 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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104 boulder | |
n.巨砾;卵石,圆石 | |
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105 granite | |
adj.花岗岩,花岗石 | |
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106 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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107 seething | |
沸腾的,火热的 | |
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108 sordid | |
adj.肮脏的,不干净的,卑鄙的,暗淡的 | |
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109 defilement | |
n.弄脏,污辱,污秽 | |
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110 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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111 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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112 commissioner | |
n.(政府厅、局、处等部门)专员,长官,委员 | |
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113 appreciable | |
adj.明显的,可见的,可估量的,可觉察的 | |
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114 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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115 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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116 gauge | |
v.精确计量;估计;n.标准度量;计量器 | |
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117 corroborated | |
v.证实,支持(某种说法、信仰、理论等)( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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118 credence | |
n.信用,祭器台,供桌,凭证 | |
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119 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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120 pedants | |
n.卖弄学问的人,学究,书呆子( pedant的名词复数 ) | |
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121 instinctively | |
adv.本能地 | |
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122 agitators | |
n.(尤指政治变革的)鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 );煽动者;搅拌器;搅拌机 | |
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123 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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124 commendable | |
adj.值得称赞的 | |
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125 backbone | |
n.脊骨,脊柱,骨干;刚毅,骨气 | |
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126 leavening | |
n.酵母,发酵,发酵物v.使(面团)发酵( leaven的现在分词 );在…中掺入改变的因素 | |
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127 toiling | |
长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 ); 艰难缓慢地移动,跋涉 | |
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128 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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129 transformation | |
n.变化;改造;转变 | |
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130 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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131 accomplishment | |
n.完成,成就,(pl.)造诣,技能 | |
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132 renaissance | |
n.复活,复兴,文艺复兴 | |
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133 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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134 antagonistic | |
adj.敌对的 | |
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135 laborers | |
n.体力劳动者,工人( laborer的名词复数 );(熟练工人的)辅助工 | |
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136 riddle | |
n.谜,谜语,粗筛;vt.解谜,给…出谜,筛,检查,鉴定,非难,充满于;vi.出谜 | |
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137 yearning | |
a.渴望的;向往的;怀念的 | |
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138 contentedly | |
adv.心满意足地 | |
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139 intimidating | |
vt.恐吓,威胁( intimidate的现在分词) | |
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140 thrift | |
adj.节约,节俭;n.节俭,节约 | |
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141 skilfully | |
adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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142 crooked | |
adj.弯曲的;不诚实的,狡猾的,不正当的 | |
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143 crookedness | |
[医]弯曲 | |
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144 indictments | |
n.(制度、社会等的)衰败迹象( indictment的名词复数 );刑事起诉书;公诉书;控告 | |
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145 deplore | |
vt.哀叹,对...深感遗憾 | |
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146 infinitely | |
adv.无限地,无穷地 | |
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147 rape | |
n.抢夺,掠夺,强奸;vt.掠夺,抢夺,强奸 | |
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148 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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149 abortions | |
n.小产( abortion的名词复数 );小产胎儿;(计划)等中止或夭折;败育 | |
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150 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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151 guise | |
n.外表,伪装的姿态 | |
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152 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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153 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
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154 isolation | |
n.隔离,孤立,分解,分离 | |
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155 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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156 steer | |
vt.驾驶,为…操舵;引导;vi.驾驶 | |
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157 winding | |
n.绕,缠,绕组,线圈 | |
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158 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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159 reverent | |
adj.恭敬的,虔诚的 | |
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160 emancipated | |
adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161 longing | |
n.(for)渴望 | |
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162 boon | |
n.恩赐,恩物,恩惠 | |
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163 winces | |
避开,畏缩( wince的名词复数 ) | |
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164 glide | |
n./v.溜,滑行;(时间)消逝 | |
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165 gilded | |
a.镀金的,富有的 | |
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166 condescension | |
n.自以为高人一等,贬低(别人) | |
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167 grudge | |
n.不满,怨恨,妒嫉;vt.勉强给,不情愿做 | |
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168 knightly | |
adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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169 hideousness | |
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170 philistine | |
n.庸俗的人;adj.市侩的,庸俗的 | |
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