If Grenville and his Cabinet, in their ignorance of human nature, had made a gross mistake in their conduct towards Wilkes, they now made a more fatal one in regard to our American colonies. These colonies had now assumed an air of great importance, and were rapidly rising in population and wealth. The expulsion of the French from Canada, Nova Scotia, and Cape14 Breton, the settlement of Georgia by General Oglethorpe, the acquisition of Florida from Spain, had given a compactness and strength to these vast colonies, which promised a still more accelerated and prosperous growth. At this period the inhabitants are calculated to have amounted to two millions of Europeans, and half a million of coloured people, Indians and negroes. The trade was becoming more extensive and valuable to the mother country. The imports from England, chiefly of her manufactures, amounted to three million pounds annually15 in value. They carried on a large trade with our West Indian islands and the Spanish American colonies, and French and Dutch West Indies. They also built ships for the French and Spaniards, in the West Indies. They had extensive iron and copper16 mines and works in different states. They manufactured great quantities of hats in New England. The fisheries of Massachusetts produced two hundred and thirty thousand quintals of dried fish, which they exported to Spain and Portugal, and other Catholic countries of Europe. Carolina exported its rice to these countries as well as to England; and they exported vast quantities of cured provisions, dye-woods, apples, wax, leather, tobacco from Virginia and Maryland (fifty thousand hogsheads annually to England alone) valued at three hundred and seventy-five thousand pounds. The masts from New England, sent over for the British navy, were the largest in the world.
Such was the busy scene which these colonies were now presenting. Dutch, German, and Swedish emigrants17 were carrying their industry and handicrafts thither18. But, instead of our merchants seeing what a mighty19 market was growing up for them there, their commercial jealousy20 was aroused at the sight of the illicit21 trade which the colonists22 carried on with the Spanish, French, and other colonies, and even with Europe. The planters of the British West Indies complained of the American colonists taking their rum, sugar, coffee, etc., from the Dutch, French, and Spanish islands, in return for their raw produce, asserting that they had a monopoly for all their productions throughout the whole of the British dominions23. Loud clamours were raised by these planters in the British Parliament, demanding the prohibition24 of this trade; and, after repeated endeavours in 1733 an Act was passed to crush it, by granting[184] a drawback on the re-exportation of West Indian sugar from England, and imposing25 duties on the importation of the West Indian produce of our European rivals direct into the American colonies.
These were measures which must have greatly irritated the American colonists. They exhibited a disposition26 to curb27 and repress their growing energies between the interests of British merchants and British West Indian planters. The prospect28 was far from encouraging; whilst, at the same time, the English Ministers, crushing these energies with one hand, were contemplating29 drawing a revenue by taxation30 from them on the other. Britain argued that she sacrificed large amounts in building up colonies, and therefore had a right to expect a return for this expenditure31. Such a return, had they had the sagacity to let them alone, was inevitable32 from the trade of the colonies in an ever-increasing ratio.
Grenville, being on the look-out for new taxes, had paid particular attention to the rapid growth of the American colonies, and was inspired with the design of drawing a revenue from them. The scheme had been suggested to Sir Robert Walpole, when his Excise33 Bill failed, by Sir William Keith, who had been governor of Pennsylvania; but Sir Robert had a far deeper insight into human nature than the shallow and obstinate34 Grenville. He replied, "I have already Old England set against me, and do you think I will have New England set against me too?"
During the Session of 1764 Grenville imposed several duties on American articles of export, if imported direct from the French, Dutch, and Spanish West Indies. The Americans did not dispute the right of the mother country to impose such duties on the trade of the empire in any quarter; but these imposts, seeing the object of them, were not the less galling36. But Grenville did not stop there; he stated, at the time of passing these duties, that it was probable that Government would charge certain stamp duties in America. This was creating a sore place and immediately striking it. The infatuated Minister was contemplating an act of the nature of which neither he nor his colleagues had any conception.
The news of these imposts, and of this intended stamp duty, flew across the Atlantic, and produced the most bitter excitement. Never could this unwelcome news have reached the colonies at a more unpropitious moment. To restrictions39 on their legitimate40 trade, the British had been adding others on their illegitimate trade. Nearly all the American colonies lay on the seaboard, and were, therefore, naturally addicted41 to a free sort of trade, which these new duties made contraband42. The British Government had sent out a number of revenue ships and officers to cut off this trade, and capture and confiscate43 all vessels44 found practising it. The colonists met in various places, and passed very strong resolutions against these regulations. The people of New England spread their views and resolves all over the colonies by means of the press. They refused to listen to any overtures46 of the British Government on the subject. They claimed the right to grant, of their own free will, such contributions to the revenue of the empire as their own assemblies should deem just, and to submit to no compulsion where they had no voice. They called on all the colonists to refrain as much as possible from purchasing any of the manufactures of England so long as she showed a disposition to oppress them, and to obtain their materials for clothing from other countries, or to begin to manufacture them themselves; and to cease also to use all luxuries on which the duties were laid. To make their case known in England, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia appointed the celebrated47 Benjamin Franklin their agent in London.
Parliament met on the 10th of January, 1765. The resentment48 of the Americans had reached the ears of the Ministry and the king, yet both continued determined49 to proceed. In the interviews which Franklin and the other agents had with the Ministers, Grenville begged them to point to any other tax that would be more agreeable to the colonists than the stamp-duty; but they without any real legal grounds drew the line between levying50 custom and imposing an inland tax. Grenville paid no attention to these representations. Fifty-five resolutions, prepared by a committee of ways and means, were laid by him on the table of the House of Commons at an early day of the Session, imposing on America nearly the same stamp-duties as were already in practical operation in England. These resolutions being adopted, were embodied51 in a bill; and when it was introduced to the House, it was received with an apathy52 which betrayed on all hands the profoundest ignorance of its importance. Burke, who was a spectator of the debates in both Houses, in a speech some years afterwards, stated that he never heard a more languid debate than that in the Commons. Only two or three persons spoke53 against the measure and that with great composure. There was but one division in the whole progress of the Bill, and the minority did not reach to more than thirty-nine or forty. In the Lords, he said, there was, to the best of his recollection, neither division nor debate!
AMERICAN PROVINCES in 1763 AFTER THE CONTEMPORARY MAP by Peter Bell
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[185]
But a very different spirit displayed itself in America on the arrival of the news of the passing of the Act. Franklin's friend, Thompson, replied to him, that, instead of lighting54 candles, there would be works of darkness. The rage of the American public burst forth55 in unequivocal vigour56. At New York, the odious57 Stamp Act was represented surmounted58 with a death's head instead of the royal arms, and was hawked59 through the streets with the title of "the folly60 of England and the ruin of America." At Boston the colours of the shipping61 were lowered half-mast high, and the bells of the city were muffled62 and tolled63 funeral knells64. Everywhere there was a frenzied65 excitement, and the provincial66 Assemblies resounded67 with the clamour of indignant patriotism68. It was the fortune of that of Virginia to give the leading idea of union and co-operative resistance, which led to the grand conflict, and to eventual69 victory over the infatuated mother country. There Patrick Henry, a very different man to Franklin, started up, and kindled70 by his fiery71 breath the torch of confederate resistance. But it was at once seen that, to acquire their full weight, the colonies must unite. Speeches, pamphlets, articles in newspapers, all called for co-operation. A print was published exhibiting a snake cut into a number of pieces, each piece inscribed72 with the name of a colony, and with the motto, "Join or die." In consequence, several of the states sent representatives to a general congress, to be held at New York in the month of October, to take measures for a general resistance to the Stamp Act.
REVENUE CUTTERS CAPTURING AN AMERICAN SMUGGLING73 VESSEL45. (See p. 184.)
