George III. expired on the 29th of January, 1820. Although it was Sunday, both Houses of Parliament met according to the requisition of the statute13, 6 Anne c. 7. Lord Eldon merely appeared on the woolsack; and, as soon as prayers were read, the House of Peers was adjourned15. The same day a council was held at Carlton House, when the usual ceremonies were observed, as upon the commencement of a new reign9, although George IV. had been virtually king during the period of the Regency. On this occasion the Ministers delivered up the emblems16 of their different offices, and were all graciously reappointed. Lord Eldon, in a letter to his daughter, felicitates himself on having been thus placed "in the very singular situation, that of a third Chancellorship19." But Lord Campbell remarks that he was probably not aware that one of his predecessors20 had been Chancellor18 five times. His immediate22 successor had been four times Chancellor, and Lord Cottenham three times. "It is amusing," says Lord Campbell, "to observe how he enhances the delight he felt at the commencement of this third Chancellorship by protestations that he was reluctantly induced again to accept the worthless bauble24, lest, by declining it, he should be chargeable with ingratitude25." The Chancellor made similar protestations of reluctance27 and humility28 when George IV., grateful for his services in connection with the prosecution of the queen, pressed upon him accumulated honours; giving him, at the same time, two additional steps in the peerage, as Viscount Encombe and Earl of Eldon—honours which, he said, he had repeatedly declined to accept when offered by George III.
Parliament again met for a few days, but only to vote Addresses of condolence and congratulation, as a dissolution had been determined29 on. The Marquis of Lansdowne pointed17 out that there was not the usual reason for a dissolution which occurred upon a demise30 of the Crown; but Lord Eldon explained that, at common law, the Parliament died with the Sovereign in whose name it was called; and although, by the statute of William III., it could sit six months longer, it was liable to be dissolved sooner; and constitutionally it ought to be dissolved as soon as public business would allow; so that noble lords who started any business to delay the dissolution would be obstructing31 the due exercise of the Royal Prerogative32. He, as Lord Commissioner33, therefore, concluded the Session by delivering the Royal Speech, which deplored34 the loss of a Sovereign, the common father of all his people, and praised the prudence35 and firmness with which the Lords and Commons had counteracted36 the designs of the disaffected37.
The general election was, on the whole, favourable39 to the Government; the forces of Conservatism being roused into activity by the violent democratic tendencies of the times, and by the threats of revolution. The new Parliament met on the 21st of April. Mr. Manners Sutton was re-elected Speaker. A week was occupied in swearing in the members, and the Session was opened on the 27th by a Speech from the king, the vagueness of which gave no ground for an amendment40 to the Address in either House. In the old roll of members one illustrious name was found, borne by a statesman who was never more to take his seat in the House.[205] Henry Grattan expired (June 4) soon after the Session commenced. Sir James Mackintosh, in moving a new writ41 for Dublin, which Grattan had represented for many years, observed "that he was, perhaps, the only man recorded in history who had obtained equal fame and influence in two assemblies differing from each other in such essential respects as the English and Irish Parliaments."
The Session promised for some weeks to be very dull; no subjects more stirring being brought forward or announced than the settlement of the Civil List, the discharge of insolvent43 debtors44, the suppression of Sunday newspapers, and the reading of the Athanasian Creed45. To one of those subjects, the Civil List, Lord Eldon thus jocosely46 alluded47 in a letter to his daughter:—"Our royal master seems to have got into temper again, as far as I could judge from his conversation with me this morning. He has been pretty well disposed to part with us all, because we would not make additions to his revenue. This we thought conscientiously48 we could not do in the present state of the country, and of the distresses49 of the middle and lower orders of the people. To which we might add, too, that of the higher orders."
But there was one subject of general and permanent interest brought under the notice of the House of Commons. Mr. Henry Brougham made an important speech on the great and difficult subject of Popular Education, which he continued to advocate, with so much power and success, throughout the whole of his lengthened50 and brilliant career. He stated that there were then twelve thousand parishes or chapelries in England; of these three thousand five hundred had not a vestige51 of a school, and the people had no more means of education than the Hottentots or Kaffirs. Of the remainder, there were five thousand five hundred unendowed, depending entirely52 on the casual and fleeting53 support of the parents of the children attending them. The number of children receiving education at all the schools, week-day and Sunday, was seven hundred thousand. Estimating the number educated at home at fifty thousand, the whole number then under instruction would be seven hundred and fifty thousand—about one-fifteenth of the entire population. In Scotland the proportion at that time was about one-tenth; in Holland and Prussia the same; in Switzerland one-eighth. France was then at the bottom of the scale, only one-twenty-eighth of the population being under instruction. Mr. Brougham proposed a school-rate for England, according to the American plan.
