Fair face of Beauty all too fair to see,
Where the lost stars adown the heavens are hurled,—
There, there alone for thee
May white peace be.
Beauty, sad face of Beauty, Mystery, Wonder,
What are these dreams to foolish babbling1 men
Who cry with little noises 'neath the thunder
Of Ages ground to sand,
To a little sand.
FIONA MACLEOD.
It was out in the country, far from home, far from my foster home, on a dark Sunday night. The road wandered from our rambling2 log-house up the stony3 bed of a creek4, past wheat and corn, until we could hear dimly across the fields a rhythmic5 cadence6 of song,—soft, thrilling, powerful, that swelled7 and died sorrowfully in our ears. I was a country schoolteacher then, fresh from the East, and had never seen a Southern Negro revival8. To be sure, we in Berkshire were not perhaps as stiff and formal as they in Suffolk of olden time; yet we were very quiet and subdued9, and I know not what would have happened those clear Sabbath mornings had some one punctuated10 the sermon with a wild scream, or interrupted the long prayer with a loud Amen! And so most striking to me, as I approached the village and the little plain church perched aloft, was the air of intense excitement that possessed11 that mass of black folk. A sort of suppressed terror hung in the air and seemed to seize us,—a pythian madness, a demoniac possession, that lent terrible reality to song and word. The black and massive form of the preacher swayed and quivered as the words crowded to his lips and flew at us in singular eloquence12. The people moaned and fluttered, and then the gaunt-cheeked brown woman beside me suddenly leaped straight into the air and shrieked13 like a lost soul, while round about came wail14 and groan15 and outcry, and a scene of human passion such as I had never conceived before.
Those who have not thus witnessed the frenzy16 of a Negro revival in the untouched backwoods of the South can but dimly realize the religious feeling of the slave; as described, such scenes appear grotesque17 and funny, but as seen they are awful. Three things characterized this religion of the slave,—the Preacher, the Music, and the Frenzy. The Preacher is the most unique personality developed by the Negro on American soil. A leader, a politician, an orator19, a "boss," an intriguer20, an idealist,—all these he is, and ever, too, the centre of a group of men, now twenty, now a thousand in number. The combination of a certain adroitness21 with deep-seated earnestness, of tact22 with consummate23 ability, gave him his preeminence24, and helps him maintain it. The type, of course, varies according to time and place, from the West Indies in the sixteenth century to New England in the nineteenth, and from the Mississippi bottoms to cities like New Orleans or New York.
The Music of Negro religion is that plaintive25 rhythmic melody, with its touching26 minor27 cadences28, which, despite caricature and defilement29, still remains30 the most original and beautiful expression of human life and longing31 yet born on American soil. Sprung from the African forests, where its counterpart can still be heard, it was adapted, changed, and intensified32 by the tragic33 soul-life of the slave, until, under the stress of law and whip, it became the one true expression of a people's sorrow, despair, and hope.
Finally the Frenzy of "Shouting," when the Spirit of the Lord passed by, and, seizing the devotee, made him mad with supernatural joy, was the last essential of Negro religion and the one more devoutly34 believed in than all the rest. It varied35 in expression from the silent rapt countenance36 or the low murmur37 and moan to the mad abandon of physical fervor38,—the stamping, shrieking39, and shouting, the rushing to and fro and wild waving of arms, the weeping and laughing, the vision and the trance. All this is nothing new in the world, but old as religion, as Delphi and Endor. And so firm a hold did it have on the Negro, that many generations firmly believed that without this visible manifestation40 of the God there could be no true communion with the Invisible.
These were the characteristics of Negro religious life as developed up to the time of Emancipation41. Since under the peculiar42 circumstances of the black man's environment they were the one expression of his higher life, they are of deep interest to the student of his development, both socially and psychologically. Numerous are the attractive lines of inquiry43 that here group themselves. What did slavery mean to the African savage44? What was his attitude toward the World and Life? What seemed to him good and evil,—God and Devil? Whither went his longings45 and strivings, and wherefore were his heart-burnings and disappointments? Answers to such questions can come only from a study of Negro religion as a development, through its gradual changes from the heathenism of the Gold Coast to the institutional Negro church of Chicago.
