Accession of George II.—Characters of the King and Queen—Adroit Tactics of Walpole—Rise and Fall of Compton—Attitude of the Opposition1—Congress of Soissons—Causes of Dispute with Spain—Stanhope's successful Negotiations2 with King Philip—Retirement3 of Townshend—Walpole Supreme4—Peace Abroad and at Home—Walpole's System of Wholesale5 Bribery7 and Corruption9—The Public Prisons—Duel between Pulteney and Lord Hervey—The Excise10 Scheme—Great Outcry—Withdrawal of the Bill—Walpole's Vengeance11—Attack on the Septennial Act—Wyndham's Speech—Depression of the Opposition—Definitive12 Peace of Vienna—Gin Act—The Porteous Riots—The Prince of Wales and the Opposition—Application for an Increase of his Allowance—Birth of George III.—Death of Queen Caroline—Attempt to Reduce the Army—Disputes with Spain—"Jenkins' Ear"—Walpole's Negotiations—Secession of the Opposition—Further Difficulties with Spain—Declaration of War—Privateers and Reprisals14—Vernon's Victory—Frederick invades Silesia—Assistance of England—Parliament Meets—Sandys' Motion—Walpole's Defence—Disasters of Maria Theresa—She throws herself on the Magyars—Misfortunes of the English Fleets—Vernon Repulsed16 from Carthagena—Power slips from the Hands of Walpole—His Last Battles—The Chippenham Election Petition—His Fall.
George II. was born in 1683, and was, consequently, in his forty-fourth year when he ascended17 the throne. In 1705 he married the Princess Caroline Wilhelmina of Anspach, who was born in the year before himself, by whom he had now four children—Frederick Prince of Wales, born in 1707, William Duke of Cumberland, born in 1721, and two daughters.
George had, if anything, a narrower intellect than his father, but spoke18 English fluently, though with a foreign accent—a great advantage over his predecessor20. He was small of stature21, and subject to fits of violent passion, neither of which qualities was conducive22 to royal dignity. Nor did the attributes of his mind supply any gain calculated to remedy these defects. He was possessed23 of courage, which he had proved at the battle of Oudenarde, and displayed again at Dettingen, and he was praised for justice. Perhaps it was a love of order and etiquette24 rather than justice which distinguished25 him. For his sort of military precision and love of soldiers he was nicknamed the "Little Captain" by the Jacobites. But the worst trait of his disposition26 was his avarice27. He admitted, says Lord Chesterfield, that he was much more affected28 by little things than great ones—the certain mark of a little mind; he therefore troubled himself very little about religion, but took it as he found it, without doubt, objection, or inquiry29. He hated and despised all literature and intellectual pursuit, arts and sciences, and the professors of them.
As for the queen, she was a far superior person. She had been well brought up on the second marriage of her mother after the death of her father, by the Queen of Prussia, Sophia Charlotte, the sister of George I. She had been handsome till she grew corpulent and suffered from the smallpox31, and still she was much admired for her impressive countenance32, her fine voice, penetrating33 eye, and the grace and sweetness of her manner. She was still more admired for the striking contrast which she presented to her husband in her love of literature and literary men, extending her interest and inquiries34 into philosophy, theology, and metaphysics. Those who are disposed to ridicule35 her pretence36 to such knowledge admit that she was equally distinguished by prudence37 and[58] good sense. She combined in her manners royal dignity and unassuming grace, and was more popular with the nation than any one of the Hanover family had ever yet been. She delighted to engage theologians in discussing knotty38 points of doctrine39, and in perplexing them with questions on the various articles of faith in different churches, and corresponded with them on these subjects through her bedchamber woman, Mrs. Clayton, afterwards Lady Sundon. But the best proofs of Queen Caroline's superiority were shown in her pure moral character, which was free from the slightest stain, and in her quick discernment and substantial promotion40 of the most able men in the Church.
For a moment Walpole appeared about to fall from his altitude, and the Jacobite faction41 was in ecstasies42. The dispatch of Townshend, announcing the king's death in Germany, arrived in London on the 14th of June, and was soon followed by himself. Walpole instantly hastened to the palace of Richmond, where the Prince of Wales resided, and was told that the prince was taking his usual afternoon siesta43. He desired that he might be awoke, in consequence of important intelligence. George, suddenly aroused, rushed forth44 half dressed to learn the urgent business, when Walpole knelt down and kissed his hand, informing him of his father's decease, and that he was king. George was at first incredulous, but Walpole produced Townshend's dispatch, and inquired whom his majesty45 would be pleased to appoint to draw up the necessary declaration to the Privy46 Council, trusting that it would be himself. To his consternation47 and chagrin48 the king said abruptly49, "Compton;" and Walpole withdrew in deep vexation, imagining his own reign19 was at an end.
He waited on Sir Spencer Compton with the royal command. This gentleman was confounded at the proposal to draw up the declaration to the Privy Council, and begged Walpole to do it for him. Walpole instantly recovered his spirits. He saw that such a man could never be his rival, and he advised his colleagues, if they went out of office, not to engage in any violent opposition, as they would soon be wanted again. He knew, too, that he had the queen in his favour, who was too clear-headed not to see that Walpole was alone the man for the time. To complete his favour with her he offered to procure50 her a jointure from Parliament of one hundred thousand pounds a year, whilst the impolitic Compton had proposed only sixty thousand pounds. The queen did not oppose the king's attempt to change the Ministry52, but she impressed him with the danger of disturbing an already powerful and prosperous Cabinet, and she made him aware of the fact that Compton had been compelled to get Walpole to draw up the Declaration. Besides the liberal jointure which he promised she added that he intended to add one hundred thousand pounds to the Civil List. Horace Walpole, arriving from Paris, threw his whole weight into the scale, representing difficulties which must beset53 foreign negotiations in new hands. These combined circumstances told strongly on George; but the finish was put to Compton's government by his feeling overwhelmed by his own incompetence54, and resigning the charge. The king had, therefore, nothing for it but to reappoint the old Ministry again. Some slight modifications55 took place. Lord Berkeley, who had joined the opposition of Carteret and Roxburgh, was replaced by Lord Torrington, and Compton received the title of Lord Wilmington, the Order of the Garter, and the Presidency56 of the Council. The coronation took place on the 11th of October, 1727.
The Hanoverian dynasty and the Walpole Ministry made rapid strides in popularity, and carried all before them. The new Parliament met in January, 1728, and Walpole's party had in the House four hundred and twenty-seven members, all staunch in his support. So strong was the party in power, that several measures were carried which at other times would have raised discontent. It was proposed by Horace Walpole that two hundred and thirty thousand pounds should be voted for maintaining twelve thousand Hessians in the king's service. The Duke of Brunswick was, by treaty, to be paid twenty-five thousand pounds a year for four years for the maintenance of five thousand more troops.
These things did not pass without remark by the Opposition. Pulteney and Bolingbroke discussed them with much vigour57 and acrimony in The Craftsman58. It was asserted in the House that the public burthens had increased instead of diminished since 1716; but Walpole contended that there had been a reduction of debt to the amount of two million five hundred thousand pounds; and his statement was supported by a large majority, and it was laid before the king. The Opposition then demanded an explanation of the expenditure59 of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds for secret service money. It was well understood that Walpole had used the greater part of it in buying up that triumphant60 majority which enabled him to carry the most[59] obnoxious61 measures. The demands of the Opposition were so vehement62, and the abuse was so glaring, that even Walpole was embarrassed how to get rid of the question. He could only recur63 to the old plea, that the money had been spent on services highly advantageous64 to the State, but which could not properly be made public. Suddenly events lifted him out of his difficulty. News arrived that the King of Spain, who declined to ratify66 the preliminaries of peace entered into at Vienna, on hearing of the death of George I., hoping for a revolution, had now given way, and had issued what was called the Act of Pardo, ratifying67 the preliminaries, and referring all remaining difficulties to be settled at a congress to be held at Soissons.
At the Congress, which began in June, William Stanhope, Horace Walpole, and Poyntz represented England. At Paris Lord Waldegrave supplied the place of Horace Walpole; and at the Hague the Earl of Chesterfield ably managed the national interests. At the Congress there was a frequent exchange of memorials and counter-memorials, but no real business was done. The only things which grew apparent were that France and Spain were becoming more reconciled, and that the league between Spain and the Emperor was fast dissolving.
The great difficulties of the Government at this time were the settlement of the questions with Spain of the right to cut logwood in the bay of Campeachy, and the retention68 of Gibraltar. The Spaniards had frequently resisted the cutting of logwood in the Bay of Campeachy by the English; and in 1717 the Marquis of Monteleone had presented a memorial against it; but the Board of Trade contended that the practice was of old standing69, and amounted to a right. This representation was now laid before the House of Commons, and was backed by many petitions from the merchants of London and other places, complaining of the interruptions to their trade to the South American and West Indian colonies, which had been carried on by connivance70 rather than by actual permission of Spain. There was a great fermentation in the public mind on these subjects, and the Minister was accused of tamely submitting to national injuries. The nation seemed ready to rush into a war with Spain, and perhaps all the more so that the king, in his opening speech, had observed that "an actual war was preferable to such a doubtful peace, but that the exchange was very easy to be made at any time."
The point, however, which excited the most indignation was that regarding Gibraltar. There was a strong feeling in the public mind that the Government was willing to give up this fortress71 to Spain. The Spanish Government was extremely urgent on the subject, declaring that there could be no peace, no truce72 with England, until it was surrendered. It was recollected74 by the English public that Stanhope had actually offered to give it up, and it was not known whether any equivalent except the signing of the Quadruple Alliance had been demanded. The Opposition in the House of Lords moved, "That effectual care be taken in any treaty that the King of Spain do renounce75 all claims to Gibraltar and Minorca in plain and strong terms." The Ministers, however, carried a more moderate resolution—"That the House relies on his Majesty for preserving his undoubted right to Gibraltar and Minorca." A similar discussion with a similar result took place in the Commons. The Government saw plainly that nothing would induce the British people to relinquish76 this important station.
No sooner, therefore, had the Parliament closed and the king set out to Hanover, than Ministers sent off William Stanhope to Madrid to procure a treaty of peace without any mention of Gibraltar. On arriving at Madrid he found that the Court had removed to Seville, in Andalusia. This had been done by the influence of the queen, in order to draw Philip from the Council of Castile, which was doing all it could to prevail on him again to abdicate77. Stanhope followed the Court to Seville, and laboured with such effect that he obtained the signing of a treaty of defensive78 alliance between England, Spain, and France, to which Holland afterwards acceded79 (November 9, 1729). By this treaty Spain revoked81 all the privileges granted to Austria by the treaties of Vienna, and re-established the British trade with her American colonies on its former footing, restored all captures, and made compensation for losses. The Assiento was confirmed to the South Sea Company. Commissioners82 were appointed to adjust all claims of Spaniards for ships taken in 1718, and to settle the limits of the American trade. The succession of Don Carlos to Parma and Tuscany was recognised, with the right to garrison83 the ports of Leghorn, Porto Ferrajo, Parma, and Placentia with six thousand Spanish troops. Not a word was said of Gibraltar—a silence amounting to a renunciation of its demand by Spain; and that Philip regarded it as such was evidenced by his[60] beginning to construct the strong lines of San Roque, and thus to cut off all communication with the obnoxious fortress by land.