The indisposition of Parliament to attend to the ordinary business of the legislature, however important and pressing any portion of it might be considered in other circumstances, may be easily accounted for. One subject engrossed55 the minds of all men at this time, and agitated56 the nation to a depth and extent altogether unprecedented57 in our history. The story of Caroline of Brunswick is one of the saddest and most romantic in the annals of the Queens of England. When the Prince Regent became king, his wife, as a matter of course, became the rightful Queen of[206] England. But her husband had resolved that she should not be queen; and, rather than not have his way in this, he was ready to imperil his throne. She was as fully59 entitled to enjoy the well-defined rank and position that devolved upon her by the laws of the country, as he was to wear his crown, without regard to personal character. He would break the marriage tie, if he could; but, failing that, he was determined to degrade the queen by bringing against her the foulest60 charges of immorality62. She might, indeed, have escaped a trial on these charges if she had consented to remain abroad, and had agreed to forego any title that would have connected her with the Royal Family of England. Till the death of George III., who had always been her steady friend, she had been prayed for in the liturgy as the Princess of Wales. There was now no Princess of Wales, and the king insisted that she should not be prayed for at all. His Ministers, against their own convictions—against what they well knew to be the almost unanimous feeling of the nation—weakly yielded to the arbitrary will of their licentious63 Sovereign. They and their apologists attempted to uphold this conduct by alleging64 that she was prayed for under the words, "the rest of the Royal Family." But Mr. Denman, who defended her, afterwards observed with more truth that the general prayer in which she was embraced was, "For all that are desolate65 and oppressed." The moment the news of this outrage66 reached the queen, she resolved, with characteristic spirit and determination, to come at once to England and assert her rights in person. The Ministers flattered themselves that this was a vain boast, and that, conscious of guilt67, her courage would fail her.
On the 3rd of May George received addresses at Carlton House, and on the 10th he held his first levee since his accession to the Throne, at which nearly eighteen hundred persons of distinction were present, who testified their attachment68 to his person in the most gratifying manner. The families of the great political party that formed and supported his Government affected38 to treat the queen's pretensions70 with a quiet disdain71 that evinced their confidence in the unbounded loyalty of the nation. But their eyes were soon opened; and in a few weeks Ministers sat abashed72 upon the Treasury73 benches as if conscious that they were driving the vessel74 of the Constitution upon a rock, subservient75 to the tyranny of their master. The Liberal party were vehement76 in their denunciations, and the leading Whigs, whether from policy or a sense of duty, came forward as the champions of the queen's rights. The people were all enthusiastic in her favour, and wild with excitement.
On the 1st of June her Majesty77 arrived at St. Omer, intending to embark78 at Calais without delay for England. She wrote a letter to the Prime Minister, the Earl of Liverpool, commanding him to prepare a palace in London for her reception; another to Lord Melville, to send a yacht to carry her across the Channel to Dover; and a third to the Duke of York, repeating both demands, and complaining of the treatment she had received. Two days later Lord Hutchinson, with Mr. Brougham, who was her legal adviser79, arrived with a proposition from the king, offering her fifty thousand pounds a year for life if she would remain on the Continent, and relinquish80 her claims as Queen of England. The queen instantly and indignantly rejected the offer, and started for England with all haste, having dismissed her foreign suite81, including Bergami, her chamberlain, and the prime cause of the scandal that attached to her name. She would not even be dissuaded82 by Mr. Brougham, who most earnestly implored83 her to refrain from rushing into certain trouble and possible danger; or, at least, to delay taking the step until Lord Hutchinson should have received fresh instructions. She was peremptory84, and sailed at once for Dover, accompanied by Lady Anne Hamilton and Alderman Wood, landing on the 6th of June. As this event was quite unexpected by Government, the commandant, having had no orders to the contrary, received her with a royal salute85. The beach was covered with people, who welcomed her with shouts of enthusiasm. From Dover to London her journey was a continued ovation86. In London the whole population seemed to turn out in a delirium87 of joy and triumph, which reached its climax88 as the procession passed Carlton House. No residence having been provided for her by the Government, she proceeded to the house of Alderman Wood in Audley Street.
The danger of civil war was felt to be so great that earnest attempts were made to conciliate the queen, and to effect a compromise. Mr. Wilberforce was very zealous89 in this matter. He wrote to the king, entreating91 him to restore the queen's name to the liturgy. This was a vital point. The Ministry92 had expressed their intention to resign if this must be done. Mr. Wilberforce headed a deputation from the House of Commons, who proceeded to her residence, in full court costume. He describes her manner as "extremely dignified93,[207] but very stern and haughty94." He got no thanks from either party for his attempts at negotiation95. He was very much abused by Cobbett and other writers on the popular side. Mr. Brougham and Mr. Denman met the Duke of Wellington and Lord Castlereagh on the 15th of June to discuss an adjustment; when it was laid down, as a preliminary, that the queen must not be understood to admit, nor the king to retract96, anything; and that the questions to be examined were—the future residence of the queen; her title, when travelling on the Continent; the non-exercise of certain rights of patronage97 in England; and the income to be assigned to her for life. This fourth topic the queen desired might be altogether laid aside in these conferences; and the differences which arose upon the first proposition prevented any discussion on the second and third. They suggested that her Majesty should be officially introduced by the king's Ministers abroad to foreign Courts, or, at least, to the Court of some one state which she might select for her residence; and that her name should be restored to the liturgy, or something conceded by way of equivalent, the nature of which, however, was not specified98 by her negotiators. It was answered that, on the subject of the liturgy, there could be no change of what had been resolved; that, with respect to her residence in any foreign state, the king, although he could not properly require of any foreign Power to receive at its Court any person not received at the Court of England, would, however, cause official notification to be made of her legal character as queen; and that a king's yacht, or a ship of war, should be provided to convey her to the port she might select. These conditions were wholly declined by the queen, and on the 19th of June the negotiations99 were broken off. On the 22nd two resolutions were passed by the House of Commons, declaring their opinion that, when such large advances had been made toward an adjustment, her Majesty, by yielding to the wishes of the House, and forbearing to press further the propositions on which a material difference yet remained, would not be understood as shrinking from inquiry, but only as proving her desire to acquiesce100 in the authority of Parliament.