Moreover, the religious growth of millions of men, even though they be slaves, cannot be without potent46 influence upon their contemporaries. The Methodists and Baptists of America owe much of their condition to the silent but potent influence of their millions of Negro converts. Especially is this noticeable in the South, where theology and religious philosophy are on this account a long way behind the North, and where the religion of the poor whites is a plain copy of Negro thought and methods. The mass of "gospel" hymns47 which has swept through American churches and well-nigh ruined our sense of song consists largely of debased imitations of Negro melodies made by ears that caught the jingle48 but not the music, the body but not the soul, of the Jubilee49 songs. It is thus clear that the study of Negro religion is not only a vital part of the history of the Negro in America, but no uninteresting part of American history.
The Negro church of to-day is the social centre of Negro life in the United States, and the most characteristic expression of African character. Take a typical church in a small Virginia town: it is the "First Baptist"—a roomy brick edifice50 seating five hundred or more persons, tastefully finished in Georgia pine, with a carpet, a small organ, and stained-glass windows. Underneath51 is a large assembly room with benches. This building is the central club-house of a community of a thousand or more Negroes. Various organizations meet here,—the church proper, the Sunday-school, two or three insurance societies, women's societies, secret societies, and mass meetings of various kinds. Entertainments, suppers, and lectures are held beside the five or six regular weekly religious services. Considerable sums of money are collected and expended52 here, employment is found for the idle, strangers are introduced, news is disseminated53 and charity distributed. At the same time this social, intellectual, and economic centre is a religious centre of great power. Depravity, Sin, Redemption, Heaven, Hell, and Damnation are preached twice a Sunday after the crops are laid by; and few indeed of the community have the hardihood to withstand conversion54. Back of this more formal religion, the Church often stands as a real conserver of morals, a strengthener of family life, and the final authority on what is Good and Right.
Thus one can see in the Negro church to-day, reproduced in microcosm, all the great world from which the Negro is cut off by color-prejudice and social condition. In the great city churches the same tendency is noticeable and in many respects emphasized. A great church like the Bethel of Philadelphia has over eleven hundred members, an edifice seating fifteen hundred persons and valued at one hundred thousand dollars, an annual budget of five thousand dollars, and a government consisting of a pastor55 with several assisting local preachers, an executive and legislative56 board, financial boards and tax collectors; general church meetings for making laws; sub-divided groups led by class leaders, a company of militia57, and twenty-four auxiliary58 societies. The activity of a church like this is immense and far-reaching, and the bishops59 who preside over these organizations throughout the land are among the most powerful Negro rulers in the world.
Such churches are really governments of men, and consequently a little investigation60 reveals the curious fact that, in the South, at least, practically every American Negro is a church member. Some, to be sure, are not regularly enrolled61, and a few do not habitually62 attend services; but, practically, a proscribed63 people must have a social centre, and that centre for this people is the Negro church. The census64 of 1890 showed nearly twenty-four thousand Negro churches in the country, with a total enrolled membership of over two and a half millions, or ten actual church members to every twenty-eight persons, and in some Southern States one in every two persons. Besides these there is the large number who, while not enrolled as members, attend and take part in many of the activities of the church. There is an organized Negro church for every sixty black families in the nation, and in some States for every forty families, owning, on an average, a thousand dollars' worth of property each, or nearly twenty-six million dollars in all.