William Stanhope was rewarded for his accomplishment84 of this treaty with the title of Lord Harrington, and was soon after made Secretary of State. But whilst the English were delighted by the completion of the treaty, the Emperor was enraged85 by it, and his mortification86 was doubled by the fact that, when he sought to raise four hundred thousand pounds by a loan in London to supply the want of his Spanish subsidies87, the Ministry brought in and rapidly passed a Bill prohibiting loans to foreign Powers, except by a licence from the king under the Privy Seal. The Opposition raised a loud outcry, calling it "a Bill of Terrors," an "eternal yoke88 on our fellow-subjects," and a "magnificent boon89 to the Dutch." But Walpole very justly answered, "Shall British merchants be permitted to lend their money against the British nation? Shall they arm an enemy with strength and assist him with supplies?"
In the midst of this prosperous career the two brothers-in-law, the Ministers, began to differ in their views, and Lord Townshend was soon driven by the overbearing conduct of Walpole to resign. Lady Townshend, the sister of Walpole, and even Queen Caroline, exerted their influence for some time to put an end to these feuds90; but Lady Townshend soon died, and the queen, finding the breach91 inevitable92, took the side of Walpole as the more indispensable servant of the Crown. There were serious topics on which Townshend and Walpole differed, both domestic and foreign. Townshend did not approve of the length to which matters were carried against the Emperor, and he was weary of the timid temper of the Duke of Newcastle, and strongly urged his dismissal, and the employment of Lord Chesterfield in his place; but a Pension Bill brought the quarrel to a crisis. The object of the Bill, which was warmly supported by the Opposition, was to prevent any man holding a pension, or who had any office held in trust for him, from sitting in Parliament. The king privately93 styled it "a villainous Bill, which ought to be torn to pieces in every particular." Both Walpole and Townshend were of the same opinion; but Townshend was for openly opposing it, Walpole for letting it pass the Commons, and be thrown out in the Lords. Townshend, to whom the odium of rejecting it was thus carried in the Lords, protested against this disingenuous94 conduct on the part of Walpole, and assured him that the trick would soon be fully95 observed, and bring more unpopularity on him in the end than a manly96, open opposition—which it did.
The temper of Townshend was warm, though his nature was upright; and in this mood, a discussion taking place on foreign affairs at the house of Colonel Selwyn, the dispute became so heated that Walpole declared that he did not believe what Townshend was saying. The indignant Townshend seized Walpole by the collar, and they both grasped their swords. Mrs. Selwyn shrieked97 for assistance, and the incensed98 relatives were parted; but they never could be reconciled, and, after making another effort to obtain the dismissal of Newcastle, and to maintain his own position against the overbearing Walpole, Townshend resigned on the 16th of May. He retired99 to Reynham, and passed the remainder of his life in rural pursuits. One of the greatest benefits which he conferred on this country he conferred after his retirement—that of introducing the turnip100 from Germany.
On the retirement of Townshend, Walpole reigned101 supreme and without a rival in the Cabinet. Henry Pelham was made Secretary at War; Compton Earl of Wilmington Privy Seal. He left foreign affairs chiefly to Stanhope, now Lord Harrington, and to the Duke of Newcastle, impressing on them by all means to avoid quarrels with foreign Powers, and maintain the blessings102 of peace. With all the faults of Walpole, this was the praise of his political system, which system, on the meeting of Parliament in the spring of 1731, was violently attacked by Wyndham and Pulteney, on the plea that we were making ruinous treaties, and sacrificing British interests, in order to benefit Hanover, the eternal millstone round the neck of England. Pulteney and Bolingbroke carried the same attack into the pages of The Craftsman, but they failed to move Walpole, or to shake his power.
The cause of the Pretender sank in proportion to the peace throughout Europe and the prosperity at home. From 1728 to 1740 it was at a very low ebb103, and lost the few marked men who had moved in it. Three of the chief leaders died about this time—Mar, Wharton, and Atterbury. So low was the Jacobite interest now fallen, that Sir Robert Walpole said that, if ever the Stuarts came again, it must be through the lowest people, for the chiefs were all dead or discouraged.
[61]
WALPOLE'S QUARREL WITH TOWNSHEND. (See p. 60.)
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[62]
Such was the peace abroad and the prosperity of the country at this time, that there occur few events worthy104 of record. Of those which took place in 1731, the most remarkable105 was an Act abolishing the use of Latin in all proceedings106 of the Courts of Justice, and the next the renewal108 of the charter of the East India Company. If the country was peaceful and prosperous, however, it was neither free from corruption nor from the need of extensive reform. The very system of Walpole which produced such a show of prosperity that an old Scottish Secretary of State asked the Minister what he had done to make the Almighty109 so much his friend, was built on the most wholesale bribery and corruption. It was, in fact, a purchased domestic peace. In social life the example of the Government produced the like dishonesty. There was a fearful revelation of the proceedings of a charitable corporation for lending small sums of money to the industrious110 poor at legal interest; and Sir Robert Sutton, the late Ambassador at Paris, was found so deeply implicated111 in the frauds and extortions practised on those they were employed to benefit, that he was expelled from the House. There was also an inquiry into the state of the public prisons of London, which opened up a most amazing scene of horrors. It was found to be a common practice of the warders to connive112 at the escape of rich prisoners for a sufficient bribe6, and to inflict113 the most oppressive cruelties on those who were too poor to pay heavy fees.
The year 1732 was distinguished by little of importance. The Opposition, led on by Pulteney, attacked the Treaty of Vienna, concluded on March 16th, 1731, by which the Pragmatic Sanction had been approved of, and which, they contended, might lead us into a Continental114 war some day, or into a breach of the public faith, of which, they asserted, this Ministry had perpetrated too many already. They assailed115 the standing army, but were answered that there was yet a Pretender, and many men capable of plotting and caballing against the Crown. The King was so incensed at Pulteney for his strictures on the army, that he struck his name out of the list of Privy Councillors, and ordered that all commissions of the peace which he held in different counties should be revoked. Amongst the staunchest supporters of the Government was Lord Hervey, a young man of ability who is now best remembered because, having offended Pope, he was, according to custom, pilloried116 by the contentious117 poet, as Sporus in the Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot. Pope nicknamed him Lord Fanny, in derision of his dainty and effeminate manners. Hervey contended that the writers who attacked Government ought to be put down by force, and in his own person he attempted to put this in practice; for Pulteney being suspected by him of having written a scarifying article on him in The Craftsman, he challenged him, and both combatants were wounded. Plumer very justly contended that scribblers ought to be left to other scribblers.
In the Parliamentary session of 1733 Walpole produced another scheme for increasing the revenue and lessening120 the burdens upon land, which was an extension of the Excise. The Excise duties were first levied121 under the Commonwealth122; they had now reached three millions two hundred thousand pounds annually123. It was whilst the public were feeling the gradual increase of this item of taxation124 very sensibly, that they were alarmed by the news, which the Opposition sounded abroad with all diligence, that Ministers were about immediately to bring fresh articles under the operation of this tax, which was levied on articles of popular consumption. "A general crisis is coming!" was the cry. "A tax on all articles of consumption! a burthen to grind the country to powder! a plot to overthrow126 the Constitution and establish in its place a baleful tyranny!" The Opposition had now got a most popular subject of attack on the Ministry, and it prosecuted127 it vigorously.
Sir Robert Walpole was not a man, with his huge standing majority, to be readily frightened from his purpose. On the 14th of March, 1733, he brought forward his project in a speech in which he put forth all his ability, and that under a well-maintained air of moderation. He took advantage of the alarm that the tax was to be general, by representing the falsity of that declaration, and the very slight and limited nature of his real proposal. Adverting128 to what he called the common slander129 of his having intended to propose a general excise, he said: "I do most unequivocally assert that no such scheme ever entered my head, or, for what I know, the head of any man I am acquainted with. My thoughts have been confined solely130 to the duties on wine and tobacco; and it was the frequent advices I had of the shameful131 frauds committed in these two branches that turned my attention to a remedy for this growing evil. I shall for the present confine myself to the tobacco trade." He then detailed132 the various frauds on the revenue in tobacco, which he stated were of such extent and frequency, that the gross average produce of the tax was seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds.[63] but the nett average only a hundred and sixty thousand pounds. The remedy which he proposed was to transfer this revenue from the Customs to the Excise. That the same might afterwards be applied133 to wine, a system of warehousing for re-exportation or placing in bond was proposed, which, he said, "would tend to make London a free port, and, by consequence, the market of the world." He held out the expectation that the success of this plan would render the land tax unnecessary, and thus enable the Government to dispense134 with it entirely135.
Walpole ridiculed136 the notion which had gone abroad that the revenue officers would be increased into quite a standing army, and would endanger the common liberty by their being empowered to enter private dwellings137 to search for concealed138 excisable articles. He said the increase would be only a hundred and twenty-six persons and that the Customs now possessed more searching power than he proposed to give to the Excise.
Whilst the debate was proceeding107, great crowds gathered round the House, and became even more numerous and more agitated139. Walpole, irritated by the persuasion140 that these throngs141 were collected by the arts of the Opposition, threw out a remark which he afterwards deeply repented142. He said gentlemen might call themselves what they liked, but he knew whom the law called "Sturdy Beggars." This phrase, carried out of doors, highly incensed the crowd, who considered that it was meant to cast contempt on the people at large. At two o'clock in the morning, and after thirteen hours' debate, on division there appeared two hundred and sixty-six for the measure, and two hundred and five against. The great increase of the minority struck Walpole with surprise and alarm.
When the resolutions of the Committee were reported two days afterwards, the debate was renewed with all its vehemence143, and Pulteney unveiled another view of the case, which had much real truth and warning in it. "It is well known," he said, "that every one of the public officers have already so many boroughs144 or corporations which they look on as their properties. There are some boroughs which are called Treasury145 boroughs; there are others which may be called Admiralty boroughs; in short, it may be said that nearly all the towns upon the sea-coast are already seized upon, and in a manner taken prisoners by the officers of the Crown. In most of them they have so great an influence that none can be chosen members of Parliament but such as they are pleased to recommend. But, as the Customs are confined to our seaports146, as they cannot travel far from the coast, therefore this scheme seems to be contrived147 in order to extend the laws of Excise, and thereby148 to extend the influence of the Crown over all the inland towns and corporations of England."
Despite these representations, however, the resolutions were confirmed by the same majority as before. Other debates succeeded on the second reading of the Bill, but the majority on these gradually sank from sixty to sixteen. As the storm grew instead of abated149, the queen demanded of Lord Scarborough what he thought of it, and he replied, "The Bill must be relinquished150. I will answer for my regiment151 against the Pretender, but not against the opposers of the Excise." "Then," said the queen, "we must drop it." Sir Robert summoned his majority, and requested their opinion, and they proposed to go on, observing that all taxes were obnoxious, and that it would not do to be daunted152 by a mob. But Walpole felt that he must yield. He declared that he was not disposed to enforce it at the point of the bayonet, and on the 11th of April, on the order of the day for the second reading, he moved that the measure should be postponed153 for two months. Thus the whole affair dropped. The usually triumphant Minister found himself defeated by popular opinion. The Opposition were hardly satisfied to allow this obnoxious Bill thus to slip quietly away; but out-of-doors there was rejoicing enough to satisfy them.
