During the darkness of the middle ages, the church of Abyssinia had fallen into complete oblivion; but about the commencement of the sixteenth century rumours1 were whispered abroad of a Christian2 monarch3 and a Christian nation established in the centre of Africa; and the happy news was first brought to the court of Portugal that a Christian church still existed, which had for ages successfully resisted, among the lofty mountains of Abyssinia, the fierce attacks of the sanguinary Saracen.
In the year 1499, Pedro Covilham succeeded in reaching Shoa, where he was received with that favour which novelty usually secures; and although the stranger was prevented by the existing ancient laws from leaving the kingdom, the quest had been successfully performed. The first link was re-established of a chain which had been broken for ages; and shortly afterwards the glories of Prester John and his Christian court were fully4 disclosed, to abate5 the intense anxiety that reigned6 in the heart of every inhabitant of the West.
In due process of time an Abyssinian ambassador made his appearance in Portugal. Unbounded delight was experienced by King Emanuel, and every honour was lavished7 upon Matthew the merchant of Shoa. All believed that the Abyssinians were devout8 Catholics, and that a vast empire, estimated at four times its actual extent, was about to fall under the dominion9 of the Roman church. A mission on a great scale was fitted out—the journey was safely accomplished—and excited fancy rioted for a time in the description of palaces and fountains which never existed, and pomp, riches, and regal power, utterly10 unknown in the land.
Missions continued from either court during the succeeding forty years. An alliance was formed. Men learned in the arts and sciences were despatched to settle in Abyssinia. Zaga Zaba arrived in Lisbon, invested with full powers to satisfy the interests of both countries, temporal as well as spiritual. But the difference of faith was now for the first time understood. The bitter enmity of the Roman creed11 stood prominently to view; and the envoy12, after studying the details of the Catholic doctrine13, and refusing to subscribe14 a similar contract on behalf of his church, was unscrupulously put to a violent death in a Portuguese15 prison.
The first flattering ideas regarding the religion of the country being thus found erroneous, the delusion16 respecting the extent and power of the mighty17 empire was next to fall to the ground. The Galla were now streaming in hordes18 from the interior, and Graan, the Mohammadan invader19, was carrying fire and sword throughout the country. The dying Coptish patriarch of Abyssinia was prevailed upon to nominate as his successor John Bermudez, a resident Portuguese; and, hurried by the king, this priest proceeded, without loss of time, to seek military assistance from the courts of Rome and Lisbon.
Schemes of ambition flitted over the minds of the first conquerors20 of India, and an alliance with Ethiopia seemed highly desirable as a handle for further acquisition in the East. But dilatory21 measures delayed the arrival of the Portuguese fleet until the suing monarch had been gathered to his fathers; and it has already been seen that Christopher, the son of the famous Vasco de Gama, anchored in the harbour of Massowah at a time when the new Emperor Claudius was sorely pressed to sustain himself upon the throne of his ancestors. The opportunity was not neglected by the archbishop to reduce the heretic Church to the fold of the Roman see; and a series of attempts were commenced, equally to be deplored23 from the mischief24 which they created, and the unworthy means that were employed during the struggle.
The signal service rendered by the Portuguese troops in the ensuing wars, the total rout26 of the Galla and the Moslem27, with the slaughter28 of their invading leader in battle, placed Bermudez in a position to demand high terms from the reinstated monarch. The conversion29 of the emperor to the Roman Catholic faith and the possession of one-third of the kingdom, were imperiously proposed, and scornfully rejected. Excommunication was threatened by the proud prelate of the West, and utterly disregarded by King Claudius, who retorted that the pope himself was a heretic. Open hostilities30 broke out; and although the superior discipline of the Europeans for a time gave them the advantage, they were at length separated by a wily stratagem31, and hurried to different quarters of the kingdom; and Bermudez being then seized, was conveyed in honourable32 exile to the rugged33 mountains of Efát.
Although much blood and considerable treasure had been thus fruitlessly expended34, the conversion of Ethiopia was far from being forgotten in Europe; and the spark of hope was further kept alive by an Abyssinian priest, who asserted, on his arrival in Rome, that the failure of Bermudez had entirely35 arisen from his own absurd and brutal36 conduct, and that the utmost deference37 would be paid to men of sense and capacity. Ignatius Loyola volunteered to repair in person to re-unite the Ethiopic and Roman Catholic churches; but his talents being required for more important objects, the pope refused the desired permission to the great founder38 of the society of Jesus, and thirteen missionaries39 from the new order were chosen instead. Nunez Baretto was elevated to the dignity of patriarch, and André Oviedo appointed provisional successor.