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Whilst the American colonies were thus stimulated74, by unwise taxation, into a temper which never again could be entirely75 allayed76, the king was suddenly attacked with an illness, that startled himself and the kingdom from that security which his apparently77 robust78 constitution had inspired. He was said to labour under cough and fever; but it became pretty well understood, after a time, that it was something more[186] alarming—that it was, in fact, an attack of that insanity79 which recurred80 again and again, and held him for years, during the latter part of his reign81, in its fearful power. This time it was of short occurrence; and the moment it was past, George held a levee at St. James's, and appeared at it with a cheerful air, as if to dissipate all alarm. But the king himself immediately proposed a measure, which showed that it had excited grave thoughts in him. He submitted to Ministers the propriety82 of a provision for a regency, in case of any recurring83 malady84 which should incapacitate him for business. The matter was discussed in the Cabinet, and it was agreed that such a bill should be prepared, empowering the king to name, if deemed necessary, "either the queen, or any other person of the royal family usually residing in Great Britain."
On the 24th of April, accordingly, the king proposed, in a speech from the throne, the measure to the Houses in these words. Both Houses sent addresses of affection, and the bill was introduced into the House of Lords; and it was there contended that it was too vague, no person being directly named, except the queen. To remedy this the king sent a new message, naming the five princes of the royal house, with the power of nominating others in the case of the deaths of any of them. Still, on the second reading, Lord Lyttelton declared that this left it perfectly85 uncertain who would become regent; and he moved an address to the king to name which one of the persons specified86 he would nominate as regent. But here the Duke of Richmond asked, whether the queen were naturalised; and if not, whether she were capable of acting87 as regent. He asked, also, who were, strictly88 speaking, the royal family? The Earl of Denbigh replied, "All who were prayed for;" but the Duke of Bedford contended that those only in the order of succession constituted the royal family. This went at once to exclude the Princess Dowager of Wales, the king's mother; and Halifax, Bedford's colleague, agreed with him. Amidst all this confusion, Lord Halifax hastened away to the king, and advised him to have the name of his mother omitted, lest the Lords should strike it out, and thus make it appear a public insult. The poor bewildered king, taken by surprise, said, "I will consent, if it will satisfy my people."
Halifax, possessed89 of this authority, returned to the House of Lords, and announced that, by the king's permission, he proposed the re-commitment of the bill, with the names only of the queen and the sons of the late king now living. Thus, the Princess Dowager was publicly stigmatised, on the authority of her own son, as incapable90 of reigning91. The amendment92, as the royal pleasure, was agreed to. The country was struck with astonishment93. The Duke of Bedford is represented by Horace Walpole as almost dancing about for joy; the consternation94 of Bute and his party was indescribable. To cover the disgrace, they represented it as the wish of the Princess Dowager herself. But when the king was left to his own reflections, it began to dawn upon him that he had, by his weak compliance95, openly insulted his own parent in the grossest manner. He bitterly upbraided96 Halifax with having thus stolen his consent by a surprise. But Grenville, with his usual obstinacy97, declined to replace the princess's name unless it were strongly pressed upon him in the House. He trusted, however, that the Opposition98, who hated the princess, would relieve him of this necessity by voting against the reinsertion of the name. But he was mistaken. Mr Morton, the chief justice of Chester, one of the Bute party, moved for the insertion of the princess's name in the bill, and the Opposition made no objection; they only too much enjoyed Grenville's embarrassment99. He was therefore compelled to insert the name, which—thus falsifying Halifax's assertion to the king, that, if left in, it would be struck out by Parliament—was carried by an overwhelming majority.
The circumstance sank deeply into the mind of the king, and, resenting especially the conduct of Grenville—who had acted as though he held a monopoly of office,—he determined to be rid of him. He therefore consulted with his uncle, the Duke of Cumberland. That prince, to whom age and infirmities seemed to have given a degree of wisdom, declared the offer of the Ministry to Pitt to be the necessary step, and willingly undertook to make it. But knowing that Pitt would not even listen to the proposal without Temple, he dispatched a summons to Stowe for that nobleman, and himself, infirm as he was, went to Hayes, to learn the will of the great commoner personally. Pitt showed himself disposed to accept the office, on condition that general warrants should be declared illegal; that the officers dismissed on account of their votes be restored; and that an alliance with Protestant powers, and especially with Prussia, should be formed, to counterbalance the compact between France and Spain. This was asking a great deal; but Pitt demanded more in the particulars of appointments,[187] namely, that Pratt, who had opposed the Court so decidedly as regarded Wilkes and general warrants, should be Lord Chancellor101, and he opposed the Court desire that the Duke of Northumberland should be at the head of the Treasury102. Pitt, moreover, designed the Treasury for Temple. But, when Temple arrived, he refused to take office at all. The fact was that just now he was making a reconciliation103 with his brother, Grenville, and was averse104 from throwing him overboard. So far from joining Pitt, he was on the verge105 of another breach106 with him. Pitt, disconcerted by this repulse107, with a weakness to be deplored108 in so great a man, refused to accept the offer to form a ministry at all.
The unfortunate king was obliged to submit, and retain his present incompetent109 Ministers. These incompetent Ministers, on their part, now believing themselves indispensable, became at once proportionably assuming, and even insolent110, in their demands. Grenville and Bedford put several direct demands to the king as the conditions even of their condescending111 to serve him: that he would promise to have no further communications with Lord Bute, nor to allow him the slightest share in his councils; that he would dismiss Bute's brother, Mr. Mackenzie, from the office of Privy112 Seal of Scotland, and from the management of Scottish affairs; that he would dismiss Lord Holland from being Paymaster of the Forces, and appoint Lord Granby Commander-in-Chief. The king, after some demur113, submitted to all these conditions, except the appointment of Lord Granby, and escaped that only by Granby himself declining the post. George submitted, because he could not help it, to these imperious conditions; but he inly resented them, and did not avoid showing it by his coldness towards both Bedford and Grenville. At this, the haughty114 Bedford took fire, and read the king a severe lecture before leaving town for Woburn. He complained of the king showing kindness to the enemies of the administration; and demanded whether the king had kept his promise not to consult Lord Bute.
George had much difficulty in restraining his indignation, but he kept it down, and only bowed the duke silently out of his presence. No sooner had he departed than he flew to Cumberland, and declared he would bear this no longer. Again overtures were made to Pitt, again Pitt expressed himself willing to take office, but again declined, because Temple still refused. Foiled in these attempts to engage Pitt, and equally foiled in an endeavour to engage some of the heads of the leading Whig houses, who would enter no administration without Pitt, a heterogeneous115 cabinet was at length cobbled up, through the management of the old Duke of Newcastle, who was hankering after office. The Marquis of Rockingham was put forward as First Lord of the Treasury and Premier116. Grafton and Conway were to be Secretaries of State; and the latter, lately dismissed with ignominy from the army, was to lead the Commons. The Earl of Northington was made Chancellor, the old Duke of Newcastle Privy Seal; another old and almost superannuated117 nobleman, Lord Winchelsea, President of the Council. Charles Townshend retained his post of Paymaster of the Forces. Such materials, it was clear, could never long hold together. "It is a mere118 lute-string administration," said Townshend himself; "it is pretty summer wear, but it will never stand the winter!"