The depth of Walpole's mortification, however, was shown by the vengeance he took on those who had opposed him. This fell with peculiar154 weight on Lord Chesterfield. Chesterfield had acquired a great reputation by his able management of affairs at the Hague. Since his return he had become Lord Steward155 of the Household, and a frequent and much admired debater in the House. But Chesterfield was too ambitious himself to stoop patiently to the domineering temper of Walpole. He was said to have thrown out some keen sarcasms157 at Walpole's Excise Bill, and his three brothers in the Commons voted against it. Only two days after the abandonment of the Bill, as Chesterfield was ascending158 the staircase at St. James's, he was stopped by an attendant, and summoned home to surrender the White Staff. The same punishment was dealt out to a number of noblemen who acted in concert with him. Lord Clinton, a Lord of the Bedchamber, the Earl of Burlington, Captain of the Band of Pensioners,[64] were dismissed, as well as the Duke of Montrose, and the Earls of Marchmont and Stair from offices held in Scotland. The Duke of Bolton and Lord Cobham were, by a most unjustifiable stretch of authority, deprived of their regiments159.
In 1734 England was the witness of war raging in different parts of Europe without having any concern in it, generally known as the War of the Polish Succession. A sharp Parliamentary campaign had been conducted at home. The Opposition talked loudly of the lamentable160 and calamitous162 situation of England, because she was wise enough to keep out of the war. Their motions were all guided by the secret hand of Bolingbroke, whose restless and rancorous mind could not brook163 that partial obscurity to which he was doomed164 by the immovable spirit of Walpole. But the grand attack was on the Septennial Act. This was a delicate subject for the Whigs in Opposition, for they, and Pulteney especially, had, in 1716, supported this Act with many specious165 arguments. But Wyndham led the way again with amazing eloquence166, and discharged a philippic against Walpole of such ruthless and scathing167 vigour, as must have annihilated168 a less adamantine man.
"Let us suppose," said Wyndham, "a man abandoned to all notions of virtue169 and honour; of no great family, and but of a mean fortune, raised to be chief Minister of State by the concurrence170 of many whimsical events; afraid or unwilling171 to trust any but creatures of his own making, lost to all sense of shame and reputation, ignorant of his country's true interest, pursuing no aim but that of aggrandising himself and his favourites; in foreign affairs trusting none but those who, from the nature of their education, cannot possibly be qualified172 for the service of their country, or give weight and credit to their negotiations; let us suppose the true interest of the nation by such means neglected, or misunderstood, her honour tarnished173, her importance lost, her trade insulted, her merchants plundered175, and her sailors murdered; and all these circumstances overlooked, lest his administration should be endangered. Suppose him next possessed of immense wealth, the plunder174 of the nation, with a Parliament chiefly composed of members whose seats are purchased, and whose votes are bought at the expense of public treasure. In such a Parliament suppose attempts made to inquire into his conduct, or to relieve the nation from the distress176 which has been entailed177 upon it by his administration. Suppose him screened by a corrupt8 majority of his creatures, whom he retains in daily pay, or engages in his particular interest by distributing among them those posts and places which ought never to be bestowed178 upon any but for the good of the public. Let him plume119 himself upon his scandalous victory because he has obtained a Parliament like a packed jury, ready to acquit179 him at all adventures. Let us suppose him domineering with insolence180 over all the men of ancient families, over all the men of sense, figure, or fortune in the nation; as he has no virtue of his own, ridiculing181 it in others, and endeavouring to destroy or corrupt it in all. With such a Minister and such a Parliament, let us suppose a case which I hope will never happen—a prince upon the throne, uninformed, ignorant, and unacquainted with the inclinations182 and true interests of his people; weak, capricious, transported with unbounded ambition, and possessed with insatiable avarice. I hope such a case will never occur; but, as it possibly may, could any greater curse happen to a nation than such a prince on the throne, advised, and solely advised, by such a Minister, and that Minister supported by such a Parliament?" By those who have considered the extent to which Walpole carried the system of corrupting183 the representatives of the people, and thus ruling at his own will, and not by the sanction of the public opinion and feeling, this severe portrait of him can scarcely be considered as exaggerated. Walpole, no doubt, felt it deeply, but feeling, too, whence the attack really came—namely, from the armoury of Bolingbroke—he passed Wyndham lightly over, and emptied the burning vial of his indignation on the concealed foe184, in a not less vigorous and graphic185 strain.
On the 16th of April Parliament was dissolved and the elections were conducted with immense party heat. Each side did all in its power, by fair means and foul186, to increase its adherents187. Sir Robert used the persuasives for which he became so famous, that he boasted "every man had his price," and if we are to believe the journals of the day, the Opposition were not at all behind him, as far as their ability went. They made ample use, too, of the Septennial Act, the Riot Act, the Excise scheme, and the unrecompensed commercial claims on Spain. They declared the neutrality preserved under such circumstances disgraceful to the country, though they would have been the first to have denounced Ministers had they gone to war. They gained several seats, but when the Parliament met in January, 1735, it was soon discovered that, though less, the majority was as steady as ever, and the Opposition having tried their strength against it for a few times, became greatly depressed188 for a while. Bolingbroke quitted the country, and settled himself at Chanteloup, in Lorraine.
By permission of Messrs. S. Hildesheimer & Co., Ltd.
GREENWICH HOSPITAL
From the Picture by T. R. HARDY189.
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[65]
SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.
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Whilst these affairs had been taking place in England, the Emperor had been finding himself less and less able to contend against France and Spain. He had in vain exerted himself to engage the Dutch and English in his quarrel. He called upon them as bound by the faith of treaties; he represented the balance of power for which both Holland and England had made such sacrifices, as more in danger than ever; but none of these pleas moving Walpole or the Dutch, he threatened to withdraw his troops from the Netherlands, and make over that country to France. The threat of the Emperor did not move Walpole; he knew too well that it was but a threat. The Emperor, therefore, was now compelled to come to terms. A treaty was to be entered into under the mediation190 of the maritime191 Powers. As Fleury and Walpole, too, were bent192 on peace, they submitted to all the delays and punctilios of the diplomatists, and finally were rewarded by a peace being concluded between the different parties on these terms:—Don Carlos was to retain Naples and Sicily, but he was to resign the possession of Parma and the reversion of Tuscany; of the claimants to the Polish Crown, Augustus was to remain King of Poland, and Stanislaus was to receive, as an equivalent, the Duchy of Lorraine, which, after his decease, was to devolve to the Crown of France. This was an aim which France had had in view for ages, but which neither the genius of Richelieu nor of Mazarin could[66] accomplish. It was rendered comparatively easy now, as the young Duke of Lorraine was about to marry the Empress's only child, the Princess Maria Theresa, and thus to succeed through her to the Empire. Yet the Duke ceded80 his patrimonial193 territory with extreme regret, and not till he had received in return the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and a pension from France. The regnant Grand Duke of Tuscany, the last of the Medicis, was on the verge194 of death, and his decease took place in less than two years, when the Duke of Lorraine was put in possession. France and Sardinia gave their guarantee to the Pragmatic Sanction, and Sardinia obtained, in consequence, Novara, Tortona, and some adjoining districts. England appears to have looked on with strange apathy195 at this aggrandisement of France by the acquisition of Lorraine, but it was impossible to prevent it, except by a great war, and Walpole was not disposed for even a little one. This treaty is known as the Definitive Peace of Vienna (Nov. 8, 1738).
As harmony was restored on the Continent, so harmony characterised, to a wonderful degree, the opening of the British Parliament in January, 1736. The king felicitated the country on the happy turn which affairs had taken on the Continent, and said "that he trusted the same peace and goodwill196 would manifest themselves in the domestic affairs of the realm." All appeared likely to realise this wish. A congratulatory address was carried without a division, and without a syllable197 of dissent198. But the peace was hollow—the calm only preceded a storm.
The first debate arose on the subject of drunkenness and gin. Drunkenness had of late years appeared to grow rapidly, and to assume more horrible features from the increasing use of gin. Sir Joseph Jekyll proposed in committee that a heavy tax should be laid on this pernicious liquor, which should put it out of the reach of the working classes—namely, a duty of twenty shillings per gallon on all sold retail199, and fifty pounds yearly for the licence to every retailer200. This benevolent201 man had not arrived at the truth, that to tax a crime is only to stop up one vent65 of it, and to occasion its bursting out in half a dozen other places. Sir Robert Walpole saw this clearly, and though he would not oppose the Bill for this purpose, he predicted that Parliament would soon be called upon to modify its provisions. The small duties heretofore levied on this article had brought in about seventy thousand pounds annually, and, as the Excise had been made over to the Crown, this sum went to the Civil List. Walpole demanded, therefore, that whatever deficiency of this sum should be produced by the new regulations should be made up to the Civil List. The whole measure excited great clamour out of doors. It was regarded as an invidious attempt to abridge202 the comforts of the people, whilst those of the wealthy remained untouched. The clause proposed by Walpole to protect the revenue was assailed with much fury both in and out of the House. It was said that the Minister was quite indifferent to the morals of the people on the one hand, or to their enjoyment203 on the other, so that the revenue did not suffer.
The session of Parliament closing on the 26th of May, George took his annual trip to Hanover, leaving, as usual, the queen to act as Regent. She found her duties this year by no means light. Everyone is acquainted with the Porteous Riots, as they are described by the inimitable pen of Sir Walter Scott in "The Heart of Midlothian." The simple historic facts are these:—Two noted204 smugglers from Fife, Wilson and Robertson, were condemned206 to death for a robbery, and were confined in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. They made a determined207 effort to effect their escape before the day of execution. Wilson, who would go first, being a man of a corpulent though very powerful build, wedged himself fast in the window, and could neither get out nor draw back again. He was found thus in the morning, and the two prisoners were again secured. Wilson lamented208 that by his own eagerness he had prevented Robertson from going first, who, from his slenderer person, could easily have escaped. Before execution it was the custom at that period in Scotland to conduct the prisoners about to suffer, under a strong guard, to church. This being done in the case of these two men, just as the service was concluded, Wilson suddenly laid hold of two of the four soldiers who guarded them, called out to Robertson to run for his life, and detained the third soldier by seizing him by the collar with his teeth. He escaped, and was never seen in Edinburgh again. This daring scheme, so cleverly executed, raised the admiration209 of the bravery and magnanimity of Wilson to the highest pitch. At his execution the soldiers were attacked with stones. Porteous, who commanded the guard, fired upon the mob. For this he was condemned to death, but was reprieved210 by Queen Caroline after full inquiry. The people in fury attacked the Tolbooth, the magistrates211 and the[67] commander of the troops were afraid to act, the prison was broken open, and Porteous hanged on a barber's pole. All attempts to discover the perpetrators of the outrage212 failed.