All attempts at negotiation having failed, sealed green bags were laid upon the table of the House of Lords and of the House of Commons, with a message from the king to the effect that in consequence of the arrival of the queen he had communicated certain papers respecting her conduct, which he recommended to their immediate and serious attention. The bags contained documents and evidence connected with a commission sent in 1818 to Milan and other places to investigate charges—or rather to collect evidence to sustain charges which had been made against the Princess of Wales. The principal of these charges was that she had been guilty of adultery with a person named Bergami, whom she had employed as a courier, and afterwards raised to the position of her chamberlain and companion. The commission was under the direction of Sir John Leach101, afterwards Vice-Chancellor.
The Crown had resolved to proceed against the queen by a Bill of Pains and Penalties, the introduction of which was preceded by the appointment of a secret committee, to perform functions somewhat analogous102 to those of a grand jury in finding bills against accused parties. Mr. Brougham earnestly protested against the appointment of a secret committee, which was opposed by Lords Lansdowne and Holland. The course was explained and defended by the Lord Chancellor, who said that the object of Ministers in proposing a secret committee was to prevent injustice103 towards the accused; that committee would not be permitted to pronounce a decision; it would merely find, like a grand jury, that matter of accusation104 did or did not exist; such matter, even if found to have existence, could not be the subject of judicial105 proceeding106, strictly107 so called. The offence of a queen consort108, or a Princess Consort of Wales, committing adultery with a person owing allegiance to the British Crown would be that of a principal in high treason, because by statute it was high treason in him; and as accessories in high treason are principals, she would thus be guilty of high treason as a principal; but as the act of a person owing no allegiance to the British Crown could not be high treason in him, so neither could a princess be guilty of that crime merely by being an accessory to such a person's act. Yet although, for this reason, there could be no judicial proceeding in such a case, there might be a legislative109 one; and the existence or non-existence of grounds for such legislative proceeding was a matter into which it would be fit that a secret committee should inquire. In no case could injustice be done, because that committee's decision would not be final. There might be differences of opinion about the best mode of proceeding, but, for God's sake, said the Lord Chancellor, let it be understood that they all had the same object in view, and that their difference was only about the best mode of procedure.
Mr. Canning, who had been on terms of intimacy110 with her Majesty, declined to take any part in the proceedings111, declaring that nothing would induce him to do anything calculated to reflect upon the honour and virtue112 of the queen. The queen intimated to the Lord Chancellor that she meant to come in person to the House of Lords when her case should next be discussed there. He answered that he would not permit her to enter without the authority of the House, for which she must previously113 apply. She then desired that he would deliver a message to the House in her name, which he declined, stating that "the House did not receive messages from anybody but the king, unless they were sent as answers to Addresses from the House." The petition was presented by Lord Dacre, on which occasion the Lord Chancellor declared that he had no objection to its being submitted to the consideration of the House, adding that "he would sooner suffer death than admit any abatement114 of the principle that a person accused is not therefore to be considered guilty." Mr. Brougham and Mr. Denman were then called in to support the petition, which prayed that their lordships would not prosecute115 a secret inquiry against her. The powerful pleading of these two orators116 had an immense effect upon the public mind. On the following day Lord Grey moved that the order for the appointment of a secret committee should be discharged. His motion was negatived by a majority of one hundred and two to forty-seven. This was the first division on the proceedings against the queen, and so large a majority naturally gave great confidence to the Government. The secret committee accordingly set to work, opened the green bag, and examined the charges. On the 4th of July they brought in their report, which stated "that allegations supported by the concurrent117 testimony118 of a great number of persons in various situations of life, and residing in different parts of Europe, appeared to be calculated so deeply to affect the character of the queen, the dignity of the Crown, and the moral feeling and honour of the country, that it was indispensable that they should become the subject of a solemn inquiry, which would best be effected in the course of a legislative proceeding." On the 5th Lord Liverpool introduced the Bill of Pains and Penalties against her Majesty, which, having recited in the preamble119 that she carried on an adulterous intercourse120 with Bergami, her menial servant, enacted121 "that she should be degraded from her station and title of queen, and that her marriage with the king should be dissolved." Counsel were again heard against that mode of proceeding, a second reading was set down for the 17th of August, when the preamble was to be proved, and the trial to begin.