Such, then, is the large development of the Negro church since Emancipation. The question now is, What have been the successive steps of this social history and what are the present tendencies? First, we must realize that no such institution as the Negro church could rear itself without definite historical foundations. These foundations we can find if we remember that the social history of the Negro did not start in America. He was brought from a definite social environment,—the polygamous clan65 life under the headship of the chief and the potent influence of the priest. His religion was nature-worship, with profound belief in invisible surrounding influences, good and bad, and his worship was through incantation and sacrifice. The first rude change in this life was the slave ship and the West Indian sugar-fields. The plantation66 organization replaced the clan and tribe, and the white master replaced the chief with far greater and more despotic powers. Forced and long-continued toil67 became the rule of life, the old ties of blood relationship and kinship disappeared, and instead of the family appeared a new polygamy and polyandry, which, in some cases, almost reached promiscuity68. It was a terrific social revolution, and yet some traces were retained of the former group life, and the chief remaining institution was the Priest or Medicine-man. He early appeared on the plantation and found his function as the healer of the sick, the interpreter of the Unknown, the comforter of the sorrowing, the supernatural avenger69 of wrong, and the one who rudely but picturesquely70 expressed the longing, disappointment, and resentment71 of a stolen and oppressed people. Thus, as bard72, physician, judge, and priest, within the narrow limits allowed by the slave system, rose the Negro preacher, and under him the first church was not at first by any means Christian73 nor definitely organized; rather it was an adaptation and mingling74 of heathen rites76 among the members of each plantation, and roughly designated as Voodooism. Association with the masters, missionary77 effort and motives78 of expediency79 gave these rites an early veneer80 of Christianity, and after the lapse81 of many generations the Negro church became Christian.
Two characteristic things must be noticed in regard to the church. First, it became almost entirely82 Baptist and Methodist in faith; secondly83, as a social institution it antedated84 by many decades the monogamic Negro home. From the very circumstances of its beginning, the church was confined to the plantation, and consisted primarily of a series of disconnected units; although, later on, some freedom of movement was allowed, still this geographical85 limitation was always important and was one cause of the spread of the decentralized and democratic Baptist faith among the slaves. At the same time, the visible rite75 of baptism appealed strongly to their mystic temperament86. To-day the Baptist Church is still largest in membership among Negroes, and has a million and a half communicants. Next in popularity came the churches organized in connection with the white neighboring churches, chiefly Baptist and Methodist, with a few Episcopalian and others. The Methodists still form the second greatest denomination87, with nearly a million members. The faith of these two leading denominations88 was more suited to the slave church from the prominence89 they gave to religious feeling and fervor. The Negro membership in other denominations has always been small and relatively90 unimportant, although the Episcopalians and Presbyterians are gaining among the more intelligent classes to-day, and the Catholic Church is making headway in certain sections. After Emancipation, and still earlier in the North, the Negro churches largely severed91 such affiliations92 as they had had with the white churches, either by choice or by compulsion. The Baptist churches became independent, but the Methodists were compelled early to unite for purposes of episcopal government. This gave rise to the great African Methodist Church, the greatest Negro organization in the world, to the Zion Church and the Colored Methodist, and to the black conferences and churches in this and other denominations.
The second fact noted93, namely, that the Negro church antedates94 the Negro home, leads to an explanation of much that is paradoxical in this communistic institution and in the morals of its members. But especially it leads us to regard this institution as peculiarly the expression of the inner ethical96 life of a people in a sense seldom true elsewhere. Let us turn, then, from the outer physical development of the church to the more important inner ethical life of the people who compose it. The Negro has already been pointed97 out many times as a religious animal,—a being of that deep emotional nature which turns instinctively98 toward the supernatural. Endowed with a rich tropical imagination and a keen, delicate appreciation99 of Nature, the transplanted African lived in a world animate100 with gods and devils, elves and witches; full of strange influences,—of Good to be implored101, of Evil to be propitiated102. Slavery, then, was to him the dark triumph of Evil over him. All the hateful powers of the Under-world were striving against him, and a spirit of revolt and revenge filled his heart. He called up all the resources of heathenism to aid,—exorcism and witch-craft, the mysterious Obi worship with its barbarious rites, spells, and blood-sacrifice even, now and then, of human victims. Weird103 midnight orgies and mystic conjurations were invoked104, the witch-woman and the voodoo-priest became the centre of Negro group life, and that vein105 of vague superstition106 which characterizes the unlettered Negro even to-day was deepened and strengthened.