But the more the mystery, the greater was the rage of the English Government. On the opening of the Session of Parliament for 1737, a Bill was brought in of a most frantic213 and unwise character:—"To abolish the charter of the City of Edinburgh, to rase the city gates, disband the City Guard, and declare Mr. Wilson, the Provost, incapable214 of again holding any public office." Nothing so furious and unstatesmanlike could ever have been imagined possible in the eighteenth century. Witnesses were called to the bar of both Houses, and amongst them three Scottish judges, in their robes, were subjected to a sharp cross-examination. Nothing, however, could be elicited215 except some degree of carelessness on the part of the city magistrates. The Scottish nation, with its usual spirit, highly resented the menaces of this impolitic Bill. The Duke of Argyll in the Lords, and various members of the Commons, denounced it as equally insulting and unjust. They were zealously216 supported by many English members, especially by Wyndham and Sir John Barnard, and the Bill gradually shrank into an Act disabling Mr. Provost Wilson from holding any office in future, and fining the city two thousand pounds for the benefit of the widow of Captain Porteous; and, alluding218 to her original station, it was jocosely219 said, therefore, that all this terrible menace ended in making the fortune of an old cookmaid.
The attention of the public was now again drawn220 to those unnatural221 feuds which disturbed the Royal Family. The exhibition of domestic discord222 and hatred223 in the House of Hanover had, from its first ascension of the throne, been most odious224 and revolting. The quarrels of the king and his son, like those of the first two Georges, had begun in Hanover, and had been imported along with them only to assume greater malignancy in foreign and richer soil. The Prince of Wales, whilst still in Germany, had formed a strong attachment225 to the Princess Royal of Prussia. George forbade the connection. The prince was instantly summoned to England, where he duly arrived in 1728.
The prince found in the Opposition in England the most unfortunate fosterers of his unfilial temper. Pulteney, Wyndham, Chesterfield, Carteret, Cobham, and, worst of all, Bolingbroke, became his associates, and the frequenters of his house. Fast ripening226 into a pattern of unfilial popularity under such influences, possessing some accomplishments227, and a desire to stand well with the people, he married in April, 1736, Augusta of Saxe-Gotha, a princess of so much beauty and good sense, as might have reclaimed228 many a nature; who seems to have at least won the heart of her husband from his former romantic passion. It was an ominous229 circumstance, however, that the address of congratulation on this occasion was moved, not by the king's own Ministers, but by the king's own Opposition. Pulteney was the mover, and it was supported by two young men who that evening made their first speeches, and in them burst suddenly forth with that splendour which was destined230 to grow transcendent through many years. They were Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham, and Lord Lyttelton.
Scarcely was the Prince married, when he began to complain of his limited income. His father, as Prince of Wales, had been allowed one hundred thousand pounds from the Civil List, which then was only seven hundred thousand pounds, but he now received only fifty thousand pounds from a Civil List of eight hundred thousand pounds. Bolingbroke, two years before, on leaving England, told the prince, as his parting advice, to apply to Parliament, without any regard to the king, for a permanent income of one hundred thousand pounds a year. Under these circumstances, Walpole persuaded the king to send a message to the prince, offering to settle a large jointure on the princess, and to make the prince's own income independent of his father. Here the prince ought to have yielded; if he had been either politic51 or well-disposed, he would have done so. The king was at this time very ill, and his physicians declared that if he did not alter soon, he could not live a twelvemonth. This circumstance of itself would have touched any young man of the least natural feeling, to say nothing of policy; for, if the king died, there was an end of the question—the prince would be king himself. But he was now in such a temper that he would not listen to the royal proposal; and the next day, the 22nd of February, 1737, Pulteney made his motion in the House of Commons for an address beseeching231 the king to settle upon the prince a hundred thousand pounds a year, and promising232 that the House would enable him effectually to do so. What was still stranger, it was seconded by Sir John Barnard. The[68] Commons were not willing to run counter to a prince apparently233 on the point of ascending the throne, and Walpole would have found himself in a minority had Wyndham, as he hoped, brought the Tories to vote for the prince. But forty-five Jacobites, who could not bring themselves to vote for an heir of the House of Hanover, though they would by that have done a serious mischief234 to the Hanoverian usurper235, as they styled him, rose in a body and quitted the House. On the division, the Ministerial party amounted to two hundred and thirty-four, the Opposition to only two hundred and four—being a majority for Ministers of exactly thirty. The next day the same motion was made in the Lords by Carteret, but was rejected by a large majority—one hundred and three to forty.
This decided236 repulse15 ought to have shown the prince the violence that he was doing to the public sense of decency237, and the mischief to his own character; but the disappointment only the more embittered238 him and increased his miserable239 obstinacy240. Time had no effect in abating241 his unnatural resentment242. Though this parliamentary decision took place in February, he continued so much in the same temper, that the very last day of the following May, his wife being seized with symptoms of labour, he suddenly determined to remove her from Hampton Court, where all the Royal Family then were, and hurry her off to London.
Fortunately, the princess was safely delivered at St. James's (June 4), though the house was unprepared for such an emergency—the rooms and beds being unaired, and there being no adequate suite243 of servants. The moment that the king heard of this extraordinary conduct of the prince, he despatched Walpole and Lord Harrington to attend the birth, but they were too late. After that the king repulsed all the prince's advances towards a reconciliation244. Frederick betook himself to Norfolk House, St. James's Square, and there all the opponents of his father's Government collected around him. The prince was now the head and centre of the Opposition himself.
This open breach of the Royal Family was quickly followed by the death of the queen. Besides the misery246 of seeing her son and husband so awfully247 at variance248, she had long been struggling with a complaint which, out of false delicacy249, she had carefully concealed. "The queen's great secret," says Horace Walpole, "was her own rupture250, which, till her last illness, nobody knew but the king, her German nurse, Mrs. Mailborne, and one other person, Lady Sundon."
She continued till nearly the last to hide from the surgeons the real cause of her sufferings, and was treated by the medical men for gout in the stomach. When the secret was at length disclosed, it was too late; though one of the surgeons declared that, if they had been informed two days earlier, they could have saved her.
Admirable as was the character of Caroline, she has been accused of retaining her resentment against her son to the last. Pope and Chesterfield affirm that she died refusing to see or forgive her son; but Ford251, though he says she would not see him, states that she "heartily252 forgave him"; and Horace Walpole says she not only forgave him, but would have seen him, but that she feared to irritate her husband. To Sir Robert Walpole she expressed her earnest hope that he would continue to serve the king as faithfully as he had done, and, curiously253 enough, recommended the king to him, not him to the king. She died on the 20th of November, perhaps more lamented by Walpole than by her own husband (though, as Lord Hervey tells us, George was bitterly affected), for Walpole well knew how much her strong sense and superior feeling had tended to keep the king right, which he could not hope for when she was gone. The king appeared to lament161 her loss considerably254 for a time, that is, till consoled by his mistress, the Countess of Walmoden, whom he had kept for a long time at Hanover, and now soon brought over to England. He sent for her picture when she was dead, shut himself up with it some hours, and declared, on reappearing, that he never knew the woman worthy to buckle255 her shoe.
On the opening of Parliament, in January, 1738, a desperate effort was made by the Opposition at once to reduce the army and to kindle256 a war with Spain. Walpole proposed to place the army on a footing of seventeen thousand men. The "Patriots257," as they were called, voted to reduce the number to twelve thousand. Walpole, exasperated258 at their factious259 conduct, launched an indignant sarcasm156 at them, which produced so much effect that they did not venture to divide on the motion. "No man of common sense," said Walpole, "will now profess30 himself openly a Jacobite; by so doing he not only may injure his private fortune, but must render himself less able to do any effectual service to the cause he has embraced; therefore there are but few such men in the kingdom. Your right Jacobite, sir, disguises his true sentiments. He roars out for revolutionary principles; he pretends to be a great friend to liberty and a great admirer of our ancient Constitution; and under this pretence there are numbers who every day endeavour to sow discontent among the people."
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THE PORTEOUS MOB. (See p. 67.) [After the Painting by James Drummond, R.S.A.]
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Defeated in this object, the Patriots united all their force to embroil260 us with Spain. There were many causes in our commercial relations with Spain which led to violent discontent amongst our merchants. They found the trade with the Spanish settlements in America exceedingly profitable, but they had no right, beyond a very limited extent, to trade there. The Spaniards, though they winked261 at many encroachments, repressed others which exceeded these with considerable vigour. Their Coastguard insisted on boarding and searching our vessels262 which intruded264 into their waters, to discover whether they were bringing merchandise or were prepared to carry away colonial produce. By the treaty of 1670 Spain had recognised the British colonies in North America, and England had agreed that her ships should not enter the ports of the Spanish colonies except from stress of weather, or with an especial licence from the Spanish Government to trade. By the treaty of 1729 we had agreed to the old regulations regarding trading to the Spanish Main, namely, that we should have the Assiento, or right of supplying these colonies with slaves, and that, besides this, we should only send one ship annually to the Spanish West Indies and South America. As fast as that authorised ship discharged its cargo265 in a Spanish port, she received fresh supplies of goods over her larboard side from other vessels which had followed in her wake, and thus poured unlimited266 quantities of English goods into the place. Other English traders did not approach too near the Spanish coasts, but were met in certain latitudes267 by South American smugglers, who there received their goods and carried them into port. In short, such a system of contraband268 trade was carried on in these waters by our merchants, that English goods in abundance found their way all over the Spanish American regions, and the great annual fair for goods imported from or by Spain dwindled269 into insignificance270.
It was no wonder that Spain, feeling the serious effects of this state of things, should resist it; and when she did so, and exerted an unusual degree of vigilance, then the most terrible outcries were raised, and wonderful stories were circulated of Spanish cruelties to our people beyond the Atlantic. At this time the Opposition got hold of one of these, and made the House of Commons and the nation resound271 with it. It was, that one Captain Robert Jenkins, who had been master of a sloop272 trading from Jamaica, had been boarded and searched by a Coastguard, and treated in a most barbarous manner, though they could detect no proof of smuggling273 in his vessel263. He said that the Spanish captain had cut off one of his ears, bidding him carry it to his king, and tell his Majesty that if he were present he would treat him in the same manner. This story was now seven years old, but it was not the less warmly received on that account. It excited the utmost horror, and Jenkins was ordered to appear at the bar of the House of Commons on the 16th of March, to give an account of the outrage himself; and it would appear that both he and other witnesses were examined the same day. Jenkins carried his ear about with him wrapped in cotton, to show to those to whom he related the fact, and the indignation was intense. He was asked by a member how he felt when he found himself in the hands of such barbarians274, and he replied, "I recommended my soul to God, and my cause to my country." The worthy skipper had probably been crammed275 with this dramatic sentiment by some of his clever Parliamentary introducers; but its effect was all the same as if it had been a genuine and involuntary expression of his own mind. Researches made at the Admiralty in 1889 proved that he really had lost an ear.
And, in truth, everything now seemed to run counter to Walpole, and to tend towards war. His colleague, the Duke of Newcastle, who had been one of the most obsequious276 of subordinates both under Stanhope and Walpole, now thought he should serve himself decidedly by advocating war. The king was naturally of a martial277 turn; he had won some military repute in his youth, and he was no longer under the exceedingly sensible guidance of the queen. Newcastle, therefore, probably in the hope of supplanting279 Walpole, fostered this spirit in the king, and took advantage of it to recommend warlike measures in the Cabinet, and to send despatches to the British ambassadors in Spain, which but for the energy and wisdom of Walpole might have done irreparable mischief, and which rendered the negotiations extremely difficult. Lord Chancellor280 Hardwicke and Lord Harrington arrayed themselves on the same side, and blew the war-note in the House of Lords with unrestrained zeal217. There was a time when Walpole would have had[71] these antagonistic281 colleagues dismissed; but both he and they saw too well that there was such a strong war spirit in both king and people, that no such thing was possible. He therefore pursued his efforts with the Court of Spain for peaceable conclusions, at the same time that he fell in so far with the belligerent282 spirit as to make active preparations as if for an encounter. This, however, was his last and most powerful argument for peace—an argument meant to tell on the fears, as he could not reach a spirit of conciliation245 in the Spaniards.