The memorable122 17th of August arrived, and the curtain was raised on a new act in the great drama, on which the whole nation gazed with the deepest interest, and with feverish123 anxiety. The queen left her residence in St. James's Square, and proceeded to the House of Lords in her new state carriage, which the people were with difficulty dissuaded from unyoking, that they might draw it themselves. As she passed Carlton House, the crowd gave three cheers, and also at the Treasury. The soldiers on guard at the former place, and at the House of Lords, presented arms when she arrived. The queen's carriage was preceded by Alderman Wood's, and followed by one of her Majesty's travelling carriages, in which were the Hon. Keppel Craven and Sir William Gell, her chamberlains. The way from Charing124 Cross to Westminster Abbey was crowded, and all the windows of the houses on each side were filled with people, particularly with ladies. Such was the enthusiasm of the people, that the barrier erected125 at St. Margaret's Church was insufficient126 to keep them back, and the dense127 mass forced their way through, and reached Palace Yard shortly after the queen. Sir T. Tyrwhitt, as Gentleman Usher128 of the Black Rod, attended by the officers of the House, received the queen at the private entrance which had been prepared for her. She entered at the door near the throne, supported by Lord A. Hamilton, and attended by Lady A. Hamilton. She was dressed in white, but wore a black lace shawl. Her demeanour was in the highest degree dignified. On her entrance the peers all rose, and she was pleased to salute them in return.
The Duke of Leinster, in pursuance of his intention to oppose the Bill in all its stages, moved that the order of the day be rescinded129. The motion was negatived by a majority of two hundred and sixty to forty-one; the number of peers present being three hundred and one. Lord Carnarvon denounced the Bill of Pains and Penalties as a measure unnecessary and unconstitutional. It was a species of ex post facto and illegitimate mode of proceeding against an individual, an unprecedented anomaly in the law. In one of the cases which they had adduced as the best precedent58, the sentence passed on the criminal was that he should be boiled to death! Far better to have drawn131 a veil over the transactions, than to have searched the Alps, the Apennines, and the ocean for evidence against the queen. The measure had excited the disgust of every honest man in the kingdom.
Lord Grey moved that it should be referred to the judges to determine whether adultery committed out of the country with a foreigner amounted to high treason. The motion was carried. The judges retired132, and, after an absence of twenty minutes, returned, with their decision announced by Chief Justice Abbott, which was, that the crime in question was not punishable as high treason, under the Statute of Edward III. Counsel on both sides were admitted; Brougham and Denman, for the queen, sitting on the right of the bar, and the Attorney- and Solicitor-General on the left. Mr. Brougham prayed to be heard against the principle of the Bill. Permission was granted, and he addressed their lordships in a strain of impressive eloquence133, demonstrating that the mode of proceeding now adopted was in the highest degree unjust to his illustrious client. He concluded by imploring134 their lordships to retrace135 their steps, and thus become the saviours136 of their country.
Next morning Mr. Denman spoke137 nearly two hours for the queen, strongly maintaining her right of recrimination against the king, who, when seeking for a divorce, should come into court with clean hands. He commented on the several clauses of the Bill as he went along. He said the person who framed it had worked himself up into an ebullition of moral zeal90, and used expressions for the full support of which the bribes138 and schemes of the prosecutors139 would produce witnesses. Referring to a former investigation140, he called the attention of the House to the letter of Mrs. Lisle, in 1806, when flirting142 and familiarity were the worst things alleged143 against her Royal Highness. On the subject of familiarity he referred to a note addressed by a waiter to the Prince of Wales—"Sam, of the Cocoanut Coffeehouse, presents his compliments to his Royal Highness, and begs" so and so. That illustrious person remarked, "This is very well to us, but it won't do for him to speak so to Norfolk and Arundel." He concluded by apologising to the queen for putting even the hypothesis of her guilt, which he never could believe would be established; and whatever might be enacted by means of suborned perjury144 or foul61 conspiracy145, he never would pay to any one who might usurp147 her situation the respect to which the laws of God and man entitled her alone.
On the third day Lord King moved that the Bill was not one of State necessity or expediency148. This gave occasion to Lord Liverpool, then at the head of the Government, to express his sentiments upon the measure. He declared upon his honour and in his conscience that, if the Bill passed, he believed the king would not marry again. But if the charges against the queen were proved, it was absolutely impossible not to conclude with an enactment149 for a divorce. Earl Grey replied to Lord Liverpool, and called upon their lordships, from respect for their own character, not to persevere150 with the measure before them.