At that period the navigation of the Red Sea was rendered dangerous by numerous Saracen fleets; and the patriarch, deeming it inexpedient to hazard his own valuable person in the perils40 of the voyage, reposed41 quietly at Goa, whilst a deputation headed by Gonsalvez Rodrigues, a priest of secondary rank, was despatched in advance, to ascertain42 the capabilities43 of the route, and the sentiments of the reigning44 monarch.
The Emperor Claudius little relished45 the arrival of these monks47, and Rodrigues entirely failed in every attempt at conviction on the points at issue—that the pope, as representative of Christ upon earth, was the true head of all Christians48, and that there was no salvation49 out of the pale of the Catholic church. Dismissed with the reply that the people of Ethiopia would not lightly abandon the faith of their forefathers50, the monk46 retired51 to work upon the mind of the monarch by the brilliancy of his controversial writing; but a lengthy52 treatise53 on the true faith produced no happy result, and the envoy, disgusted with his reception, returned shortly afterwards to Goa.
The spiritual conclave54 was plunged55 into consternation56 by the untoward57 intelligence; and after much mature deliberation it was resolved, that the dignity of the patriarch, and of the great King of Portugal, could not be exposed to the consequences attending the ill favour of the Emperor of Abyssinia; and that therefore the prelate should still remain the guest of the Bishop22 of Nicea, whilst the daring and restless Oviedo, with a small train of attendants, attempted the business.
Arriving in safety, the Jesuit experienced a most friendly reception from the Emperor Claudius; and although the letters of recommendation from the pope were received with mistrust and impatience58, the habitual59 mildness of the monarch restrained him from any overt60 act of oppression. Deceived by this calm behaviour, the bishop, during a second audience, was sufficiently61 foolhardy to represent, in the most insolent62 language, the enormous errors under which the Emperor laboured, and to demand imperatively63 whether or not he intended to submit himself to the authority of the successor of Saint Peter, and thus remove the heavy obligation under which his empire already groaned64. King Claudius replied that he was well inclined towards the Portuguese nation—that he would grant lands and settlements in his country—that permission would not be withheld65 to the private exercise of the religion of the West; but that as the Abyssinian church had been for ages united to the charge of the patriarch of Alexandria, a subject of such serious alteration66 must be canvassed67 before a full assembly of divines.
Indignant at what he termed Ethiopian perfidy68, but still buoyed69 up with the faint hope of realising his object, Oviedo changed his mode of attack, and addressed a laboured remonstrance70 to the monarch, written in the hypocritical tone of false friendship, earnestly entreating71 him to recall to his remembrance the assistance rendered by Europeans to his afflicted72 country, and the many promises made by his sire in the day of his urgent distress73; imploring74 him at the same time to preserve a stern vigilance upon the evil influence of the Empress and of the ministers of state; “for in matters of faith the love of kindred must give way to the love of Christ, and in similar situations the nearest relation often proves the bitterest enemy to the salvation of the soul.”
This insidious75 reasoning was, however, vainly expended upon the intelligent Claudius, and served but to turn his heart further from the Roman and his cause. The offer of a public controversy76 on points of disputed faith being shortly afterwards accepted, the Emperor entered the lists in presence of the assembled court, and by his clear knowledge of the Holy Scriptures77, utterly defeated the subtilties of the Italian priest; and thus, notwithstanding the conviction of the Portuguese missionary78 that by supernatural aid he had triumphantly79 refuted all the arguments urged by his illustrious antagonist80, it was fully decreed by the Abyssinian conference, that neither king nor people owed any obligation or obedience81 whatsoever82 to the church of Rome.
Still Oviedo was far from being reduced to silence. Treatise after treatise was published on the controversy, to confound the minds of the Ethiopians. The errors of the Alexandrian faith were fiercely attacked in every form and fashion; and the superior beauties of the Catholic religion fully expounded83. But no advantage resulted. Rejoinders and confutations followed fast from the insulted clergy84; and the bishop, furious at the thoughts of his futile85 exertions86 to gain a footing in the country—entertaining no hope of making one single convert, whether among prince or people—resolved upon a last effort in the struggle. On the fifth of February, 1559, he issued his spiritual ban over the land, proclaiming that the entire nation of Abyssinia, high and low, learned and ignorant, having refused to obey the church of Rome—practising the unholy rite87 of circumcision—scrupling to eat the flesh of the hog88 and the hare—and indulging in many other flagrant enormities—were delivered over to the judgment89 of the spiritual court, to be punished in person and goods, in public and in private, by every means the faithful could devise.