He despatched a squadron of ten ships of the line to the Mediterranean283, under Admiral Haddock; another strong squadron sailed for the West Indies; letters of marque and reprisal13 were issued to the merchants; and troops and stores were forwarded to Georgia, which the Spaniards had threatened to invade. He gave directions to all merchants in Spanish ports to register their goods with a public notary284 in case of a rupture. These measures produced a rapid change of tone at the Spanish Court. On comparing the demands on both sides for damages sustained in commerce, there appeared a balance in favour of England of two hundred thousand pounds. Against this, the Spaniards demanded sixty thousand pounds in compensation for the ships taken by Admiral Byng in 1718—a claim which Stanhope would never allow, but which had been recognised in the Treaty of Seville, and was now, therefore, acknowledged. This reduced the sum to a hundred and forty thousand pounds, which the Spanish Court proposed should be paid by assignments on the American revenues. This, the Ministers were well aware, might involve the most endless delays and uncertainties285, and they certainly showed a most conceding spirit by allowing a deduction286 of forty-five thousand pounds for prompt payment at Madrid. The sum was now reduced to ninety-five thousand pounds; and this being agreed to, a convention was signed on the 14th of January, 1739.
In this Convention no mention was made of the right of search, and various other matters were reserved for the consideration of the plenipotentiaries. When the Convention was announced to Parliament by the king in his opening speech, there arose a general denunciation of it both in and out of Parliament. The right of search was declared to be purposely sacrificed; the limits of Georgia were undefined; and the Spanish captains in the West Indies were unpunished for all their cruelties. That sixty thousand pounds should be allowed for compensation for ships taken by Admiral Byng in 1718 was very justly declared taxing us for our victories. In fact, Walpole, in this treaty, seemed ready to give up everything to Spain, knowing, probably, how hopeless it was to extract money from that country, and glad of an excuse of any set-off against our claims as to the easiest way of settling them. But all did not avail him. The more conceding he was to the Spaniards the more immovable they became, whilst the public at home were enraged at the tameness displayed by Ministers. Ministers found their majority continually on the wane287. On the division in the Commons it had dwindled to twenty-eight, namely, two hundred and sixty votes against two hundred and thirty-two.
But that there should be a majority at all on such a question brought the Opposition to try an experiment which they had been for some time planning. This was the absurd scheme of seceding288 in a body from the House of Commons, on the plea that a paid and standing majority rendered all reason and argument nugatory289. In the course of his farewell speech, Wyndham made use of such violent language, that Mr. Pelham jumped up to move the commitment of the honourable290 member to the Tower; but Walpole was too well aware that such a proceeding would only have served the ends of the Opposition, rendering291 them martyrs292 to their country's cause, and raising a vivid interest in their behalf. He therefore stopped him, and said that the measures which that gentleman and his friends might pursue gave him no uneasiness; on the contrary, the House was much obliged to them for pulling off the mask. Relieved of their presence, he now carried his measures in unopposed quiet.
Parliament, having so smoothly293 transacted294 its business, was prorogued295 on the 14th of June, and Walpole then addressed himself to the settlement of the Spanish difference. But here he found a spirit of resistance which had undoubtedly296 grown from the invectives of the Opposition. The outcries against the Spanish captains, the right of search, and the payment of compensation for the ships taken by Byng, had given great offence to the proud Spaniards. They were encouraged, also, by the earnest manner in which Walpole had argued for peace. They now assumed a high tone. They complained of the continuance of the British fleet in the Mediterranean. They demanded the payment of the sixty-eight thousand pounds which they said was due from the South Sea Company,[72] though it had been stipulated297 in the Convention that it should not come into consideration.
Here all further progress became impossible. The Spaniards having reduced their debt to less than one half the original sum, were fighting stoutly298 to reduce it to nothing. There appeared no chance but for arms to decide it. Cardinal299 Fleury, with his usual pacific disposition, made an effort to avert300 the war by guaranteeing to undertake the payment of the ninety-five thousand pounds by Spain, provided that the British fleet was withdrawn301 from the Mediterranean. But English spirit, even in Walpole, had now reached its limit of patience. The king and the nation were equally in a mood for war. Walpole, therefore, ceased to listen any longer to the Spanish objections, but took his stand on the true British ground of resistance to the right of search, and on that of an acknowledgment of all British rights and claims in North America. Instead of withdrawing the Mediterranean fleet, he ordered its reinforcement, sent Sir Chaloner Ogle302 with fresh ships to the West Indies, and Sir John Norris was ordered to put to sea with a third squadron. The above demands being peremptorily303 made from the Court of Madrid, and being rejected, war was proclaimed in London on the 19th of October. Walpole, who had reluctantly resorted to this master evil, as he heard the rejoicings, exclaimed, "They may ring the bells now, but they will soon be wringing304 their hands!" The first symptoms of the consequences which the war was likely to produce were seen in the new hopes which it awoke in the ranks of the Jacobites. Large numbers of them met at Edinburgh, and drew up a bond of association, pledging one another to take arms and venture life and fortune for the restoration of the Stuart. On the other hand, those nations on which England calculated for aid hung back and remained neutral. The Dutch were bound to furnish certain troops in case of war, and, before the declaration of it, Horace Walpole was despatched by his brother to demand their production; but they pleaded the menaces of France, which threatened them with invasion by fifty thousand men if they assisted the English, and which held out to them the prospect305 of their obtaining that trade to the Spanish colonies which England had enjoyed. As for France herself, she assumed an air rather ominous of war than of peace, and thus Britain was left alone in the contest.
The war was scarcely begun when it was discovered that we had proclaimed hostilities306 much before we were prepared to carry them out. Our ships were badly manned, and therefore slow to put to sea, and the more alert Spaniards were busy picking up our merchant vessels. Not they only, but the French, Dutch, and other nations who had hoisted307 Spanish colours, were making wide devastation308 amongst our trading vessels. Walpole was compelled to issue letters of marque and licences to swarms309 of privateers, which issued forth to make reprisals. The Lords of the Admiralty, on the 1st of February, 1740, had ordered an embargo310 on all shipping311 except coasters, so as at once to keep them out of reach of the enemy, and to induce seamen312 to enter the navy; but on the 28th of March a petition from merchants and owners of shipping was presented, complaining of the hardships and the destruction of trade by it. The Lords of the Admiralty contended that such had been the complaints of injuries done at sea to our traders, that they had been compelled to impose the embargo in the absence of sufficient hands for men-of-war. They now took the embargo off foreign ships, and gave notice to English owners that they would take it off altogether, on condition that the owners and masters of vessels would enter into an engagement to furnish a certain number of men to the navy in proportion to the number of hands in each trader. This also was denounced as a most oppressive measure, and the Opposition represented it as intended to make the mercantile community sick of the war. Driven, however, to extremities313, Ministers would not listen to these arguments; a motion was carried sanctioning this plan, and then the merchants came into it.
Such were the difficulties which Ministers had to contend with for commencing the war at sea. In one particular, however, there was more liberality; money was ungrudgingly voted; the land-tax was raised from two to four shillings in the pound, and the Sinking Fund was so freely resorted to, that the supplies altogether amounted to upwards314 of four millions. During these discussions, news came on the 13th of March, that on the 21st of November, 1739, Admiral Vernon had taken Porto Bello from the Spaniards. This was good news for the Opposition, for Vernon was one of their party, and a personal enemy of Walpole. There were great rejoicings and the Lords sent down an address of congratulation to the king, for the concurrence of the Commons. Yet in this they could not avoid making a party matter of it, the address stating that this glorious action had been performed with only six ships, and thus to mark[73] the contrast with the doings of Admiral Hosier in those seas, and so to blacken his memory. The address was carried in a thin House, but only by thirty-six against thirty-one, so that along with the news went the comment to Vernon, that the Ministry begrudged315 him his glory. Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of April, 1740, and the king set off on his summer visit to Hanover.
GREAT SEAL OF GEORGE II.
The turn of affairs on the Continent justified316 Walpole's gravest apprehensions317. France was discovered to have made a compact with Spain, and once having taken this step, she displayed her usual activity in every Court of Europe, to induce the allies to break with England and prevent her from making new leagues. Walpole did his best to counteract318 these French influences. He managed to secure the Russian Court, before in connection with France, and subsidised Sweden, Denmark, Hesse-Cassel, and some other of the German States. But at this crisis (1740) died the savage319 old Frederick William of Prussia, and his son Frederick now commenced that extraordinary military career which obtained him the name of the Great. Temptingly adjoining his own territory, the young king beheld320 that of an equally young female sovereign, Maria Theresa of Austria, and he determined to extend his kingdom at her expense. The mystery of Frederick's movements was dissipated by his crossing, on the 23rd of December, the Austrian frontiers into Silesia. It was seen that it was the favourable321 opportunity of overpowering a weak neighbour which had tempted118 the Prussian to break his engagement, and to endeavour to make himself master of the domains322 of a defenceless young princess. But Frederick brought out some antiquated323 claims on the province Of Silesia, and on these he justified his breach of treaties. Maria Theresa applied, in her alarm, to the Powers who had concurred324 in the Pragmatic Sanction, but all except George II. fell away instantly from her. They believed her incapable of defending her territories, and hoped to come in for a share of the spoil. The Elector of Bavaria joined Prussia; Saxony did the same; France was eager for the promised half of the winnings; and Spain and Sardinia assured Frederick of their secret support. George II., confounded by this universal defection, advised Maria Theresa to compromise the affair with Prussia by giving up half Silesia, or the whole, if necessary; but the high-spirited queen rejected the proposal with scorn, and called on George to furnish the troops guaranteed by England under the Pragmatic Sanction. George could, however, only assemble some few soldiers on the Hanoverian frontier, but this obliged Frederick to appropriate a considerable section of his army to guard against any attack from Hanover.
The king, in his speech on opening Parliament, mentioned the fleets which we had dispatched to the West Indies and South America, and his determination to continue those armaments so as to bring Spain to reason. He professed325 to rely with confidence on our allies, although we had scarcely one left, whilst in the same breath he admitted the no longer doubtful hostility326 of France[74] at the very moment that our only ally—namely, Austria—was calling on us for assistance, instead of being able to yield us any, should we need it. On the proposal of the address, the Opposition proceeded to condemn205 the whole management of the war. The Duke of Argyll led the way, and was followed by Chesterfield, Carteret, Bathurst, and others, in a strain of extreme virulence327 against Walpole, calling him a Minister who for almost twenty years had been demonstrating that he had neither wisdom nor conduct. In the Commons Wyndham was no longer living to carry on the Opposition warfare328, but Pitt and Lyttelton more than supplied his place.