The Attorney-General, Sir R. Gifford, was then called in, when he proceeded to state the case against the queen. He traced her Majesty's conduct from the time at which she left England, in 1814. Her suite consisted of Lady Charlotte Lindsay and Lady Elizabeth Forbes, and the Hon. Keppel Craven; Sir William Gell and a Mr. Fitzgerald as chamberlains, with Captain Hash as equerry; Dr. Holland as physician; and other persons, in various capacities. She went first to Brunswick, her native place, and thence to Milan, where she remained three weeks. There Bartolomeo Bergami was received into her service as a courier, having been a servant in a similar capacity to a General Picco. The princess went next to Rome, and thence to Naples, where she arrived on the 8th of November, 1814. Her adopted child, William Austin, then only six or seven years of age, to whom she was particularly attached, had been in the habit of sleeping in a bed in the same room with her, while, according to the domestic arrangements that had been adopted, Bergami slept, among other menial servants, at a distance. On the 9th of November, three weeks after his appointment, an apartment was assigned to Bergami near her own bedroom, and communicating with it by means of a corridor. The surprise occasioned by this alteration151 was increased when the princess directed that the child Austin should no longer sleep in her room. There was an air of hurry, agitation152, and embarrassment153 about her manner which awakened154 suspicion, which was increased in the morning, according to the story of the witnesses, when they found that her own bed had not been occupied, and instead of summoning her female attendants at the usual time, she remained in the apartment of Bergami until a late hour. Her recent arrival at Naples naturally induced persons of consequence to pay their respects to her, but she was not accessible. The Attorney-General thought their lordships could[211] have no doubt that "this was the commencement of that most scandalous, degrading, and licentious intercourse which continued and increased." The natural effect of this was that Bergami assumed airs of importance, and became haughty and arrogant155 with the other servants. A few days afterwards the princess gave a masked ball to the person then filling the Neapolitan throne. She first appeared as a Neapolitan peasant, but soon retired to assume another character, taking the courier with her, for the purpose of changing her costume. She then came forth156 as the genius of history, in a dress, or rather want of dress, of a most indecent and disgusting kind. The Attorney-General referred to a number of facts of a similar kind to those already detailed157; also to instances of indelicacy and indecency, in which the queen was said to have indulged in the presence of her attendants and of strangers. On the fourth day, after the conclusion of his address, he proceeded to call his witnesses, and for more than a month the House was occupied in hearing their evidence.
The case against the queen closed on the 7th of September. An adjournment158 took place to allow time for the preparation of her defence, which was opened on the 3rd of October by Mr. Brougham, in a magnificent oration, justly celebrated159 as one of the finest specimens160 of British forensic162 eloquence. It concluded as follows:—
"It was always," said Mr. Brougham, "the queen's sad fate to lose her best stay, her strongest and surest protection, when danger threatened her; and by a coincidence most miraculous163 in her eventful history, not one of her intrepid164 defenders165 was ever withdrawn166 from her without that loss being the immediate signal for the renewal167 of momentous168 attacks upon her honour and her life. Mr. Pitt, who had been her constant friend and protector, died in 1806. A few weeks after that event took place, the first attack was levelled at her. Mr. Pitt left her as a legacy169 to Mr. Perceval, who became her best, her most undaunted, her firmest protector. But no sooner had the hand of an assassin laid prostrate170 that Minister, than her Royal Highness felt the force of the blow by the commencement of a renewed attack, though she had but just been borne through the last by Mr. Perceval's skilful171 and powerful defence of her character. Mr. Whitbread then undertook her protection; but soon that melancholy172 catastrophe173 happened which all good men of every political party in the State, he believed, sincerely and universally lamented174. Then came with Mr. Whitbread's dreadful loss the murmuring of that storm which was so soon to burst with all its tempestuous176 fury upon her hapless and devoted177 head. Her child still lived, and was her friend; her enemies were afraid to strike, for they, in the wisdom of the world, worshipped the rising sun. But when she lost that amiable178 and beloved daughter, she had no protector; her enemies had nothing to dread175; innocent or guilty, there was no hope, and she yielded to the entreaty179 of those who advised her residence out of this country. Who, indeed, could love persecution180 so steadfastly181 as to stay and brave its renewal and continuance, and harass182 the feelings of the only one she loved so dearly by combating such repeated attacks, which were still reiterated183 after the echo of the fullest acquittal? It was, however, reserved for the Milan Commission to concentrate and condense all the threatening clouds which were prepared to burst over her ill-fated head; and as if it were utterly184 impossible that the queen could lose a single protector without the loss being instantaneously followed by the commencement of some important step against her, the same day which saw the remains185 of her venerable Sovereign entombed—of that beloved Sovereign who was, from the outset, her constant father and friend—that same sun which shone upon the monarch's tomb ushered186 into the palace of his illustrious son and successor one of the perjured187 witnesses who were brought over to depose188 against her Majesty's life.
"Such, my lords," continued Mr. Brougham, "is the case now before you; and such is the evidence by which it is attempted to be upheld. It is evidence inadequate189 to prove any proposition, impotent to deprive the subject of any civil right, ridiculous to establish the least offence, scandalous to support a charge of the highest nature, monstrous190 to ruin the honour of the Queen of England. What shall I say of it, then, as evidence to support a judicial act of legislature—an ex post facto law? My lords, I call upon you to pause. You stand on the brink191 of a precipice192: if your judgment193 shall go out against the queen, it will be the only act that ever went out without effecting its purpose; it will return to you upon your heads. Save the country! save yourselves!
"Oh! rescue the country—save the people of whom you are the ornaments194, but severed195 from whom you can no more live than the blossom that is severed from the root and tree on which it grows. Save the country, therefore, that you may continue to adorn196 it; save the Crown, which is threatened with irreparable injury; save the aristocracy, which is surrounded with danger; save the[212] altar, which is no longer safe when its kindred throne is shaken. You see that when the Church and the Throne would allow of no church solemnity in behalf of the queen, the heartfelt prayers of the people rose to Heaven for her protection. I pray Heaven for her; and here I pour forth my fervent197 supplications at the Throne of Mercy, that mercies may descend198 on the people of the country, higher than their rulers have deserved, and that your hearts may be turned to justice."