Whilst these changes had been passing at home, the effervescence in America had grown most riotous119 and alarming. Boston took the lead in tumultuous fury. In August, the house of Mr. Oliver, the newly appointed stamp-distributor, was attacked and ransacked121; his effigy122 was hanged on a tree, thenceforward honoured by the name of the Liberty Tree. It was then taken down, paraded about the streets, and committed to the flames. The colonel of the militia123 was applied124 to, but sent an evasive answer, showing that there were others above the mob who enjoyed what the mob were doing. With this encouragement they broke out afresh, crying, "Liberty and Property!" which, said a colonial authority, "was their cry when they meant to plunder125 and pull down a house." This time they gutted126 and partly demolished127 the houses of the registrar-deputy of the Admiralty, the comptroller of the customs, and the lieutenant-governor, destroying a great quantity of important papers. In New York, delegates assembled from nine different colonial Assemblies. The governor forbade them to gather, declaring their meetings unprecedented128 and unlawful, but he took no active measures to prevent their deliberations. The Congress met in October, and sat for three weeks. They appointed Mr. Timothy Ruggles, from Massachusetts, their chairman, and passed fourteen resolutions denying the right of the mother country to tax them without their own consent; and they drew up petitions to the king and Parliament. Everywhere associations were established to resist the importation of British manufactures after the 1st of January next,[188] and it was agreed that they should dissolve themselves as soon as the stamp tax was abolished. But it is well known, from letters addressed to Franklin, that the Republican element was already widely spread through the colonies, and this very first opportunity was seized on by its advocates to encourage the idea of throwing off the allegiance to England without further delay.
As the 1st of November approached, the day on which the Stamp Act was to take effect, the excitement became intense. Furious crowds assembled in the ports to prevent the landing of the stamped paper from the ships which brought it. The appointed distributors were compelled to resign their posts. At New York the stamped paper was landed, but such was the commotion129 that it had to be put into the custody130 of the city magistrates131, and be kept under guard in the city hall. It was utterly132 impossible to put the paper into use, and, after some interruption, business and the courts of law were allowed to proceed without it, on the plea that the stamps could not be obtained.
On the 14th of January, 1766, the king opened Parliament with a speech, rendered necessary by the change of Ministry and the affairs of America. A great debate followed, in which Burke made his maiden133 speech, and was followed by Pitt, who said in his loftiest tone of eloquence134: "This kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. On this point I could not be silent, nor repress the ardour of my soul, smote135 as it is with indignation at the very thought of taxing America internally without a requisite136 voice of consent. Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative137 power. Taxes are the voluntary gift and grant of the Commons alone. At the same time, on every real point of legislation, I believe the authority to be fixed138 as the pole-star—fixed for the reciprocal benefit of the mother country and her infant colonies. They are the subjects of this kingdom, equally entitled with yourselves to all the rights of mankind and the peculiar139 privileges of Englishmen, and equally bound by its laws. The Americans are the sons, not the bastards140 of England. The distinction between legislation and taxation is essential to liberty. The Crown, the Peers, are equally legislative powers with the Commons. If taxation be a part of simple legislation, the Crown, the Peers, have rights in taxation as well as yourselves—rights which they will claim whenever the principle can be supported by might."
Grenville rose and defended the Stamp Act. He denied that the right of taxation depended on representation. He complained justly, that when he proposed to tax America, there was little opposition in that House. He contended that protection and obedience141 were reciprocal, and he exposed the fallacy of Pitt's distinction between taxes and duties. There was much justice in these remarks. The words of Grenville, so pointedly142 directed against him, immediately called up Pitt again. He had spoken; it was contrary to all rule, but the lion of Parliament broke recklessly through the meshes143 of its regulations, and when he was called to order the members supported him by cries of "Go on! go on!" He went on, severely144 castigating145 Grenville for complaining of the liberty of speech in that House; and dropping in his indignation the terms of courtesy towards the late Minister of "honourable146" or "right honourable," said simply—"Sir, the gentleman tells us that America is obstinate—America is almost in open rebellion. Sir, I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people so dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest." He then exposed the cases quoted by Grenville to show that taxation in this country had been imposed without representation, showing that these very instances led to immediate37 representation. "I would have cited them," he continued, "to show that even under arbitrary reigns147 Parliaments were ashamed of taxing a people without their consent. The gentleman asks when the Americans were emancipated148? But I desire to know when they were made slaves?" He then touched on the true sources of benefit from our colonies, the profits of their trade. He estimated the profits derived149 from the American commerce at two millions sterling150, adding triumphantly151, "This is the fund that carried us victoriously153 through the late war. This is the price America pays us for protection." He then alluded154 to the comparative strength of the two countries. "I know the valour," he said, "of your troops. I know the skill of your officers. In a good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this country can crush America to atoms. But in such a cause as this your success would be hazardous155. America, if she fell, would fall like the strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution along with her."
The advice of Pitt prevailed. Ministers determined to bring in two Acts in accordance with his counsels: an Act declaratory of the supreme156[189] power of Parliament over the colonies, and another repealing157 the Stamp Act, on the plea which he had suggested. The Declaratory Act passed readily enough, for all parties agreed in it; but the repeal5 of the Stamp Act met with stout158 opposition. Grenville, with the pertinacity159 of a man who glories in his disgrace, resisted it at every stage. When he was hissed161 by the people, he declared that "he rejoiced in the hiss160. If it were to do again, he would do it!" In the Lords there was a strong resistance to the repeal. Lord Temple, who had now deserted162 Pitt, supported his brother Grenville with all his might. Lords Mansfield, Lyttelton, and Halifax, the whole Bedford faction163, and the whole Bute faction, opposed it. The king declared himself for repeal rather than bloodshed.
TROOPS ESCORTING THE STAMPED PAPER TO THE CITY HALL, NEW YORK. (See p. 188.)
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To acquire popularity, the Rockingham administration made a further restriction38 on the import of foreign silks; they made a modification164 of the Cider Bill, but this only extended to taking the duty off cider belonging to private persons, and was regarded as a bribe165 to the country gentlemen. They induced the House of Commons to pass a resolution on the 25th of April, declaring general warrants illegal, and, if for seizing any member of the House, a breach of privilege. But when they passed this in the form of a bill, the Lords threw it out; and a second bill for the same purpose failed in the Commons. Still, these conciliatory measures did not procure166 them confidence. Colonel Barré refused them his support; General Conway was sick of his post, and longed to be out of it; and Henley, Lord Northington, as Chancellor, was found actually intriguing167 against his colleagues. With the Court they grew into no favour, because the king thought them backward in procuring168 from Parliament suitable provision for his younger brother. It was clear that this could not last. To cap the climax169 of weakness, the Rockingham Cabinet came to open issue amongst themselves on the plan of government for Canada. Northington informed the king that they could not go on; and the king, on the 7th of July, gave the Chancellor a letter to Pitt, inviting170 him to form a new Ministry. The same day his Majesty171 also informed the existing Cabinet of the change which he contemplated172. Conway[190] said frankly173, it was the best thing the king could do; but Lord Rockingham and the Duke of Newcastle were deeply offended.
Pitt hastened up to town, and was graciously received by the king, who told him that he left the choice of his colleagues entirely to himself. Pitt, as twice before, immediately proposed that his brother-in-law, Lord Temple, should be placed at the head of the Treasury. Temple was summoned from Stowe, but was as haughty and unmanageable as ever. He demanded that all the old Ministers should be dismissed, that Lord Lyttelton should have the Privy Seal, Lord Gower be Secretary of State, etc. Pitt could not accede174 to these terms. This time he did not throw up the offer of the Premiership to oblige his wrong-headed brother-in-law, who had the overweening idea that he was as great a man as Pitt himself. He stood firm, and, after a long interview at North End, Hampstead, where Pitt had taken a house for the time, Temple set off to Stowe again in high dudgeon, declaring that Pitt had thrown off the mask, and never meant to accept his co-operation at all. Lord Camden advised Pitt to stand fast, throw off the Grenvilles, and save the nation without them. He acted on the advice.