The storm grew every day more violent, and on the 11th of February, 1741, Sandys, who had acquired the name of "the Motion Maker," announced that he intended to make a motion for a direct condemnation329 of the Minister, and for his removal from office. On the following Friday Sandys made his threatened motion of condemnation. The surprise of the debate occurred when Shippen—"the thorough Shippen," as he was called—said that he would not join in the ruin of the assailed Minister. He declared that he never followed any dictates330 of self-interest, and cared little who was in or out, unless he could see a prospect of different measures; but that he regarded this movement only as the attempt to turn out one Administration in order to bring another in. He would therefore have no concern in it, and with that he withdrew, followed by thirty-four of his party. All Prince Frederick's servants and party also, except Lyttelton, Pitt, and Granville, left the House; so that, though there were more than five hundred members present at the commencement of the debate, when the question came to be put there were not above four hundred.
It is said that Sir Robert had, some time before, addressed a letter to the Pretender with the object of softening331 the asperity332 of his partisans333 in England, and that this had so raised the hopes of James, that Walpole was actually intending to come round, that he had ordered his followers334 to avoid anything which should shake his power. Whatever the cause, the fact was striking, and the Opposition having concluded its onslaught upon him, he rose to make his reply. It was an occasion which demanded the utmost exertion335 of his powers, and he put them forth. Walpole's speech on this day has justly been deemed his masterpiece. It was four o'clock in the morning when he concluded his masterly defence, and the motion was instantly rejected by two hundred and ninety votes against one hundred and six. The immediate125 effect of the attack appeared to be to strengthen the Minister, and that considerably; his levée the next morning was more crowded than had ever been known, and he seemed to sway the Cabinet with uncontrolled power. But thinking men predicted that the blow would tell in the end, when the momentary336 enthusiasm had gone off; and Walpole himself seemed to be of the same opinion. The attack, in truth, was but the first outbreak of the storm which, kept up by the implacable spirit of a powerful Opposition, was sure to bear him down at last.
Whilst this powerful confederacy was putting forth all its strength to drive from the seat of supremacy337 the man who had so long guided the fortunes of England, another confederacy was knitting together its selfish members to rend73 in pieces and share amongst them the empire of the young Queen of Austria. Frederick was willing enough to make a league with France, but he was cautious enough not to make it too soon. He wanted to know whether he could keep England out of the campaign, in which case he could deal easily with Austria himself. Walpole's attempts to prevent the war from becoming European, however, failed, and the treaty being signed with the Prussian king, Marshal Maillebois marched an army across the Rhine, and Belleisle and Broglie went with another. Maillebois pursued his course direct for Hanover, where George was drilling and preparing a number of troops, but in no degree capable of making head against the French. Panic-stricken at their approach, he made haste to come to terms, and agreed to a year's neutrality for Hanover, leaving Maria Theresa to her fate, and, moreover, engaging not to vote for the election of her husband, the Duke of Lorraine, to be Emperor. The news of this conduct of the King of England in the person of the Elector of Hanover, was received in Great Britain with the utmost indignation. Belleisle and De Broglie had, during this time, joined their forces to those of the old Elector of Bavaria, the constant enemy of Austria and the friend of France, and had marched into Austria. He took Linz, on the Danube, and commenced his march on Vienna. As this allied338 army approached Vienna, Maria Theresa fled with her infant son, afterwards Joseph II., into Hungary, her husband and his brother, Prince Charles of Lorraine, remaining to defend the city.[75] The Hungarians received their menaced queen with enthusiasm. She had done much since the recent commencement of her reign to win their affections. She had been crowned in the preceding month of June in their ancient capital, and had sworn to maintain their ancient constitution in all its force, and the people were fervent339 in their loyalty340. When, therefore, she appeared before the Hungarian Parliament in Presburg with her son in her arms, and called upon that high-spirited nation to defend her against her perfidious341 and selfish enemies, the sensation was indescribable. All rose to their feet, and, drawing their swords half-way from the scabbard, they exclaimed, "Our lives and our blood for your majesty! We will die for our king, Maria Theresa!"
Whilst these transactions had been taking place on the Continent, our fleets, which should have kept the French and Spaniards in check, had done worse than nothing. France had subtly delayed to declare war against us, so that, although she joined her fleets and armies to the enemy, we could not attack her without being the first to declare war, or to commence it by direct breach of the peace. Admiral Haddock, who was on the watch in the Mediterranean to harass342 the Spaniards, was thus baffled. The Spanish fleet was joined by twelve French men-of-war from Toulon, the admiral of which declared that he had orders to defend the Spaniards if they were attacked. As the combined fleet, moreover, doubled his own, Haddock was compelled to fall off and leave them.
Still more inglorious were the proceedings of our fleet on the coasts of the Spanish-American colonies. Sir Chaloner Ogle joined Vernon in Jamaica on the 9th of January, 1741, and no time was to be lost, for the wet season set in at the end of April, which, besides the deluges343 of rain, is attended by a most unhealthy state of the climate. Vernon, however, did not move till towards the end of the month, and then, instead of directing his course towards the Havannah, which lay to the leeward344, and could have been reached in three days, he beat up against the wind to Hispaniola, in order to watch the motions of the French fleet under D'Antin. It was the 15th of February before he learned distinctly that the French had sailed for Europe in great distress for men and provisions. Now was the time to make his way to Cuba; but, instead of that, he called a council of war—the resource of a weak commander,—which was followed by its almost invariable result, a contrariety of advice. It was at length concluded that, as Admiral Torres had now sailed for the Havannah, and thus closed the opportunity for its attack, the fleet should take in wood and water at Hispaniola, and make for the continent of New Spain. On the 4th of March the fleet came to anchor in Playa Grande, to the windward of Carthagena.
Carthagena was strongly fortified345, and the garrison was reinforced by the crews of a squadron lying there under Don Blas de Leon. If the place was to be assaulted, it should have been done at once; but Vernon lay perfectly346 inactive for five days, as if to allow the enemy to make all his preparations for defence. Notwithstanding this, the brave English erected347 a battery on shore, and played so effectually on the principal fort, that they soon made a breach in it, whilst the fleet fired into the harbour, thus dividing the attention of the enemy. In spite of their advantages, the Spaniards abandoned their forts and batteries, the English entered the breach, the vessels in the harbour were destroyed, and the passage cleared so that the fleet could sail in and support the army. There appeared nothing capable of preventing the conquest of the town but the cabals348 of the two commanders. Lord Cathcart had caught the endemic fever and died, and was succeeded by General Wentworth in command of the land forces. Wentworth had a great contempt of Vernon, and Vernon was by no means well disposed towards Wentworth. The fleet having entered the harbour, the land forces were all disembarked, and posted within a mile of Carthagena; but there the success stopped. Vernon had written home his dispatches to the Duke of Newcastle saying, "The wonderful success of this evening and night is so astounding349, that we cannot but cry out, 'It is the Lord's doing, and it seems marvellous in our eyes!'"
The news, when it reached England, produced a transport of exultation350. Bells were rung, cannon351 fired, and great rejoicings made, anticipatory352 of fresh tidings of wonderful success. But very different was the reality. Wentworth called on Vernon to bombard Carthagena from the harbour, whilst he assailed it on land; but Vernon replied that he could not get near enough to attack the town effectually, and that Wentworth must attempt the reduction of the Fort San Lazaro, which commanded the town, and might be taken by escalade. This was[76] attempted, and while our men were thus standing under a murderous fire, they discovered, to their consternation, that their scaling ladders were too short. But the escalade was persisted in: they remained splicing353 their ladders, and a detachment of Grenadiers, under Colonel Grant, reached the top of a rampart; but Grant was instantly killed, and the Grenadiers hurled354 back over the wall. Still, the bull-dog spirit of the English made them persist in this desperate attempt, till six hundred—that is, half of them, lay dead, when they drew off.
All this time "the great Admiral Vernon," as the Opposition delighted to call him, in disparagement355 of all the commanders favourable to the Government, lay still with his ships and afforded no assistance to the land troops. When Wentworth bitterly complained of this, to show that it was impossible to operate on the town from the harbour, Vernon sent into the inner harbour the Galicia, a Spanish ship which had been taken. This ship kept up a cannonade on the town for several hours, producing little effect, and was fired on from the town with as little. The men were then brought off in boats, the Galicia's cable was cut, and she was suffered to run upon a shoal, where she soon filled. The troops were now hastily re-embarked; the unhealthy season was at its height, and the men were swept away by fever more rapidly than they had been mowed356 down on land. The heavy rains had set in, and the troops in a few days were reduced to one half their number. Admiral Vernon instead of undertaking357 any enterprise which might have retrieved358 the honour of the British arms, set sail from Jamaica with the forces in July, and anchored in the south part of Cuba in a bay, on which he bestowed the appellation359 of Cumberland Harbour. Here the remains360 of that fine fleet and army, capable of achieving the most brilliant conquests under able commanders, were suffered to corrode361 away under the influence of inactivity, the season, bad salted provisions, and excess of rum.
The conduct of Vernon, though he had been the Idol362 of the Opposition, and not of the Ministry, as it became known, increased enormously the unpopularity of Walpole. Though he had literally363 been forced into the war by the Opposition, the whole of its disasters were charged, not on them, but on him; and they did not hesitate to throw from themselves upon him the odium of all its failures. The general election which now came on was seized upon to load Walpole with all the weight of the unsuccessful war. The Duchess of Marlborough, Pulteney, and the Prince of Wales raised funds to outbribe the master of corruption himself. They incurred364 heavy debts to complete his ruin, and as the news of the miserable issue of the expedition to the Spanish settlements came in, numbers of those who had been returned to Parliament as friends of the Ministry turned round and joined the Opposition in violent denunciations of the mismanagement of the war. Lord Chesterfield, whilst these transactions had been progressing, had hastened on to Avignon, and, taking up his quarters with the Duke of Ormonde, obtained from the Pretender letters to nearly a hundred Jacobites in England and Scotland, engaging them to put out all their power and influence against Walpole.
Whilst these combined efforts were being made to unseat him, Walpole saw his Cabinet every day becoming more untrustworthy, more divided against him. The Duke of Newcastle was eagerly pressing forward to supplant278 him. He had entered into secret engagements with the Duke of Argyll, and Lord Chancellor Hardwicke threw himself into that clique365. To these were added the Earl of Wilmington, formerly366 Sir Spencer Compton, who, forgetting his alarm at the idea of succeeding Walpole as Prime Minister, now was anxious for that honour. To add to these depressing circumstances, the king arrived from Hanover in a humour ready to lay his disgrace and failure at anybody's door. On the 4th of December he opened the new Parliament, and, conscious of his own contemptible367 figure after the submission368 to French dictation in Hanover, he took care to remind it that he had commenced the war only at the urgent desire and advice of both Houses, and that he had been particularly counselled to direct our naval369 efforts towards Spanish America.
[77]
MARIA THERESA AND THE HUNGARIAN PARLIAMENT.
(After the Picture by Laslett J. Pott, by permission of Ephraim Hallam, Esq.)