But the folly90 of issuing this curious rescript without any means of enforcing it was fully appreciated; and the tyrannical conduct of the bishop did but serve to strengthen the Emperor in the bonds of his own faith, finding, as was observed by an historian of the times, “that popery and its wiles91 were the more dangerous and reprehensible92, as the veil was withdrawn93 from before the spirit of her tenets.”
There is every reason to believe that the succeeding invasion of the Ada?el was procured95 through the treacherous96 designs of the Jesuits, but the event again proved disastrous97 to their cause. Although the revenge of the baffled bishop was allayed98 in a torrent99 of blood, yet the death of the mild, moderate, and liberal Claudius, who perished on the battlefield, shed a baneful100 influence on their ensuing efforts; and the sceptre devolved into the hands of his brother Adam, a haughty101 and vindictive102 prince, who is depicted103 in Portuguese records as “cruel and hard of heart, and utterly insensible to the beauteous mysteries of the Catholic faith.”
Swearing vengeance104 against the Latins, to whose treason he attributed the murder of his brother and the ruin of his country, the new monarch seized all the estates which had been granted to the Portuguese for rendered service, and threatened the bishop and his colleagues with instantaneous death if they presumed to propagate the errors of the Romish church; and on a humble105 remonstrance being attempted, in the violence of his wrath106, he rushed upon the missionary with a drawn94 sword, vowing107 to immolate108 him upon the spot. “The weapon, however,” say the holy fathers, “dropped miraculously109 from his impious hand,” and for a season the last extremity110 of vengeance was exchanged for a system of vile111 durance.
Portuguese troops in the meantime arrived from Goa, and the Bahr Negásh, “the lord of the sea-coast,” bought over by the gold of India, and stirred up by the wily emissaries of the viceroy, assembled his forces in rebellion. Marching with his European allies to the capital, he defeated and slew112 the Emperor in a pitched battle, and rescued the Jesuit missionaries from their unpleasant captivity113.
Warned by former difficulty and distress, the worthy25 fathers now assumed a more modest and humble demeanour, and were allowed to settle again in their old haunt of Maiguagua, where they remained for a time unmolested by the new Emperor Malek Sáshed, who inherited all the horror of his father to the Catholic creed, although tempered by the mildness of his uncle Claudius. But the jealous monks had not yet relinquished114 their hope of advancement115, and bending to the pressure of the times, the deep plot was veiled under the garb116 of passive obedience. The most pressing solicitations were despatched to Goa for assistance; and the dauntless Oviedo pledged himself with six hundred staunch Europeans to convert, not only the empire of Abyssinia, but all the countries adjacent.
The scheme, however, did not suit the politics of the day; and in 1560 the bishop received an order from the head of his society to repair forthwith to his more promising117 charge in Japan. Loth to abandon all his favourite projects of ambition in the country, and utterly reckless of truth, he addressed the most specious118 letters to the pope, holding out a certain prospect119 of prostrating120 the church of Ethiopia before the apostolic throne, whilst to his immediate121 superior he dilated122 upon the richness of the land, and the mines of pure gold which he falsely asserted to exist in every province of the kingdom. But his artful motives123 were thoroughly124 pierced by the more wily successor of Saint Peter; and vessels125 soon after arrived on the coast of Africa, to convey the reluctant fathers to the monastery126 of Saint Xavier, in Goa.
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1
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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dilatory
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| adj.迟缓的，不慌不忙的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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41
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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43
capabilities
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| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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45
relished
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| v.欣赏( relish的过去式和过去分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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46
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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47
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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48
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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49
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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50
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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51
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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52
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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53
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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54
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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55
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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56
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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57
untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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58
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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59
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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60
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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61
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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62
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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64
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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65
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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66
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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67
canvassed
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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68
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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69
buoyed
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| v.使浮起( buoy的过去式和过去分词 )；支持；为…设浮标；振奋…的精神 | |
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70
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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71
entreating
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的现在分词 ) | |
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72
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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74
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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75
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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76
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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77
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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79
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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80
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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81
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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82
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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83
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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85
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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86
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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87
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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88
hog
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| n.猪；馋嘴贪吃的人；vt.把…占为己有，独占 | |
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89
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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90
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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91
wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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92
reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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93
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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94
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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95
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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96
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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97
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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98
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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100
baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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101
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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102
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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103
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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104
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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105
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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106
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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107
vowing
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的现在分词形式） | |
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108
immolate
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| v.牺牲 | |
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109
miraculously
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| ad.奇迹般地 | |
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110
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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111
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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112
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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113
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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114
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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115
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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116
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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117
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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118
specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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119
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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120
prostrating
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的现在分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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121
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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122
dilated
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| adj.加宽的，扩大的v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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124
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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125
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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126
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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