He found the Bedford clan175 ready, as usual, for office, but wanting to come in a whole legion; the poor weak Duke of Newcastle was equally prepared, shedding tears in his facile way, hugging and kissing people in his trouble, and wondering why his "dear old friend" had thus abandoned him. Pitt passed on, and chose Lord Camden as Lord Chancellor; Northington as President of the Council; Lord Granby as Commander-in-Chief; Shelburne and Conway as Secretaries of State; the Duke of Grafton as First Lord of the Treasury; Charles Townshend as Chancellor of the Exchequer176; with Lord North, James Grenville, brother of Temple, Colonel Barré, and others, in secondary posts. Mr. Stewart Mackenzie, Bute's brother, was restored to his former office, but without any control over Scottish affairs. It was clear that Pitt had selected his colleagues without regard to party, but with an eye to the ability of the respective persons. It was a mode of acting particularly after the fancy of the king, who had always been, according to his own words to Pitt on the occasion, "zealously178 ready to give his aid towards destroying all party distinctions, and restoring that subordination to government, which can alone preserve that inestimable blessing179, liberty, from degenerating180 into licentiousness181." "I venture," said Burke, "to say, it did so happen that persons had a single office divided between them, who had never spoken to each other in their lives, until they found themselves, they knew not how, pigging together, heads and points, in the same truckle bed."
But where, all this time, was the Great Commoner? The whole world was astonished when the fact came out that Pitt would accept no post in his own Ministry but that of Privy Seal, which necessitated182 his removal to the House of Peers. The king himself offered no opposition. Pitt's colleagues were not only astonished, but confounded; for they calculated on having his abilities and influence in the House of Commons. "It is a fall up stairs," said the witty183 Chesterfield, "which will do Pitt so much hurt that he will never be able to stand upon his legs again." No doubt it was a great mistake, but the infirmity of Pitt's health is an abundant excuse. This matter settled, Chatham condescended184 to coax185 the haughty Duke of Bedford, whom he met at Bath, to join him. He explained that the measures he meant to pursue were such as he knew the Duke approved. Having heard him, Bedford replied, proudly, "They are my measures, and I will support them, in or out of office." It was understood that he would receive overtures from Chatham, and, in these circumstances, Parliament met on the 11th of November.
Previous to this, however, Chatham had thought over several decisive measures, and sketched186 out a scheme of foreign and domestic policy, which marked how far above the intellectual grasp of most of his contemporaries was that of his mind. He determined, if possible, to form an alliance of European states against the Family Compact of the Bourbons in France and Spain; to reform the Government of Ireland, which greatly needed it, and that of India.
His first measure was to establish the Great Northern Alliance. He had obtained information of designs on the part of France and Spain to make a descent on our southern coast, and burn the dockyards of Portsmouth and Plymouth. Before quitting office, in 1761, he had planned this alliance, and he now made endeavours, but in vain, to induce Frederick of Prussia to come into such an alliance. Frederick was too sore at his treatment by the Cabinet of Lord Bute to listen to any proposals from England. Still, this would not have prevented Chatham from prosecuting187 the object of the alliance with Sweden, Denmark, Russia, Germany, and Holland, had he remained long enough in[191] office. His name carried the utmost weight all over the Continent. His indomitable vigour, and his victorious152 arms, had been witnessed with wonder. In Paris, Horace Walpole found the news of his return to office produced a panic not to be described. The very mention of his name struck a silence into the most boastful or insolent company.
His enemies of his own house were not so easily intimidated188. The summer had been an unprecedentedly189 rainy one. The crops had failed, and, in consequence of the scarcity190 and dearness of corn, there had been riots, especially in the western counties. The enraged191 people had burned down the ricks and barns of the farmers who were hoarding192 their corn for higher prices. Chatham instantly, that is, on the 10th of September, issued a proclamation against "forestallers and regraters." As the riots still increased, on the 24th he caused an Order in Council to be issued, laying an embargo on corn, and prohibiting the sailing of vessels already laden193 with wheat for foreign markets, the failure of crops being as great on the Continent as in England. He had been advised not to venture on so bold a measure without calling together Parliament; but he would not hear of it, lest it should look like timidity of counsel. It was a daring stretch of prerogative194, and did not pass without severe censure195. Chatham defended the measure: he quoted Locke in justification196 of such measures for the prevention of internal calamity197 and tumult120; and he defended it further by the fact, that to have called together Parliament would have brought noblemen and gentlemen from their own neighbourhood, just when they were most needful there to maintain order. Lord Camden, the present Chancellor, and Lord Northington, the late one, stoutly198 supported him, Camden saying that it was a measure so moderate and beneficial, that a Junius Brutus might have trusted it to a Nero. Unfortunately, he added that, at worst, it was only "a forty days' tyranny"—a phrase which excited the utmost clamour, and was long remembered against him.
In the Christmas recess199 Chatham hastened to Bath, to improve his health for the campaign of the ensuing Session; but when Parliament met again, in the middle of January, 1767, Ministers were in consternation at his not reappearing. The Duke of Grafton and Beckford, who were his most devoted200 adherents201, were thunderstruck. They found it impossible to keep in order the heterogeneous elements of the Cabinet. All the hostile qualities, which would have lain still under the hand of the great magician, bristled202 up, and came boldly out. The spirit of Bedford, of Newcastle, and of Rockingham, was active in their partisans203, and gathered courage to do mischief204. Lord Shelburne and the Duke of Grafton became estranged205; Charles Townshend, who had as much ambition and eccentricity206 as talent, began to show airs, and aim at supremacy207. Grafton implored208 Chatham to come to town if possible, and when that was declared impracticable, to allow him to go down, and consult with him in his sick chamber209. But he was informed that the Minister was equally unable to move or to consult.
In these unfortunate circumstances, Charles Townshend, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, proposed the annual rate for the land-tax. He called for the amount of four shillings in the pound, the rate at which it had stood during the war; but he promised next year to reduce it to three. The country gentlemen grumbled210, representing that in years of peace it was commonly reduced to three and sometimes to two. Grenville saw his advantage—his great opponent away and the landholders ready to rebel—and he moved that, instead of next year, the reduction should take place immediately. Dowdeswell supported him, and the amendment was carried by two hundred and six votes against a hundred and eighty-eight. The Opposition was astonished at its own success, and yet it need not have been; they who had to vote were chiefly land-owners, and men who did not like taxing themselves. As Lord Chesterfield observed, "All the landed gentlemen had bribed211 themselves with this shilling in the pound."
The Opposition was in ecstasies212: it was the first defeat of Ministers on a financial question since the days of Walpole, and in our time the Chancellor would have resigned. The blow seemed to rouse Chatham. Three days after this event, on the 2nd of March, he arrived in town, though swathed in flannel213, and scarcely able to move hand or foot. He declared that the Chancellor of the Exchequer and himself could not hold office together. A few days, and Townshend would have been dismissed from office, and the country might have escaped one of its greatest shocks; but, unfortunately, the malady of Chatham returned with redoubled violence, and in a new and more terrible form. He was obliged to refuse seeing any one on State affairs.
Such a calamity could not but be attended with the most mischievous214 consequences. Chatham was obliged to leave town, and seek retirement215 and[192] a purer air at North End, near Hampstead. Townshend, who in a few days would have ceased to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, still retained office, and now showed more freely the wild and erratic216 character of his genius. He had lost half a million from the revenue by the reduction of the land-tax, and he pledged himself to the House to recover it from the Americans. He declared that he fully217 agreed with George Grenville, even in the principle of the Stamp Act, and ridiculed219 the distinction set up by Chatham, and admitted by Franklin, of the difference between internal and external taxation. This was language calculated to fire the already heated minds of the colonists, who, the more they reflected on Chatham's lofty language on the supreme authority of the mother country in the declaratory Act, the more firmly they repudiated220 it.