[See larger version]
The Opposition made no objection to the re-election of Onslow as Speaker of the Commons, but they made a determined attack on the Address. Lord Noel Somerset moved that in the Address his Majesty should be desired not to engage this kingdom in a war for the defence of his Hanoverian dominions370. This was seconded by Shippen, who declared that he had grown old in the House of Commons only to see all the predictions of his life realised in the management of the nation. Pulteney seemed to be animated371 by a double portion of patriotic372 indignation.[78] He reviewed Walpole's whole administration, and accused him, not merely of individual acts of erroneous policy, but of deliberate treachery. The Whigs, elated by this fiery373 denunciation of the Minister, called for a division; but Pulteney, aware that they had not yet a majority, observed that dividing was not the way to multiply. Walpole, on his part, offered to leave out the paragraph thanking his Majesty for his royal care in prosecuting374 the war with Spain; but this was only regarded as a proof of conscious weakness, and Pulteney proceeded to charge Walpole with purposely ruining the nation to serve the Pretender. This called Walpole up, and he defended himself with all his accustomed self-command and ability. He retorted the charges of serving the Pretender on his enemies, and these with real grounds. He referred to Chesterfield's recent visit to the Pretender's Court at Avignon. He asked, as he had done before more than once, whether he, as Minister, had raised the war in Germany, or advised the war with Spain? Whether he was amenable375 for the deaths of the late Emperor and the King of Prussia, which opened up all these complications? Whether the lawless ambition of Frederick, and the war between Sweden and Russia, were chargeable on him? He offered to meet the Opposition on the question of the state of the nation, if they would name a day. This challenge was accepted, and the 21st of January, 1742, was fixed376 upon. The clause respecting the Spanish war, as Walpole had suggested, was also struck out, and the Address then was carried unanimously.
But though the 21st of January was to be the day of the grand attack on the Ministry, the battle was not deferred377 till then. Every day was a field-day, and the sinking Minister was dogged step by step, his influence weakened by repeated divisions, and his strength worn out by the display of the inevitable approach of the catastrophe379. The first decided defeat that he suffered was in the election of the Chairman of Committees. The Ministerial candidate, Giles Earle, was thrown out by a majority of two hundred and forty-two to two hundred and thirty-eight, and the Opposition candidate, Dr. Lee, was hailed by a shout that rent the House. Other close divisions followed. The fall of Walpole was now certain, and he would have consulted both his dignity and comfort in resigning at once. This was the earnest advice of his friends, but he had been too long accustomed to power to yield willingly. He was oppressed with a sense of his defeats, and the insolence of enemies whom he had so long calmly looked down upon without fear. He was growing old and wanted repose380, but he still clung convulsively to his authority, though he had ceased to enjoy it.
In these circumstances opened the year 1742. Fearing the consequences of the debate on the state of the nation that was to take place on the 21st of January, Walpole made a last grand effort to divide the party in array against him: this was, to buy off the Prince of Wales and his adherents. For this purpose he prevailed on the king to grant an additional fifty thousand pounds a year and the payment of all his debts, on condition that he should abandon the Opposition. Secker, Bishop381 of Oxford382, was selected as the bearer of this offer; but the prince declined the proposal, declaring that he would listen to no overtures383 so long as Walpole continued in office. This was a stunning384 blow, but the tenacious385 Minister did not yet give in. He continued to avail himself of the interval386 before the 21st to bribe and bring over less distinguished men. The Opposition, however, were now every hour receiving fresh accessions of strength, and men who had stood the brunt of many years now went over to them. Lord Hervey joined Pulteney and Chesterfield; and Bubb Doddington, now perceiving that one side really preponderated387, stepped out of his equivocal demeanour, and openly wrote to Lord Wilmington to entreat388 him to persuade the king to dismiss the obnoxious Minister.
The 21st of January arrived, and Pulteney entered on his great question. There was nothing new to bring forward, but the old charges were dressed up with new force. Walpole defended himself with an ability worthy of his best days. He boldly reminded the Opposition of the long twenty years of defeats in their endeavours to turn him out; he declared their accusations389 were just as false and groundless as ever; and he proceeded to anatomise the characters of Bubb Doddington and Pulteney in a manner which must have made men of any feeling wince390. He was ably supported by Sir William Yonge, by Pelham, and Winnington, but the division showed a majority for the Minister of only three.
The result of this division shook the last resistance of Walpole. When the motion which had been rejected on the 18th of December—for copies of the correspondence with the King of Prussia—was again put, he made no opposition, and it[79] passed without a division. He made, however, one more attempt to carry his measures. In the disputed election of Chippenham he stood his ground against the petition, and was defeated by a majority of one. It was now clear to himself that he must give way. His relatives and friends assured him that to defer378 longer was only to court more decided discomfiture391. On the 31st of January, he, therefore, prepared to depart for his seat at Houghton, and the next morning he demanded of the king, in a private audience, leave to retire. George, on this occasion, evinced a degree of feeling that did him honour. When the old Minister who had served him through so long a course of years knelt to kiss hands, the king embraced him, shed tears, and begged that he would often come to see him. On the 9th of February Sir Robert was created Earl of Orford, and on the 11th he made a formal resignation of all his places.
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1 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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2 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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3 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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4 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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5 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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6 bribe | |
n.贿赂;v.向…行贿,买通 | |
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7 bribery | |
n.贿络行为,行贿,受贿 | |
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8 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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9 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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10 excise | |
n.(国产)货物税;vt.切除,删去 | |
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11 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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12 definitive | |
adj.确切的,权威性的;最后的,决定性的 | |
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13 reprisal | |
n.报复,报仇,报复性劫掠 | |
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14 reprisals | |
n.报复(行为)( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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15 repulse | |
n.击退,拒绝;vt.逐退,击退,拒绝 | |
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16 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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17 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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18 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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19 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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20 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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21 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
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22 conducive | |
adj.有益的,有助的 | |
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23 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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24 etiquette | |
n.礼仪,礼节;规矩 | |
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25 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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26 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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27 avarice | |
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28 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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29 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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30 profess | |
v.声称,冒称,以...为业,正式接受入教,表明信仰 | |
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31 smallpox | |
n.天花 | |
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32 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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33 penetrating | |
adj.(声音)响亮的,尖锐的adj.(气味)刺激的adj.(思想)敏锐的,有洞察力的 | |
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34 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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35 ridicule | |
v.讥讽,挖苦;n.嘲弄 | |
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36 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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37 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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38 knotty | |
adj.有结的,多节的,多瘤的,棘手的 | |
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39 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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40 promotion | |
n.提升,晋级;促销,宣传 | |
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41 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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42 ecstasies | |
狂喜( ecstasy的名词复数 ); 出神; 入迷; 迷幻药 | |
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43 siesta | |
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44 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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45 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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46 privy | |
adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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47 consternation | |
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48 chagrin | |
n.懊恼;气愤;委屈 | |
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49 abruptly | |
adv.突然地,出其不意地 | |
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50 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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51 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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52 ministry | |
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53 beset | |
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
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54 incompetence | |
n.不胜任,不称职 | |
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55 modifications | |
n.缓和( modification的名词复数 );限制;更改;改变 | |
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56 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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57 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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58 craftsman | |
n.技工,精于一门工艺的匠人 | |
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59 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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60 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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61 obnoxious | |
adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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62 vehement | |
adj.感情强烈的;热烈的;(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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63 recur | |
vi.复发,重现,再发生 | |
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64 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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65 vent | |
n.通风口,排放口;开衩;vt.表达,发泄 | |
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66 ratify | |
v.批准,认可,追认 | |
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67 ratifying | |
v.批准,签认(合约等)( ratify的现在分词 ) | |
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68 retention | |
n.保留,保持,保持力,记忆力 | |
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69 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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70 connivance | |
n.纵容;默许 | |
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71 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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72 truce | |
n.休战,(争执,烦恼等的)缓和;v.以停战结束 | |
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73 rend | |
vt.把…撕开,割裂;把…揪下来,强行夺取 | |
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74 recollected | |
adj.冷静的;镇定的;被回忆起的;沉思默想的v.记起,想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75 renounce | |
v.放弃;拒绝承认,宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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76 relinquish | |
v.放弃,撤回,让与,放手 | |
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77 abdicate | |
v.让位,辞职,放弃 | |
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78 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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79 acceded | |
v.(正式)加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 );答应;(通过财产的添附而)增加;开始任职 | |
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80 ceded | |
v.让给,割让,放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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81 revoked | |
adj.[法]取消的v.撤销,取消,废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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83 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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84 accomplishment | |
n.完成,成就,(pl.)造诣,技能 | |
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85 enraged | |
使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
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86 mortification | |
n.耻辱,屈辱 | |
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87 subsidies | |
n.补贴,津贴,补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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88 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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89 boon | |
n.恩赐,恩物,恩惠 | |
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90 feuds | |
n.长期不和,世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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91 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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92 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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93 privately | |
adv.以私人的身份,悄悄地,私下地 | |
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94 disingenuous | |
adj.不诚恳的,虚伪的 | |
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95 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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96 manly | |
adj.有男子气概的;adv.男子般地,果断地 | |
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97 shrieked | |
v.尖叫( shriek的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98 incensed | |
盛怒的 | |
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99 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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100 turnip | |
n.萝卜,芜菁 | |
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101 reigned | |
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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102 blessings | |
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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103 ebb | |
vi.衰退,减退;n.处于低潮,处于衰退状态 | |
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104 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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105 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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106 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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107 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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108 renewal | |
adj.(契约)延期,续订,更新,复活,重来 | |
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109 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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110 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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111 implicated | |
adj.密切关联的;牵涉其中的 | |
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112 connive | |
v.纵容;密谋 | |
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113 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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114 continental | |
adj.大陆的,大陆性的,欧洲大陆的 | |
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115 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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116 pilloried | |
v.使受公众嘲笑( pillory的过去式和过去分词 );将…示众;给…上颈手枷;处…以枷刑 | |
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117 contentious | |
adj.好辩的,善争吵的 | |
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118 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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119 plume | |
n.羽毛;v.整理羽毛,骚首弄姿,用羽毛装饰 | |
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120 lessening | |
减轻,减少,变小 | |
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121 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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122 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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123 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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124 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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125 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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126 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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127 prosecuted | |
a.被起诉的 | |
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128 adverting | |
引起注意(advert的现在分词形式) | |
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129 slander | |
n./v.诽谤,污蔑 | |
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130 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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131 shameful | |
adj.可耻的,不道德的 | |
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132 detailed | |
adj.详细的,详尽的,极注意细节的,完全的 | |
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133 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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134 dispense | |
vt.分配,分发;配(药),发(药);实施 | |
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135 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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136 ridiculed | |
v.嘲笑,嘲弄,奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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138 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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139 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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140 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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141 throngs | |
n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群,挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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142 repented | |
对(自己的所为)感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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144 boroughs | |
(尤指大伦敦的)行政区( borough的名词复数 ); 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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145 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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146 seaports | |
n.海港( seaport的名词复数 ) | |
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147 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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148 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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149 abated | |
减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
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150 relinquished | |
交出,让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 ); 放弃 | |
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151 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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152 daunted | |
使(某人)气馁,威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153 postponed | |
vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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154 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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155 steward | |
n.乘务员,服务员;看管人;膳食管理员 | |
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156 sarcasm | |
n.讥讽,讽刺,嘲弄,反话 (adj.sarcastic) | |
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157 sarcasms | |
n.讥讽,讽刺,挖苦( sarcasm的名词复数 ) | |
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158 ascending | |
adj.上升的,向上的 | |
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159 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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160 lamentable | |
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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161 lament | |
n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
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162 calamitous | |
adj.灾难的,悲惨的;多灾多难;惨重 | |
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163 brook | |
n.小河,溪;v.忍受,容让 | |
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164 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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165 specious | |
adj.似是而非的;adv.似是而非地 | |
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166 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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167 scathing | |