In spite, however, of such success as that of the fierce Maroons107, the Danish blacks, and others, the spirit of revolt gradually died away under the untiring energy and superior strength of the slave masters. By the middle of the eighteenth century the black slave had sunk, with hushed murmurs108, to his place at the bottom of a new economic system, and was unconsciously ripe for a new philosophy of life. Nothing suited his condition then better than the doctrines109 of passive submission110 embodied111 in the newly learned Christianity. Slave masters early realized this, and cheerfully aided religious propaganda within certain bounds. The long system of repression112 and degradation113 of the Negro tended to emphasize the elements of his character which made him a valuable chattel114: courtesy became humility115, moral strength degenerated116 into submission, and the exquisite117 native appreciation of the beautiful became an infinite capacity for dumb suffering. The Negro, losing the joy of this world, eagerly seized upon the offered conceptions of the next; the avenging118 Spirit of the Lord enjoining119 patience in this world, under sorrow and tribulation120 until the Great Day when He should lead His dark children home,—this became his comforting dream. His preacher repeated the prophecy, and his bards121 sang,—
"Children, we all shall be free
When the Lord shall appear!"
This deep religious fatalism, painted so beautifully in "Uncle Tom," came soon to breed, as all fatalistic faiths will, the sensualist side by side with the martyr122. Under the lax moral life of the plantation, where marriage was a farce123, laziness a virtue124, and property a theft, a religion of resignation and submission degenerated easily, in less strenuous125 minds, into a philosophy of indulgence and crime. Many of the worst characteristics of the Negro masses of to-day had their seed in this period of the slave's ethical growth. Here it was that the Home was ruined under the very shadow of the Church, white and black; here habits of shiftlessness took root, and sullen126 hopelessness replaced hopeful strife127.
With the beginning of the abolition128 movement and the gradual growth of a class of free Negroes came a change. We often neglect the influence of the freedman before the war, because of the paucity129 of his numbers and the small weight he had in the history of the nation. But we must not forget that his chief influence was internal,—was exerted on the black world; and that there he was the ethical and social leader. Huddled130 as he was in a few centres like Philadelphia, New York, and New Orleans, the masses of the freedmen sank into poverty and listlessness; but not all of them. The free Negro leader early arose and his chief characteristic was intense earnestness and deep feeling on the slavery question. Freedom became to him a real thing and not a dream. His religion became darker and more intense, and into his ethics131 crept a note of revenge, into his songs a day of reckoning close at hand. The "Coming of the Lord" swept this side of Death, and came to be a thing to be hoped for in this day. Through fugitive132 slaves and irrepressible discussion this desire for freedom seized the black millions still in bondage133, and became their one ideal of life. The black bards caught new notes, and sometimes even dared to sing,—
"O Freedom, O Freedom, O Freedom over me!
Before I'll be a slave
I'll be buried in my grave,
And go home to my Lord
And be free."
For fifty years Negro religion thus transformed itself and identified itself with the dream of Abolition, until that which was a radical134 fad135 in the white North and an anarchistic137 plot in the white South had become a religion to the black world. Thus, when Emancipation finally came, it seemed to the freedman a literal Coming of the Lord. His fervid138 imagination was stirred as never before, by the tramp of armies, the blood and dust of battle, and the wail and whirl of social upheaval139. He stood dumb and motionless before the whirlwind: what had he to do with it? Was it not the Lord's doing, and marvellous in his eyes? Joyed and bewildered with what came, he stood awaiting new wonders till the inevitable140 Age of Reaction swept over the nation and brought the crisis of to-day.
It is difficult to explain clearly the present critical stage of Negro religion. First, we must remember that living as the blacks do in close contact with a great modern nation, and sharing, although imperfectly, the soul-life of that nation, they must necessarily be affected141 more or less directly by all the religious and ethical forces that are to-day moving the United States. These questions and movements are, however, overshadowed and dwarfed142 by the (to them) all-important question of their civil, political, and economic status. They must perpetually discuss the "Negro Problem,"—must live, move, and have their being in it, and interpret all else in its light or darkness. With this come, too, peculiar problems of their inner life,—of the status of women, the maintenance of Home, the training of children, the accumulation of wealth, and the prevention of crime. All this must mean a time of intense ethical ferment143, of religious heart-searching and intellectual unrest. From the double life every American Negro must live, as a Negro and as an American, as swept on by the current of the nineteenth while yet struggling in the eddies144 of the fifteenth century,—from this must arise a painful self-consciousness, an almost morbid145 sense of personality and a moral hesitancy which is fatal to self-confidence. The worlds within and without the Veil of Color are changing, and changing rapidly, but not at the same rate, not in the same way; and this must produce a peculiar wrenching146 of the soul, a peculiar sense of doubt and bewilderment. Such a double life, with double thoughts, double duties, and double social classes, must give rise to double words and double ideals, and tempt147 the mind to pretence148 or revolt, to hypocrisy149 or radicalism150.