On the 11th of March, 1768, the Parliament, having nearly lived its term of seven years, was dissolved, and the most unprecedented corruption, bribery221, and buying and selling of the people's right to their own House, came into play. The system originated by Walpole was now grown gigantic, and the sale and purchase of rotten boroughs223 was carried on in the most unblushing manner by candidates for Parliament, particularly aristocrats224, who had managed to secure the old boroughs as their property, or to control them by their property. The Mayor and Aldermen of Oxford225 wrote to their members, long before the dissolution, to offer them the renewal226 of their seats for the sum of seven thousand five hundred pounds, which they meant to apply to the discharge of the debts of the corporation. The House arrested the Mayor and Aldermen, and clapped them in Newgate for five days; but on their humbly227 begging pardon at the bar of the House, they released them again to continue their base contract. Nay228, whilst in prison, these corporation officials had sold their borough222 to the Duke of Marlborough and the Earl of Abingdon. Well might Chatham say this rotten part of the constitution wanted amputating. Where the people of corporations had votes, they were corrupted229 beyond all hope of resistance by the lavish230 bribes231 of the wealthy. The Earl Spencer spent seventy thousand pounds to secure the borough of Northampton for his nominee232. There were attorneys acting then as now for such boroughs and such corrupt7 constituents233, and they went about offering them to the highest bidders234. One Hickey was notorious amongst this tribe; and above all, the borough of Shoreham distinguished235 itself by its venality236, which assumed an aspect almost of blasphemy237. The burgesses united in a club to share the proceeds of bribery equally amongst themselves, and styled themselves "the Christian238 Club," in imitation of the first Christians239, who had all things in common! In the train of all this unprincipled corruption followed riots and tumults240 amongst the people, who were at once starving from the scarcity and dearness of bread, and infuriated with the drink with which they had been plied35 to serve the views of these base candidates. From the centre of this unholy chaos241 again rose the figure of John Wilkes, as the reputed champion of liberty.
He was advised to try Westminster, where Mr. John Churchill, the brother of his coadjutor, the satirist242, and others, were in his interest, but he boldly struck for the City of London. There were seven candidates at the poll. Wilkes received one thousand two hundred and forty-seven votes, but he was still lowest on the poll. His friends, the mob, had no franchise243.
Undaunted by his defeat, he immediately offered himself for Middlesex, and there, though the mob could not vote, they could act for him. They assembled in vast numbers, shouting, "Wilkes and Liberty!" They accompanied him to the poll; they stopped all the roads that led to the hustings244 at Brentford, suffering no one to pass who was not for Wilkes and liberty. His zealous177 supporters wore blue cockades or paper in their hats, inscribed "Wilkes and Liberty," or "No. 45." At night they assembled in the streets, insisting on people illuminating245 their houses in honour of Wilkes; abused all Scotsmen they met; scribbled246 "No. 45" on the panels of carriages as they passed; made the parties in them shout their favourite cry; broke the windows of Lord Bute at the West End, and of Harley, the Lord Mayor, at the Mansion247 House—the same Harley, a younger brother of the Earl of Oxford, who, as sheriff, had had to burn No. 45 of the North Briton in Cornhill. By such means the mob managed to return Wilkes at the very head of the poll.
This was wormwood to the Government; and Wilkes did not leave them many days in quiet. He had declared that, on returning to England, he would surrender himself under his outlawry248 on the first day of the next term. Accordingly, on the 20th of April, he presented himself to the Court of King's Bench, attended by his counsel, Mr. Glynn, and avowed249 himself ready to surrender to the laws. Lord Mansfield declared that he was not there by any legal process, and that the court could not take notice of him; but in a few days he was taken on another writ250, and on the 8th of June he was again brought before Lord Mansfield, who declared the outlawry void through a flaw in the indictment251; but the original verdict against him was confirmed, and he was sentenced to imprisonment252 for twenty-two calender months, and two fines of five hundred pounds each—one for the North Briton, and the other for the "Essay on Woman."
"THE POLLING."
One of the series of four Paintings entitled "The Election," by W. Hogarth.
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[193]
THE MOB RELEASING MR. WILKES ON HIS WAY TO PRISON. (See p. 193.)
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But these proceedings253 had not been effected without continual tumults. On the day that Wilkes was arrested by order of the King's Bench (the 27th of April), and, being refused bail254, was sent to the King's Bench prison, the mob stopped the hackney coach as it proceeded over Westminster Bridge, took out the horses, and, with shouts of "Wilkes and Liberty!" drew him, not to the prison, but into the City, and took him into a tavern255 in Cornhill, where they kept him till midnight, declaring that he should enjoy his freedom in spite of the law. But Wilkes knew his position better than his champions, and, stealing away, he went voluntarily to the King's Bench, and surrendered himself. The next morning, when the mob knew that he was in prison, they assembled in furious throngs256, and demanded, under the most terrible menaces, his liberation. They were at length dispersed257 by a detachment of Horse Guards, but not until the mob had abused and pelted258 the soldiers. These riots were kept up in different places from day to day; and on the 10th of May, twenty people were killed or wounded. When the soldiers who had fired on the rioters were brought to trial, they were not only acquitted259, but the new Parliament voted loyal addresses on the occasion; and the Government, through Lord Barrington, the Secretary at War, and in the king's name, thanked publicly the officers and men for their signal service in protecting the public peace. This only added fresh fuel to the popular flame. To protect the public peace by shooting the people, and to assure the perpetrators of this outrage260, as Lord Barrington did, that they should have every assistance from Government in defending them from all legal consequences, was rightly deemed most un-English conduct. The riots spread on all sides.
[194]
In October of this year Chatham at length resigned, and Parliament assembled on the 8th of November. The two great objects which engrossed261 the attention of Government in these days were North America and John Wilkes. The news of the Act imposing import duties had reawakened all the indignation of the people of Massachusetts. The Bostonians took immediate steps to realise their doctrines262. In October, 1767, the chief men there met, and entered into a bond to purchase or wear no English manufacture, but to encourage domestic manufacture till these obnoxious263 import duties were withdrawn264. The Massachusetts Assembly passed strong resolutions to the same effect, and Mr. James Otis, who had been most active in contending for them, exerted himself, through the press, to circulate them all over America. Causes were not long wanting for testing the resolution of the people of Massachusetts. The governor of that colony, Francis Bernard, was precisely265 the man to bring the matter to a crisis. He was able, determined, and of a hot temper. The people hated him, because they knew that he was writing home despatches full of the most unfavourable representations of their proceedings and designs. He refused to confirm the nomination266 of such members of the council as he knew were opposed to the new regulation; and Lord Shelburne supported him in his act. In consequence, the Assembly addressed a circular letter to all the other colonies, calling on them to unite in defeating the new duties. Bernard in vain opposed the resolution authorising this circular letter; and, on his report, Lord Hillsborough instructed him to demand from the Assembly the rescinding267 of the resolution. The Assembly refused, declaring that if a British Minister could control the votes of provincial Assemblies, liberty was but a mere show. Lord Hillsborough had instructed Bernard to dissolve the Assembly in case it refused to rescind268 the resolution. In the meantime, events took place which might have caused a more judicious269 man to pause ere he fulfilled these instructions.