adj.(言词、文章)严厉的,尖刻的;不留情的adv.严厉地,尖刻地v.伤害,损害(尤指使之枯萎)( scathe的现在分词) | |
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168 annihilated | |
v.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃 | |
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169 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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170 concurrence | |
n.同意;并发 | |
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171 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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172 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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173 tarnished | |
(通常指金属)(使)失去光泽,(使)变灰暗( tarnish的过去式和过去分词 ); 玷污,败坏 | |
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174 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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175 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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177 entailed | |
使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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178 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179 acquit | |
vt.宣判无罪;(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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180 insolence | |
n.傲慢;无礼;厚颜;傲慢的态度 | |
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181 ridiculing | |
v.嘲笑,嘲弄,奚落( ridicule的现在分词 ) | |
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182 inclinations | |
倾向( inclination的名词复数 ); 倾斜; 爱好; 斜坡 | |
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183 corrupting | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的现在分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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184 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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185 graphic | |
adj.生动的,形象的,绘画的,文字的,图表的 | |
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186 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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187 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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188 depressed | |
adj.沮丧的,抑郁的,不景气的,萧条的 | |
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189 hardy | |
adj.勇敢的,果断的,吃苦的;耐寒的 | |
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190 mediation | |
n.调解 | |
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191 maritime | |
adj.海的,海事的,航海的,近海的,沿海的 | |
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192 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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193 patrimonial | |
adj.祖传的 | |
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194 verge | |
n.边,边缘;v.接近,濒临 | |
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195 apathy | |
n.漠不关心,无动于衷;冷淡 | |
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196 goodwill | |
n.善意,亲善,信誉,声誉 | |
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197 syllable | |
n.音节;vt.分音节 | |
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198 dissent | |
n./v.不同意,持异议 | |
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199 retail | |
v./n.零售;adv.以零售价格 | |
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200 retailer | |
n.零售商(人) | |
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201 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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202 abridge | |
v.删减,删节,节略,缩短 | |
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203 enjoyment | |
n.乐趣;享有;享用 | |
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204 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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205 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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206 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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207 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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208 lamented | |
adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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210 reprieved | |
v.缓期执行(死刑)( reprieve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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212 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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213 frantic | |
adj.狂乱的,错乱的,激昂的 | |
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214 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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215 elicited | |
引出,探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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216 zealously | |
adv.热心地;热情地;积极地;狂热地 | |
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217 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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218 alluding | |
提及,暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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219 jocosely | |
adv.说玩笑地,诙谐地 | |
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220 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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221 unnatural | |
adj.不自然的;反常的 | |
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222 discord | |
n.不和,意见不合,争论,(音乐)不和谐 | |
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223 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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224 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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225 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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226 ripening | |
v.成熟,使熟( ripen的现在分词 );熟化;熟成 | |
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227 accomplishments | |
n.造诣;完成( accomplishment的名词复数 );技能;成绩;成就 | |
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228 reclaimed | |
adj.再生的;翻造的;收复的;回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 );要求收回;从废料中回收(有用的材料);挽救 | |
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229 ominous | |
adj.不祥的,不吉的,预兆的,预示的 | |
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230 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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231 beseeching | |
adj.恳求似的v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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232 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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233 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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234 mischief | |
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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235 usurper | |
n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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236 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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237 decency | |
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重 | |
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238 embittered | |
v.使怨恨,激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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239 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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240 obstinacy | |
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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241 abating | |
减少( abate的现在分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
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242 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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243 suite | |
n.一套(家具);套房;随从人员 | |
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244 reconciliation | |
n.和解,和谐,一致 | |
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245 conciliation | |
n.调解,调停 | |
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246 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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247 awfully | |
adv.可怕地,非常地,极端地 | |
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248 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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249 delicacy | |
n.精致,细微,微妙,精良;美味,佳肴 | |
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250 rupture | |
n.破裂;(关系的)决裂;v.(使)破裂 | |
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251 Ford | |
n.浅滩,水浅可涉处;v.涉水,涉过 | |
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252 heartily | |
adv.衷心地,诚恳地,十分,很 | |
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253 curiously | |
adv.有求知欲地;好问地;奇特地 | |
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254 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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255 buckle | |
n.扣子,带扣;v.把...扣住,由于压力而弯曲 | |
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256 kindle | |
v.点燃,着火 | |
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257 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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258 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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259 factious | |
adj.好搞宗派活动的,派系的,好争论的 | |
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260 embroil | |
vt.拖累;牵连;使复杂 | |
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261 winked | |
v.使眼色( wink的过去式和过去分词 );递眼色(表示友好或高兴等);(指光)闪烁;闪亮 | |
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262 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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263 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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264 intruded | |
n.侵入的,推进的v.侵入,侵扰,打扰( intrude的过去式和过去分词 );把…强加于 | |
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265 cargo | |
n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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266 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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267 latitudes | |
纬度 | |
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268 contraband | |
n.违禁品,走私品 | |
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269 dwindled | |
v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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270 insignificance | |
n.不重要;无价值;无意义 | |
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271 resound | |
v.回响 | |
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272 sloop | |
n.单桅帆船 | |
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273 smuggling | |
n.走私 | |
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274 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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275 crammed | |
adj.塞满的,挤满的;大口地吃;快速贪婪地吃v.把…塞满;填入;临时抱佛脚( cram的过去式) | |
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276 obsequious | |
adj.谄媚的,奉承的,顺从的 | |
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277 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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278 supplant | |
vt.排挤;取代 | |
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279 supplanting | |
把…排挤掉,取代( supplant的现在分词 ) | |
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280 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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281 antagonistic | |
adj.敌对的 | |
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282 belligerent | |
adj.好战的,挑起战争的;n.交战国,交战者 | |
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283 Mediterranean | |
adj.地中海的;地中海沿岸的 | |
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284 notary | |
n.公证人,公证员 | |
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285 uncertainties | |
无把握( uncertainty的名词复数 ); 不确定; 变化不定; 无把握、不确定的事物 | |
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286 deduction | |
n.减除,扣除,减除额;推论,推理,演绎 | |
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287 wane | |
n.衰微,亏缺,变弱;v.变小,亏缺,呈下弦 | |
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288 seceding | |
v.脱离,退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
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289 nugatory | |
adj.琐碎的,无价值的 | |
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290 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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291 rendering | |
n.表现,描写 | |
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292 martyrs | |
n.martyr的复数形式;烈士( martyr的名词复数 );殉道者;殉教者;乞怜者(向人诉苦以博取同情) | |
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293 smoothly | |
adv.平滑地,顺利地,流利地,流畅地 | |
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294 transacted | |
v.办理(业务等)( transact的过去式和过去分词 );交易,谈判 | |
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295 prorogued | |
v.使(议会)休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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296 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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297 stipulated | |
vt.& vi.规定;约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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298 stoutly | |
adv.牢固地,粗壮的 | |
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299 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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300 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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301 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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302 ogle | |
v.看;送秋波;n.秋波,媚眼 | |
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303 peremptorily | |
adv.紧急地,不容分说地,专横地 | |
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304 wringing | |
淋湿的,湿透的 | |
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305 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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306 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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307 hoisted | |
把…吊起,升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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308 devastation | |
n.毁坏;荒废;极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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309 swarms | |
蜂群,一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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310 embargo | |
n.禁运(令);vt.对...实行禁运,禁止(通商) | |
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311 shipping | |
n.船运(发货,运输,乘船) | |
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312 seamen | |
n.海员 | |
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313 extremities | |
n.端点( extremity的名词复数 );尽头;手和足;极窘迫的境地 | |
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314 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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315 begrudged | |
嫉妒( begrudge的过去式和过去分词 ); 勉强做; 不乐意地付出; 吝惜 | |
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316 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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317 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
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318 counteract | |
vt.对…起反作用,对抗,抵消 | |
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319 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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320 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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321 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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322 domains | |
n.范围( domain的名词复数 );领域;版图;地产 | |
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323 antiquated | |
adj.陈旧的,过时的 | |
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324 concurred | |
同意(concur的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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325 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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326 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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327 virulence | |
n.毒力,毒性;病毒性;致病力 | |
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328 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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329 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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330 dictates | |
n.命令,规定,要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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331 softening | |
变软,软化 | |
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332 asperity | |
n.粗鲁,艰苦 | |
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333 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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334 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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335 exertion | |
n.尽力,努力 | |
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336 momentary | |
adj.片刻的,瞬息的;短暂的 | |
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337 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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338 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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339 fervent | |
adj.热的,热烈的,热情的 | |
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340 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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341 perfidious | |
adj.不忠的,背信弃义的 | |
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342 harass | |
vt.使烦恼,折磨,骚扰 | |
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343 deluges | |
v.使淹没( deluge的第三人称单数 );淹没;被洪水般涌来的事物所淹没;穷于应付 | |
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344 leeward | |
adj.背风的;下风的 | |
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345 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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346 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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347 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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348 cabals | |
n.(政治)阴谋小集团,(尤指政治上的)阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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349 astounding | |
adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊,使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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350 exultation | |
n.狂喜,得意 | |
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351 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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352 anticipatory | |
adj.预想的,预期的 | |
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353 splicing | |
n.编接(绳);插接;捻接;叠接v.绞接( splice的现在分词 );捻接(两段绳子);胶接;粘接(胶片、磁带等) | |
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354 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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355 disparagement | |
n.轻视,轻蔑 | |
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356 mowed | |
v.刈,割( mow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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357 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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358 retrieved | |
v.取回( retrieve的过去式和过去分词 );恢复;寻回;检索(储存的信息) | |
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359 appellation | |
n.名称,称呼 | |
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360 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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361 corrode | |
v.使腐蚀,侵蚀,破害;v.腐蚀,被侵蚀 | |
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362 idol | |
n.偶像,红人,宠儿 | |
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363 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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364 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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365 clique | |
n.朋党派系,小集团 | |
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366 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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367 contemptible | |
adj.可鄙的,可轻视的,卑劣的 | |
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368 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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369 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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370 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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371 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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372 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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373 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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374 prosecuting | |
检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 ); 对某人提起公诉; 继续从事(某事物); 担任控方律师 | |
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375 amenable | |
adj.经得起检验的;顺从的;对负有义务的 | |
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376 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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377 deferred | |
adj.延期的,缓召的v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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378 defer | |
vt.推迟,拖延;vi.(to)遵从,听从,服从 | |
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379 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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380 repose | |
v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
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381 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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382 Oxford | |
n.牛津(英国城市) | |
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383 overtures | |
n.主动的表示,提议;(向某人做出的)友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 );(歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的)序曲,前奏曲 | |
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384 stunning | |
adj.极好的;使人晕倒的 | |
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385 tenacious | |
adj.顽强的,固执的,记忆力强的,粘的 | |
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386 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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387 preponderated | |
v.超过,胜过( preponderate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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388 entreat | |
v.恳求,恳请 | |
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389 accusations | |
n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
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390 wince | |
n.畏缩,退避,(因痛苦,苦恼等)面部肌肉抽动;v.畏缩,退缩,退避 | |
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391 discomfiture | |
n.崩溃;大败;挫败;困惑 | |
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