In some such doubtful words and phrases can one perhaps most clearly picture the peculiar ethical paradox95 that faces the Negro of to-day and is tingeing151 and changing his religious life. Feeling that his rights and his dearest ideals are being trampled152 upon, that the public conscience is ever more deaf to his righteous appeal, and that all the reactionary153 forces of prejudice, greed, and revenge are daily gaining new strength and fresh allies, the Negro faces no enviable dilemma154. Conscious of his impotence, and pessimistic, he often becomes bitter and vindictive155; and his religion, instead of a worship, is a complaint and a curse, a wail rather than a hope, a sneer156 rather than a faith. On the other hand, another type of mind, shrewder and keener and more tortuous157 too, sees in the very strength of the anti-Negro movement its patent weaknesses, and with Jesuitic casuistry is deterred158 by no ethical considerations in the endeavor to turn this weakness to the black man's strength. Thus we have two great and hardly reconcilable streams of thought and ethical strivings; the danger of the one lies in anarchy159, that of the other in hypocrisy. The one type of Negro stands almost ready to curse God and die, and the other is too often found a traitor160 to right and a coward before force; the one is wedded161 to ideals remote, whimsical, perhaps impossible of realization162; the other forgets that life is more than meat and the body more than raiment. But, after all, is not this simply the writhing163 of the age translated into black,—the triumph of the Lie which today, with its false culture, faces the hideousness164 of the anarchist136 assassin?
To-day the two groups of Negroes, the one in the North, the other in the South, represent these divergent ethical tendencies, the first tending toward radicalism, the other toward hypocritical compromise. It is no idle regret with which the white South mourns the loss of the old-time Negro,—the frank, honest, simple old servant who stood for the earlier religious age of submission and humility. With all his laziness and lack of many elements of true manhood, he was at least open-hearted, faithful, and sincere. To-day he is gone, but who is to blame for his going? Is it not those very persons who mourn for him? Is it not the tendency, born of Reconstruction165 and Reaction, to found a society on lawlessness and deception166, to tamper167 with the moral fibre of a naturally honest and straightforward168 people until the whites threaten to become ungovernable tyrants169 and the blacks criminals and hypocrites? Deception is the natural defence of the weak against the strong, and the South used it for many years against its conquerors170; to-day it must be prepared to see its black proletariat turn that same two-edged weapon against itself. And how natural this is! The death of Denmark Vesey and Nat Turner proved long since to the Negro the present hopelessness of physical defence. Political defence is becoming less and less available, and economic defence is still only partially171 effective. But there is a patent defence at hand,—the defence of deception and flattery, of cajoling and lying. It is the same defence which peasants of the Middle Age used and which left its stamp on their character for centuries. To-day the young Negro of the South who would succeed cannot be frank and outspoken172, honest and self-assertive173, but rather he is daily tempted174 to be silent and wary175, politic18 and sly; he must flatter and be pleasant, endure petty insults with a smile, shut his eyes to wrong; in too many cases he sees positive personal advantage in deception and lying. His real thoughts, his real aspirations176, must be guarded in whispers; he must not criticise177, he must not complain. Patience, humility, and adroitness must, in these growing black youth, replace impulse, manliness178, and courage. With this sacrifice there is an economic opening, and perhaps peace and some prosperity. Without this there is riot, migration179, or crime. Nor is this situation peculiar to the Southern United States, is it not rather the only method by which undeveloped races have gained the right to share modern culture? The price of culture is a Lie.