On the 10th of June, 1768, a sloop called the Liberty, the property of Mr. John Hancock, of Boston, arrived in the harbour of that city laden with a cargo270 of Madeira wine. Resistance having been offered to the collection of the duties, the comptroller signalled the Romney man-of-war, lying at anchor off Boston, to take the sloop in tow and carry her under her guns. Crowds, meanwhile, had gathered on the quay271, and commenced measures for resistance. The captain of the Romney sent out his boat's crew to haul in the sloop, and the mob attacked them with stones. The man-of-war's men, notwithstanding, executed their task, and carried the Liberty under the guns of the Romney.
But the success of the capture only intensified272 the commotion on shore. The tumult continued the next day; the mob broke the windows of the houses of the commissioners273 and the custom-house officers; they dragged the collector's boat on shore, and made a bonfire of it. These officers fled for their lives—first on board the Romney, and then to Castle William, a fortress274 at the mouth of the harbour. The third day was Sunday, and the Bostonians kept the day with the decorum customary with New Englanders; but on the Monday the riot was resumed with unabated vigour. Placards were carried round the town, calling on the Sons of Liberty to meet on Tuesday at ten o'clock. The Sons of Liberty were members of the non-importation associations, which had been established there, and in many parts of America. They had adopted that designation from a phrase in a speech of Colonel Barré, delivered in Parliament as early as 1765. Daughters of Liberty existed as well as Sons of Liberty, who mutually bound themselves to drink no tea, as well as to wear nothing imported after the passing of these duties. The Government retaliated275 by pouring troops into the town and summoning ships of war into the harbour.
Such, then, was the state of affairs at the meeting of Parliament in November, 1768. These events in America claimed immediate attention. The petition of the Convention of Massachusetts, on its arrival, was rejected indignantly. The Opposition called for the production of the correspondence with the civil and military authorities there on the subject, but this demand was negatived. In January, 1769, the House of Lords took up the subject in a lofty tone. They complained of the seditious and treasonable proceedings of the people of Boston and of Massachusetts generally; and the Duke of Bedford, affirming that it was clear that no such acts could be punished by the magistrates or tribunals of the colony, moved an address to the king recommending that the criminals guilty of the late outrages276 should be brought to England and tried there, according to an Act of the 35th of Henry VIII. On the 26th of January it was introduced to the Commons. There it excited a very spirited opposition. Pownall, who had himself been governor of Massachusetts, and knew the Americans well,[195] accused the Lords of gross ignorance of the charters, usages, and character of the Americans; and Governor Johnstone as strongly condemned278 the motion, which was carried by one hundred and fifty-five to eighty-nine. On the 14th of March a petition from New York, denying their right to tax America in any way, was rejected, on the motion of Lord North; and, still later in the session, Governor Pownall moved that the revenue acts affecting America should be repealed forthwith. By this time everybody seemed to have become convinced of the folly of the attempt; but Ministers had not the magnanimity to act at once on the certainty that stared them in the face. Parliament was prorogued279 on the 9th of May, and did not meet again till the following January, as if there were nothing of moment demanding its attention.
With the same want of sagacity which was driving Ministers and Parliament to the loss of America, they were still persecuting280 Wilkes into popularity. On the 14th of November, 1768, Sir Joseph Mawby, member for Southwark, presented a petition from Wilkes, reciting all the proceedings of Government against him, and praying for his being heard at the bar of the House. Wilkes appeared before the House on the 31st of January, where he took exception to the word "blasphemous281" as applied to the "Essay on Woman." Thurlow, afterwards Lord Chancellor, a most swearing, blaspheming man, protested that if the House did not declare it blasphemous, it would be a disgrace to it. However, the words "impious" and "obscene" were substituted. On the 1st of February the House determined that his petition was frivolous282. The next day the House went into another charge against Wilkes. In the preceding April Lord Weymouth, previous to the riots in St. George's Fields, had issued a letter, as Secretary of State, to the magistrates of Lambeth, warning them of the danger of riots taking place in the endeavour to free Wilkes from prison, and offering them the aid of the military. Wilkes, while in the King's Bench, had obtained a copy of this letter, and sent it to the St. James's Chronicle with his own comments, styling it a "hellish project," and as the direct cause of that "horrid283 massacre284." Weymouth complained to the House of Lords that this was a breach of privilege. A conference was had with the Commons; Wilkes was brought to the Bar, where Baldwin, the printer, had acknowledged the letter to be his, and then, so far from denying it, claimed the thanks of the country for having exposed that "bloody285 scroll286." The Commons decided100 that he was guilty of an insolent and seditious libel, and on the following day, February 3rd, on the motion of Lord Barrington, he was expelled the House, by a majority of two hundred and nineteen to one hundred and thirty-seven. The king had directly asked for such a verdict by a letter to Lord North, declaring that Wilkes's expulsion was "highly expedient287 and must be effected."
The direct consequence was that he was immediately nominated again by the freeholders of Middlesex. Mr. Dingley, a mercantile speculator of London, offered himself as the Government candidate, but withdrew in a fright, and Wilkes was returned, without opposition, on the 16th of February, only thirteen days after his expulsion. The next day Lord Strange moved in the Commons, that John Wilkes, after having been expelled, was incapable of serving again in the present Parliament, and the case of Sir Robert Walpole was quoted in justification. Wilkes was a second time declared incapable of sitting, the election was declared void, and the public indignation rose higher than ever. The freeholders of Middlesex instantly met at the "London" Tavern, and subscribed288 on the spot two thousand pounds towards defraying the expenses of Wilkes's election. They then formed themselves into a "Society for Supporting the Bill of Rights," and a third time proposed Wilkes as their candidate. He was immediately returned for Middlesex, Dingley not finding any one who dared to nominate him. The next day, the 17th of March, the Commons again voted the election void.
With the beginning of this year, 1769, there commenced, under the signature of "Junius," the most remarkable289 series of political letters which ever appeared in our political literature. Time has not yet disclosed who this public censor290 was, though the most weighty reasons attach the belief to its having been Sir Philip Francis. Whoever he was, his terrible dissections of the conduct and characters of public men—the Duke of Grafton, the Duke of Bedford, Lord Mansfield, and others, not excepting the king himself—caused the most awful consternation amongst the ranks of the Ministry, and raised the highest enthusiasm in the public by the keen and caustic291 edge of his satire292 and his censure, by the clear tone of his reasonings, his obvious knowledge of secret Government movements, and the brilliant lustre293 of his style.
At the same unfortunate juncture294, the king[196] insisted on Lord North demanding from Parliament half a million for the liquidation295 of his debts, though he possessed a civil list of eight hundred thousand a-year. Simple as were the habits of George and his queen, the most reckless disregard of economy was practised in his household. No means were taken to check the rapacity296 of his tradesmen, and it was shown that even for the one item of the royal coach, in 1762, there had been charged seven thousand five hundred and sixty-two pounds! The Commons voted the half million, the public grumbled, and the popularity of Wilkes, the great champion of reform, rose higher than ever. A fourth time the freeholders of Middlesex nominated him as their candidate; and on this occasion a fresh Government nominee presented himself. This was Colonel Henry Lawes Luttrell. Two other candidates, encouraged by Luttrell's appearance, came forward; and on the 13th of April the list of the poll, which had gone off quietly, showed Wilkes one thousand one hundred and forty-three; Luttrell, two hundred and ninety-six; Whitaker, five; and Roach, none.
On the 15th of April, notwithstanding Luttrell's signal defeat, the House of Commons, on the motion of Onslow, son of the late Speaker, voted, after a violent debate, by a majority of fifty-four, that "Henry Lawes Luttrell, Esq., ought to have been returned for Middlesex." The debate was very obstinate. The whole of the Grenville interest, including Lord Temple, was employed against Government, and the decision was not made till three o'clock on Sunday morning.