The examination of the witnesses for the defence continued till the 24th of October, and then powerful speeches were delivered by the Attorney-General, Sir Robert Gifford, and by the Solicitor-General, Mr. Copley. The speech of the former was considered so effective, that William Cobbett threw off one hundred thousand copies of an answer to it. Sir Archibald Alison, the Tory historian, admits that it was not the evidence for the prosecution that told against the queen, "for it was of so suspicious a kind that little reliance could be placed on it, but what was elicited199 on cross-examination from the English officers on board the vessel which conveyed her Majesty to the Levant—men of integrity and honour, of whose testimony there was not a shadow of suspicion. Without asserting that any of them proved actual guilt against her Majesty, it cannot be disputed that they established against her an amount of levity200 of manner and laxity of habits, which rendered her unfit to be at the head of English society, and amply justified201 the measures taken to exclude her from it."
On the 6th of November the second reading of the Bill was carried by a majority of twenty-eight, the numbers being one hundred and twenty-three to ninety-five, which the Government considered equivalent to a finding of guilty. It appears from these numbers that a large proportion of their lordships abstained202 from voting. The Bishops205 had an insuperable objection to the divorce clause; but in committee it was sustained by a majority of one hundred and twenty-nine to sixty-two, the Opposition206 having nearly all voted for the clause, with a view of defeating the Bill in its last stage. Consequently, for the third reading, on the 10th of November, the majority was only nine, the numbers being one hundred and eight to ninety-nine. Upon this announcement Lord Liverpool rose and said, that upon so slender a majority he could not think of pressing the measure further, and so he begged leave to withdraw the Bill. The truth is, he had no option. It had not the slightest chance of passing through the Lower House, where ignominious207 defeat awaited the Government.
The intelligence of this result was received by the public with transports of joy. London was illuminated208 for three successive nights; Edinburgh, Dublin, Manchester, Liverpool, and all the great towns followed the example. "For several days," says Alison, "the populace in all the cities of the empire seemed to be delirious209 with joy. Nothing had been seen like it before since the battle of Waterloo; nothing approaching to it after since the Reform Bill was passed." Meetings were immediately called in every direction to present addresses both to the king and queen: to the former, to congratulate him on the escape of his illustrious consort, and to call upon him to dismiss his present Ministers; and to the latter, to congratulate her on the restoration of those dignities from which she had been so long excluded. Not only public meetings of citizens and civic210 bodies, but trades of all kinds assembled and adopted addresses expressing their exultation211 at her triumph, and tendering their homage212.
The members of the Government were scarcely less rejoiced at getting rid of the matter than the nation was at their defeat. The most thinking men of their party became greatly alarmed at the state of public feeling, and were in constant dread of a revolution. The most violent language was used by the democratic leaders, and the press abounded213 with libels against the Government, whose chief members were hooted214 and pelted215 as they passed through the streets. This alarming state of things had arrived at its height towards the end of September. The Duke of York, who was then at Brighton, was violent against the queen. He felt confident that the troops must be called out, and he thought he could trust them. On them alone he depended for the preservation216 of the Throne. The king, at this time, rarely showed himself to any of his subjects. His conduct was an excitement to popular hatred217. Mr. W. H. Freemantle, who was well informed as to all that was going forward in the highest quarters, describes the condition of things in letters to the Duke of Buckingham. "You have no idea," he says, "of the state of the town. The funds fell to-day. As to the king forming a Government, after the resignation of all his present servants, with the avowed218 object of persecuting219 the queen, it would be impossible; it would be making her the popular object and throwing the country in a flame. Be assured that the king on[213] this subject is no less than mad!" "In the months of October and November," observes the Duke of Buckingham, "it became evident that the frenzy220 outside the Houses of Parliament was exerting its influence within its walls. The aspect of affairs looked blacker every hour." "Matters here are in a critical state," writes Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Bathurst on the 27th of October. "Fear and faction221 are actively222 and not unsuccessfully at work; and it is possible that we may be in a minority, and that the fate of the Government may be decided223." Plumer Ward42, in his diary, has this entry under date of November 2nd:—"Called upon (Wellesley) Pole. He was at breakfast, and we had a long chat. He thought everything very bad—Ministers, Opposition, king, queen, country—and, what was more, no prospect224 of getting right. All ties were loosened. Insolence225 and insubordination out of doors; weakness and wickedness within. 'The Whigs,' he said, 'were already half Radicals226, and would be entirely so if we did not give way.' I said his brother, the Duke of Wellington, felt this too, but would not give way nevertheless. Meantime, the king was as merry as a grig. At first he had been annoyed, but was now enjoying himself at Brighton."