On the other hand, in the North the tendency is to emphasize the radicalism of the Negro. Driven from his birthright in the South by a situation at which every fibre of his more outspoken and assertive nature revolts, he finds himself in a land where he can scarcely earn a decent living amid the harsh competition and the color discrimination. At the same time, through schools and periodicals, discussions and lectures, he is intellectually quickened and awakened180. The soul, long pent up and dwarfed, suddenly expands in new-found freedom. What wonder that every tendency is to excess,—radical complaint, radical remedies, bitter denunciation or angry silence. Some sink, some rise. The criminal and the sensualist leave the church for the gambling-hell and the brothel, and fill the slums of Chicago and Baltimore; the better classes segregate181 themselves from the group-life of both white and black, and form an aristocracy, cultured but pessimistic, whose bitter criticism stings while it points out no way of escape. They despise the submission and subserviency182 of the Southern Negroes, but offer no other means by which a poor and oppressed minority can exist side by side with its masters. Feeling deeply and keenly the tendencies and opportunities of the age in which they live, their souls are bitter at the fate which drops the Veil between; and the very fact that this bitterness is natural and justifiable183 only serves to intensify184 it and make it more maddening.
Between the two extreme types of ethical attitude which I have thus sought to make clear wavers the mass of the millions of Negroes, North and South; and their religious life and activity partake of this social conflict within their ranks. Their churches are differentiating,—now into groups of cold, fashionable devotees, in no way distinguishable from similar white groups save in color of skin; now into large social and business institutions catering185 to the desire for information and amusement of their members, warily186 avoiding unpleasant questions both within and without the black world, and preaching in effect if not in word: Dum vivimus, vivamus.
But back of this still broods silently the deep religious feeling of the real Negro heart, the stirring, unguided might of powerful human souls who have lost the guiding star of the past and seek in the great night a new religious ideal. Some day the Awakening187 will come, when the pent-up vigor188 of ten million souls shall sweep irresistibly189 toward the Goal, out of the Valley of the Shadow of Death, where all that makes life worth living—Liberty, Justice, and Right—is marked "For White People Only."
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1
babbling
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| n.胡说，婴儿发出的咿哑声adj.胡说的v.喋喋不休( babble的现在分词 )；作潺潺声（如流水）；含糊不清地说话；泄漏秘密 | |
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rambling
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| adj.[建]凌乱的，杂乱的 | |
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stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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rhythmic
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| adj.有节奏的，有韵律的 | |
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6
cadence
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| n.（说话声调的）抑扬顿挫 | |
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7
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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8
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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10
punctuated
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| v.（在文字中）加标点符号，加标点( punctuate的过去式和过去分词 )；不时打断某事物 | |
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11
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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12
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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13
shrieked
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| v.尖叫( shriek的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14
wail
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| vt./vi.大声哀号，恸哭；呼啸，尖啸 | |
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15
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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16
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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intriguer
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| 密谋者 | |
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adroitness
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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24
preeminence
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| n.卓越,杰出 | |
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plaintive
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| adj.可怜的，伤心的 | |
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26
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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28
cadences
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| n.（声音的）抑扬顿挫( cadence的名词复数 )；节奏；韵律；调子 | |
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29
defilement
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| n.弄脏，污辱，污秽 | |
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30
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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31
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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32
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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34
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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35
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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36
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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37
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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38
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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39
shrieking
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| v.尖叫( shriek的现在分词 ) | |
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40
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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41
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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42
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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43
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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44
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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45
longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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46
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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47
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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48
jingle
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| n.叮当声，韵律简单的诗句；v.使叮当作响，叮当响，押韵 | |
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49
jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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50
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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51
underneath
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|
| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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52
expended
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|
| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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53
disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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55
pastor
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|
| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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56
legislative
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|
| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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57
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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58
auxiliary
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|
| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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59
bishops
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|
| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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60
investigation
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|
| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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61
enrolled
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|
| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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62
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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63
proscribed
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|
| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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65
clan
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|
| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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66
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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67
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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68
promiscuity
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|
| n.混杂，混乱；（男女的）乱交 | |
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69
avenger
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| n. 复仇者 | |
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70
picturesquely
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71
resentment
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|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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72
bard
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|
| n.吟游诗人 | |
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73
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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74
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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75
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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76
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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77
missionary
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|
| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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78
motives
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|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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79
expediency
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|
| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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80
veneer
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|
| n.(墙上的)饰面，虚饰 | |
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81
lapse
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|
| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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82
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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83
secondly
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|
| adv.第二，其次 | |
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84
antedated
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|
| v.（在历史上）比…为早( antedate的过去式和过去分词 )；先于；早于；（在信、支票等上）填写比实际日期早的日期 | |
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85
geographical
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|
| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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86
temperament
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|
| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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87
denomination
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|
| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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88
denominations
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|
| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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89
prominence
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|
| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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90
relatively
|
|
| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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91
severed
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|
| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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92
affiliations
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|
| n.联系( affiliation的名词复数 )；附属机构；亲和性；接纳 | |
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93
noted
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|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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94
antedates
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|
| v.（在历史上）比…为早( antedate的第三人称单数 )；先于；早于；（在信、支票等上）填写比实际日期早的日期 | |
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95
paradox
|
|
| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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96
ethical
|
|
| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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97
pointed
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|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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98
instinctively
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|
| adv.本能地 | |
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99
appreciation
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|
| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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100
animate
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|
| v.赋于生命，鼓励；adj.有生命的，有生气的 | |
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101
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
propitiated
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|
| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
weird
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|
| adj.古怪的，离奇的；怪诞的，神秘而可怕的 | |
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104
invoked
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|
| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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105
vein
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|
| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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106
superstition
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|
| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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107
maroons
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|
| n.逃亡黑奴（maroon的复数形式）vt.把…放逐到孤岛（maroon的第三人称单数形式） | |
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108
murmurs
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|
| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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109
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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110
submission
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|
| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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111
embodied
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|
| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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112
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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113
degradation
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|
| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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114
chattel
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|
| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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115
humility
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|
| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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116
degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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118
avenging
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|
| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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119
enjoining
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| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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120
tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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121
bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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122
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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123
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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124
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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125
strenuous
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|
| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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126
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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127
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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128
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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129
paucity
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| n.小量，缺乏 | |
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130
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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131
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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132
fugitive
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|
| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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133
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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134
radical
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|
| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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135
fad
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| n.时尚；一时流行的狂热；一时的爱好 | |
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136
anarchist
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| n.无政府主义者 | |
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137
anarchistic
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| 无政府主义的 | |
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138
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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139
upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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140
inevitable
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|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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141
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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142
dwarfed
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| vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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143
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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144
eddies
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| （水、烟等的）漩涡，涡流( eddy的名词复数 ) | |
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145
morbid
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|
| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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146
wrenching
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|
| n.修截苗根，苗木铲根（铲根时苗木不起土或部分起土）v.（猛力地）扭( wrench的现在分词 )；扭伤；使感到痛苦；使悲痛 | |
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147
tempt
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|
| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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148
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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149
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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150
radicalism
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|
| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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151
tingeing
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| vt.着色，使…带上色彩（tinge的现在分词形式） | |
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152
trampled
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|
| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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153
reactionary
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|
| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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154
dilemma
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|
| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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155
vindictive
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|
| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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156
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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157
tortuous
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|
| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
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158
deterred
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|
| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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159
anarchy
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|
| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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160
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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161
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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163
writhing
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| （因极度痛苦而）扭动或翻滚( writhe的现在分词 ) | |
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164
hideousness
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165
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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166
deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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167
tamper
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| v.干预，玩弄，贿赂，窜改，削弱，损害 | |
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168
straightforward
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| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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169
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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170
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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171
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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172
outspoken
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| adj.直言无讳的，坦率的，坦白无隐的 | |
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173
assertive
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| adj.果断的，自信的，有冲劲的 | |
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174
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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175
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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176
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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177
criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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178
manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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179
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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180
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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181
segregate
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| adj.分离的，被隔离的；vt.使分离，使隔离 | |
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182
subserviency
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| n.有用，裨益 | |
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183
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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184
intensify
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| vt.加强；变强；加剧 | |
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185
catering
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| n. 给养 | |
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186
warily
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| adv.留心地 | |
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187
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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188
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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189
irresistibly
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| adv.无法抵抗地，不能自持地；极为诱惑人地 | |
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