To such a pitch of folly and despotism had the Grafton Ministry been driven by the events of the Session of 1769, by their conduct towards the Americans and Wilkes. The Rockinghams and Grenvilles were combined against the Grafton Cabinet, and thus acquiring popularity at its expense. Lord Camden, though still retaining his place, utterly disapproved297 of their proceedings. The people everywhere held meetings to express their total loss of confidence in both the Ministers and Parliament, and to pray the king to dissolve the latter. In the autumn, the action of Wilkes against Lord Halifax, for the seizure of his papers, was tried, and the jury gave him four thousand pounds damages.
But, gloomy as was the aspect of affairs at home, they were far more so in America. There, the insane conduct of the Government had gone on exasperating298 and alienating299 the colonists. True, the Cabinet, on the close of Parliament, held a meeting to consider what should be done regarding America. Grafton proposed to repeal the obnoxious duties at the commencement of the next session, but he was overruled on the motion of Lord North, and it was agreed to repeal all but the tea duties. Within a few days after the close of the session, therefore, Lord Hillsborough wrote this news in a circular to the governors of the American colonies. As was certain, the partial concession12 produced no effect, the principle being still retained in the continued tea duty. Moreover, Hillsborough's circular was composed in such harsh and uncourteous terms, that it rather augmented300 than assuaged301 the excitement.
In Massachusetts the colonists were more exasperated302 against Governor Bernard, on account of his letters reflecting on the Bostonians in the matter of the late riots, these letters having been laid before Parliament, and copies of them by some means procured303 and sent on by their agents. They declared that it was beneath their dignity to deliberate in the midst of an armed force, and requested Bernard to withdraw the troops, but he refused; and they, on their part, declined to vote supplies, on which he adjourned304 them to Cambridge. There, however, as Cambridge was only separated from Boston by an arm of the sea, they continued to protest against an armed force, as an invasion of the national rights of the colonists, and highly dangerous. Bernard soon announced to them his intention to sail for England, to lay the state of the colony before the king, and the house immediately voted a petition to his Majesty, praying him to keep him from coming back again. Bernard then called upon them to refund305 the money expended306 for the quartering of the troops; but that they pronounced quite as unreasonable307 as the Stamp Act, and finding them utterly intractable, Bernard prorogued the Assembly, and quitted the colony, leaving the administration in the hands of Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson.
Yet, in that blind and defiant308 spirit, which he continued to show till he had lost the colonies, George created Bernard a baronet on his reaching home, for having, in effect, brought Massachusetts to the verge of rebellion; and, to show his emphatic309 sense of these services, he himself paid all the expenses of the patent.
Parliament assembled on the 9th of January, 1770. People had been surprised at the unusual delay in summoning it, considering the critical state of America, but they were much more surprised when the subject put foremost in the king's speech was a lamentation311 over the murrain which[197] had appeared amongst horned cattle during the recess, and which Ministers had taken some measures to stop without calling together Parliament. It was true that he afterwards alluded to the state of affairs in America, and trusted some means would be devised by Parliament to appease312 the irritation. But whilst war itself appeared imminent313 there, whilst the whole country at home was in a state of high discontent, and the Spitalfields weavers314 were at this moment in a state of open riot, the idea of giving the chief place in the royal speech to horned cattle caused a burst of universal ridicule218. It was thenceforth called the "Horned Cattle Session." Junius launched one of his fierce missives at the Duke of Grafton, observing, "Whilst the whole kingdom was agitated315 with anxious expectation on one great point, you meanly evaded316 the question, and, instead of the explicit317 firmness and decision of a king, gave us nothing but the misery318 of a ruined grazier."
WILLIAM PITT, EARL OF CHATHAM.
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Chatham had begun to ponder the proceedings of Ministers towards America and towards Wilkes, or rather his constituents, as soon as the returning activity of his mind permitted him. The conduct of the Duke of Grafton, who had taken the lead during his retirement, did not escape his censure. He had too easily fallen into the demand of the Cabinet for severe measures in both those cases. No sooner, therefore, did Chatham appear than he launched the whole thunder of his indignation, and such was still his power that he shattered the Cabinet to atoms. No sooner was the Address to the king moved and seconded, than he rose and passed, with some expressions of contempt, from the mention of the horned cattle to the more important topics. He drew a dismal319 picture both[198] of the domestic condition and the foreign relations of the country. He glanced at the manner in which the Treaty of Paris had been made, the abandonment of the King of Prussia, and the consequent isolated320 condition of the kingdom, without a friend or an ally. But bad as the external affairs of the nation were, he described the internal as far worse. There everything was at discount. The people were partly starving and wholly murmuring; the constituencies were alarmed at the invasion of their rights in the case of John Wilkes; and the colonies were on the very edge of rebellion. Such was the condition to which the Government in a short time had reduced the commonweal. More than all did he condemn277 the policy pursued towards America. He protested against the term "unwarrantable," as applied to the conduct of the colonists; proposed to substitute the word "dangerous." He owned that he was partial towards the Americans, and strongly advocated a system of mildness and indulgence in their case.
As for Wilkes, he counselled them earnestly to introduce a paragraph into their Address to the king, stating their conviction that the chief discontents of the nation arose from the violation321 of the rights of representation in his expulsion from the Commons. "I am," said the eloquent322 earl, "neither moved by his private vices310 nor by his public merits. In his person, though he were the worst of men, I contend for the safety and security of the best; and God forbid that there should be a power in this country of measuring the civil rights of the subject by his moral character, or by any other rule than the fixed laws of the land."
This was going to the very heart of the question with that clear, searching sense for which Chatham was so distinguished. Lord Chancellor Camden, who had himself a strong and honest intellect, but not the moral courage of Chatham, had retained the Great Seal, though disapproving323 of the measures of his colleagues. Emboldened324 by the words of his friend, he now rose and expressed his regret for having so long suppressed his feelings. But, he added, "I will do so no longer; I will openly and boldly speak my sentiments. I now proclaim to the world that I entirely coincide in the opinions expressed by my noble friend, whose presence again reanimates us, touching325 this unconstitutional and illegal vote of the House of Commons.... By this violent and tyrannical conduct Ministers have alienated326 the minds of the people from his Majesty's Government—I had almost said from his Majesty's person!" After these words Camden could no longer remain Lord Chancellor.
The Marquis of Granby resigned his posts as Paymaster-General of the Ordnance327 and Commander-in-Chief of the Army, much to the annoyance328 and against the entreaties329 of the king and the Duke of Grafton. Camden would have done the same, but as the Ministers were anxious to be rid of him, Chatham and his friends counselled him to remain, and put the Ministry to the odium of dismissing him. This was done, and thus two of the men most popular with the public—Granby and Camden—were lost to the Administration. The Seals, as Lord Shelburne had predicted, went a-begging. Charles Yorke, second son of the former Lord Chancellor, Hardwicke, had all his life been hankering after this prize, but as he was closely pledged to the party of Lord Rockingham, he most reluctantly declined it. Three days subsequently, however, the king, after the levee, suddenly called him into his closet, and so pressingly entreated330 him to accept the Seals and rescue his sovereign from an embarrassment, that he gave way. This was on the 18th of January. He was to be raised to the peerage by the title of Lord Morden, but, on encountering the keen reproaches of his party at Lord Rockingham's, he went home and committed suicide. The Seals were then successively offered to Mr. de Grey, the Attorney-General, to Sir Eardley Wilmot, and Lord Mansfield, who refused them, and they were obliged to be put in commission, Lord Mansfield consenting to occupy the woolsack, as Speaker to the House of Lords, till that was done. After some time, Sir Sidney Stafford Smythe, one of the barons331 of the Exchequer, the Honourable Henry Bathurst, one of the justices of the Common Pleas, and Sir Richard Aston, one of the justices of the King's Bench, were named the commissioners.