The Duke of Buckingham justly remarks that the task of the Government was from the first an up-hill one, "which nothing but their devotion to their master's service made them continue; but when a thousand unmistakable signs foretold228 a rebellion if they persevered229, they had no alternative but to put an end to the thing with all convenient despatch230." The truth is, in this case, victory would have been ruin to the victors. By beating a timely retreat they saved the monarchy231. The Tory leaders, however, consoled themselves that they had so damaged the queen's character that even the chiefs of the great Whig families would not wish to have her at the head of the female aristocracy, or to have their wives and daughters at her court. They said: "The stout232 lady in the magnificent hat and feathers was very well as a source of Ministerial embarrassment; but, much as some of them pretended to decry233 the evidence against her that was elicited during her trial, they took especial care not to allow her anything resembling an intimacy with[214] their wives or daughters." She was, however, visited after the trial by her son-in-law, Prince Leopold, and by the Duke of Sussex; and for some time the carriages of the highest ladies in the land were at her door. Grateful to Providence234 for the deliverance she had experienced from the hands of her persecutors, she went in state to St. Paul's to return public thanks to God. But even in this she was subjected to humiliation235. An application had been made to have a sermon preached on the occasion, and Archdeacon Bathurst solicited236 the honour of delivering an appropriate discourse237, but the authorities of the Cathedral refused his request, and the ceremony consisted merely of the reading of the morning service. The Bishop204 of Llandaff stigmatised the service as "a mockery of a religious solemnity, at which every serious Christian238 must shudder239."
It was arranged that the coronation should take place early in the summer of 1821, and the queen, who in the interval240 had received an annuity241 of £50,000, was resolved to claim the right of being crowned with the king. She could hardly have hoped to succeed in this, but her claims were put forth in a memorial complaining that directions had not been given for the coronation of the queen, as had been accustomed on like occasions, and stating that she claimed, as of right, to celebrate the ceremony of her royal coronation, and to preserve as well her Majesty's said right as the lawful242 right and inheritance of others of his Majesty's subjects. Her memorial was laid before the Privy243 Council, and the greatest interest was excited by its discussion. The records were brought from the Tower: the "Liber Regalis" and other ancient volumes. The doors continued closed, and strangers were not allowed to remain in the adjoining rooms and passages. The following official decision of the Privy Council was given after some delay:—"The lords of the committee, in obedience244 to your Majesty's said order of reference, have heard her Majesty's Attorney- and Solicitor-General in support of her Majesty's said claim, and having also heard the observations of your Majesty's Attorney- and Solicitor-General thereupon, their lordships do agree humbly245 to report to your Majesty their opinions, that as it appears to them that the Queens Consort of this realm are not entitled of right to be crowned at any time, her Majesty the queen is not entitled as of right to be crowned at the time specified in her Majesty's memorials. His Majesty, having taken the said report into consideration, has been pleased, by and with the advice of the Privy Council, to approve thereof." The queen's subsequent applications, which included a letter to the king, were equally unsuccessful.
The Government determined to make the most formidable preparations for the preservation of the peace, and for putting down a riot, should it occur. Troops were seen directing their march from all quarters to the metropolis246, and there was not a village in the vicinity which did not display the plumed247 helmet. George IV., always excessively fond of show and pomp, was resolved that the ceremonial of his coronation should outshine anything in history. The nation entered into the spirit of the occasion, and the metropolis was full of excitement. As early as one o'clock on the morning of the 19th of July, Westminster, the scene of this magnificent pageant248, presented a dazzling spectacle. Even at that early hour, those who were fortunate enough to obtain places were proceeding to occupy them. From Charing Cross two streams of carriages extended, one to the Abbey and the other to Westminster Hall. The streets were crowded with foot passengers eager to secure seats on the platforms erected along the way, or some standing249-place. All distinctions of rank were lost in the throng250 of eager expectants; judges, bishops, peers, commanders, wealthy citizens, richly dressed ladies, all mingled251 in the moving masses that converged252 towards the great centre of attraction.
At an early hour a crowd was assembled at the queen's residence in South Audley Street. Lady Anne Hamilton, "faithful found among the faithless, faithful only she," arrived a few minutes before five o'clock. Soon afterwards the gate was thrown open, and a shout was raised, "The queen! the queen!" She appeared in her state coach, drawn by six bays, attended by Lady Hood253 and Lady Anne Hamilton, Lord Hood following in his own carriage. Having arrived at Dean's Yard Gate, it was found that the entrance for persons of rank was Poet's Corner; thither254 the coachman went, but there he found there was no thoroughfare. After several stoppages she was conducted to the Poet's Corner, and arriving at the place where the tickets were received, Lord Hood demanded admission for the queen. The doorkeeper said that his instructions were to admit no person without a peer's ticket. Lord Hood asked, "Did you ever hear of a queen being asked for a ticket before? This is your queen. I present to you your queen. Do you refuse her admission?" She also said that she was his queen, and desired permission to pass. The doorkeeper answered that his orders were peremptory. Lord Hood then tendered one ticket which he had, and asked the queen whether she would enter alone. After a short consultation255 she declined, and it was resolved that, having been refused admission to the cathedral church of Westminster, she should return to her carriage. As she quitted the spot, some persons in the doorway256 laughed derisively257, and were rebuked258 by Lord Hood for their unmannerly and unmanly conduct.
Reproduced by André & Sleigh, Ltd., Bushey, Herts.