In the House of Commons, too, the Speaker, Sir John Cust, was removed by death at the same moment, and Sir Fletcher Norton was elected in his place. On the 22nd of January, the same day that Sir Fletcher Norton was made Speaker of the House of Commons, the Marquis of Rockingham moved in the Lords for an inquiry332 into the state of the nation. The crumbling333 down of the Cabinet continued. James Grenville resigned; Dunning, the Solicitor-General, and General Conway, followed; and on the very day of Lord Rockingham's motion, the Duke of Grafton himself laid down the Seals. The whole of his administration had thus vanished, like a mere fog ministry, at the first reappearance of the luminary334, Chatham.
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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ministry
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repealed
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repeal
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embargo
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corrupt
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corruption
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seizure
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sloop
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persecution
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concession
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concessions
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cape
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annually
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16
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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17
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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18
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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19
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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20
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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21
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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22
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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24
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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25
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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26
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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27
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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28
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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29
contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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30
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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31
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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32
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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33
excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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34
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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35
plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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36
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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37
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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38
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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39
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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40
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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41
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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42
contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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43
confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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44
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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45
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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46
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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47
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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48
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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49
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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50
levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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51
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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52
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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53
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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54
lighting
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| n.照明，光线的明暗，舞台灯光 | |
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55
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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56
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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57
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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58
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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59
hawked
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| 通过叫卖主动兜售（hawk的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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60
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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61
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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62
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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63
tolled
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| 鸣钟（toll的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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64
knells
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| n.丧钟声( knell的名词复数 )；某事物结束的象征 | |
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65
frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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66
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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67
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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68
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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69
eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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70
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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71
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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72
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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73
smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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74
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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75
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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76
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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78
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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79
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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80
recurred
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| 再发生，复发( recur的过去式和过去分词 )； 治愈 | |
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81
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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82
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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83
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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84
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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85
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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86
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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87
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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88
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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89
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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90
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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91
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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92
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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93
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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94
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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95
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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96
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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98
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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99
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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100
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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101
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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102
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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103
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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104
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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105
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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106
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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107
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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108
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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110
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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111
condescending
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| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
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112
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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113
demur
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| v．表示异议，反对 | |
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114
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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115
heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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116
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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117
superannuated
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| adj.老朽的，退休的；v.因落后于时代而废除，勒令退学 | |
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118
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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119
riotous
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| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
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120
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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121
ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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122
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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123
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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124
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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125
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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126
gutted
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| adj.容易消化的v.毁坏（建筑物等）的内部( gut的过去式和过去分词 )；取出…的内脏 | |
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127
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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128
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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129
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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130
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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131
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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132
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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133
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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134
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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135
smote
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
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136
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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137
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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138
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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139
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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140
bastards
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| 私生子( bastard的名词复数 )； 坏蛋； 讨厌的事物； 麻烦事 （认为别人走运或不幸时说）家伙 | |
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141
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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142
pointedly
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| adv.尖地，明显地 | |
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143
meshes
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| 网孔( mesh的名词复数 )； 网状物； 陷阱； 困境 | |
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144
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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145
castigating
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| v.严厉责骂、批评或惩罚（某人）( castigate的现在分词 ) | |
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146
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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147
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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148
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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150
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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151
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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152
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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153
victoriously
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| adv.获胜地，胜利地 | |
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154
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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156
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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157
repealing
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的现在分词 ) | |
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159
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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160
hiss
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| v.发出嘶嘶声；发嘘声表示不满 | |
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161
hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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162
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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163
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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164
modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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165
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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166
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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167
intriguing
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|
| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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168
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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169
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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170
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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171
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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172
contemplated
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|
| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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173
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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174
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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175
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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176
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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177
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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178
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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179
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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180
degenerating
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的现在分词 ) | |
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181
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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182
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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184
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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185
coax
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| v.哄诱，劝诱，用诱哄得到，诱取 | |
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186
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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187
prosecuting
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|
| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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188
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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189
unprecedentedly
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| adv.空前地 | |
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190
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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191
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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192
hoarding
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| n.贮藏；积蓄；临时围墙；囤积v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的现在分词 ) | |
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193
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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194
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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195
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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196
justification
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|
| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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197
calamity
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|
| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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198
stoutly
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|
| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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199
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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200
devoted
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|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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201
adherents
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|
| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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202
bristled
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| adj. 直立的，多刺毛的 动词bristle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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203
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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204
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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205
estranged
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|
| adj.疏远的，分离的 | |
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206
eccentricity
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|
| n.古怪，反常，怪癖 | |
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207
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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208
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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210
grumbled
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| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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211
bribed
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|
| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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212
ecstasies
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|
| 狂喜( ecstasy的名词复数 )； 出神； 入迷； 迷幻药 | |
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213
flannel
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| n.法兰绒；法兰绒衣服 | |
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214
mischievous
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|
| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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215
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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216
erratic
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|
| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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217
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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218
ridicule
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|
| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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219
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
repudiated
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|
| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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221
bribery
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|
| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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222
borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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223
boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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224
aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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225
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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226
renewal
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|
| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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227
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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228
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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229
corrupted
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|
| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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230
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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231
bribes
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|
| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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232
nominee
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|
| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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233
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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234
bidders
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| n.出价者，投标人( bidder的名词复数 ) | |
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235
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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236
venality
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| n.贪赃枉法，腐败 | |
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237
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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238
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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239
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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240
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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241
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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242
satirist
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| n.讽刺诗作者，讽刺家，爱挖苦别人的人 | |
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243
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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244
hustings
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| n.竞选活动 | |
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245
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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246
scribbled
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|
| v.潦草的书写( scribble的过去式和过去分词 )；乱画；草草地写；匆匆记下 | |
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247
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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248
outlawry
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| 宣布非法，非法化，放逐 | |
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249
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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250
writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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251
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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252
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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253
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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254
bail
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| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
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255
tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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256
throngs
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|
| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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257
dispersed
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|
| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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258
pelted
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|
| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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259
acquitted
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|
| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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260
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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261
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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262
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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263
obnoxious
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|
| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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264
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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265
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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266
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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267
rescinding
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|
| v.废除，取消( rescind的现在分词 ) | |
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268
rescind
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| v.废除，取消 | |
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269
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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270
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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271
quay
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| n.码头，靠岸处 | |
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272
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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273
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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274
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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275
retaliated
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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276
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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277
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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278
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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279
prorogued
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| v.使（议会）休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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280
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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281
blasphemous
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| adj.亵渎神明的，不敬神的 | |
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282
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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283
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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284
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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285
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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286
scroll
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| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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287
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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288
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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289
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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290
censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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291
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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292
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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293
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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294
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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295
liquidation
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| n.清算，停止营业 | |
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296
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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297
disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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298
exasperating
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| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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alienating
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| v.使疏远( alienate的现在分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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300
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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301
assuaged
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| v.减轻( assuage的过去式和过去分词 )；缓和；平息；使安静 | |
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302
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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303
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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305
refund
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| v.退还，偿还；n.归还，偿还额，退款 | |
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306
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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307
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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308
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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309
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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310
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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311
lamentation
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| n.悲叹，哀悼 | |
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312
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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313
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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314
weavers
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| 织工，编织者( weaver的名词复数 ) | |
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315
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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316
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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317
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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318
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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319
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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320
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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321
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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322
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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323
disapproving
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| adj.不满的，反对的v.不赞成( disapprove的现在分词 ) | |
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324
emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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325
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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326
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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327
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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328
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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329
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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330
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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331
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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332
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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333
crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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334
luminary
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| n.名人，天体 | |
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