It was a melancholy thing to see the Queen of England bandied about from door to door, in the throng of curious and anxious spectators; cheered by some, laughed at by others, and an object of pity to her friends, making vain efforts to obtain admission to witness the glory of her worthless husband, repulsed259 at every point by the lowest officials, and compelled to return home discomfited260 and humiliated261. By indiscreet and foolish acts like this she injured her position, and degraded herself to an extent that her husband, powerful and malignant262 as he was, never could have done. She and her friends counted upon the devotion of the people to her cause, which they hoped would have borne down all impediments and broken through all barriers. But it was felt that in attempting to intrude263 herself in that way at the risk of marring a great national festival, and causing tumult264 and possibly bloodshed, she had forgotten her own dignity; her conduct shocked the public sense of propriety265, and went far to forfeit266 popular sympathy. She became deeply sensible of this fact while waiting for admission, and with all her attempts at hilarity267, her laughter and gaiety of manner ill concealed268 the deep, self-inflicted wounds of her spirit, which were never healed. Now completely disenchanted, robbed of the fond illusion which had hitherto affected her perception of things, and viewing her situation in the cold morning light of stern reality, a chill of despondency came over her, and thenceforth settled heavily upon her spirit.
The coronation was a magnificent ceremonial, and during the proceedings in the Abbey, Westminster Hall was being prepared for the banquet. There were three tables on each side, each table having covers for fifty-six persons, and each person having before him a silver plate. The other plate was entirely of gold. The dishes served up were all cold, consisting of fowls269, tongues, pies, and a profusion270 of sweetmeats, with conserves271 and fruit of every kind. At twenty minutes to four o'clock the gates were thrown open to admit the procession on its return. Seen from the opposite end of the hall, the effect was magnificent as the procession passed under the triumphal arch. On the entrance of the king he was received with loud and continued acclamations. His Majesty being seated at the banquet, the first course came with a grand procession, which the king seemed to regard with great satisfaction. The Duke of Wellington, as Lord High Constable272, the Marquis of Anglesey, as Lord High Steward273, and the Deputy Earl Marshal, Lord Howard of Effingham, mounted on horses, and attended by their pages and grooms274, advanced to the foot of the platform; the horsemen stopped while the clerks of the kitchen advanced to the royal table, and took the dishes from the gentlemen pensioners275. Then the whole procession moved back, the horsemen backing their chargers with the greatest precision, amidst loud applause. The first course having been removed, a flourish of trumpets276 was heard at the bottom of the hall, the great gates were instantly thrown wide open, and the champion, Mr. Dymoke, made his appearance under the Gothic archway, mounted on his piebald charger, accompanied on the right by the Duke of Wellington, and on the left by Lord Howard of Effingham, and attended by trumpeters and an esquire. The usual challenges were given. Some other ceremonies having been gone through, the king's health was proposed by one of the peers, and drunk with acclamation. The National Anthem277 was then sung, after which the king rose and said, "The king thanks his peers for drinking his health and does them the honour of drinking their health and that of his good people." Shortly afterwards his Majesty quitted the hall and returned to his palace in his private carriage, attended by his usual body-guard.
From the sublime278 to the ridiculous is but a step. A scene followed the king's departure which seems almost incredible. After the service of the second course, the numerous attendants, singers, and even ladies and gentlemen began to press round the royal table, as if prepared for a scramble to possess its contents. The crowd of spectators pressed nearer and nearer. For a moment only covetous279 eyes were cast on the spoils, as if each were afraid to begin the plunder280; but, at last, a rude hand having been thrust through the first ranks, and a golden fork having been seized, this operated as a signal to all, and was followed by a "general snatch." In a short time all the small portable articles were transferred to the pockets of the multitude. The Lord High Chamberlain, hearing of the attack, hastened to the rescue, and[216] with the greatest difficulty saved the more important articles of plate, and had them conveyed to Carlton Garden. Then followed a scene unparalleled in the annals of coronations. The crowds in the galleries had beheld281 with envy the operations at the banquet. They were very hungry, and very thirsty, and seeing now that Westminster Hall was "liberty hall," they rushed down different stairs and passages, and attacked the viands282 and the wine. A raging thirst was the first thing to be satisfied, and in a few minutes every bottle on the table was emptied. A fresh supply was soon obtained from the cellarettes. When the ravening283 selfishness of the hungry crowd was satisfied, the gentlemen recovered their politeness, and began to think of the ladies. Groups of beautiful women then found their way to the tables, and every effort was made to afford them the refreshment284 of which they stood so much in need. In the meantime, the plunderers took advantage of the confusion to enrich themselves with trophies285, breaking and destroying the table ornaments to obtain fragments of things too cumbrous to carry away. Thus, baskets, flowerpots, vases, and figures were everywhere disappearing, and these were followed by glasses, knives, forks, salt-spoons, and, finally, the plates and dishes. The last were engraved286 with the royal arms and the letters "Geo. IV.," and were therefore specially287 coveted288 as memorials. The dirty state of the articles, however, was rather out of keeping with the costly289 dresses; but the ladies and gentlemen got over the difficulty by wrapping up the articles in their pocket-handkerchiefs. Having thus secured all the spoils they could, they made all possible haste to their carriages. At a subsequent period, it was with the greatest difficulty that the royal plate could be kept from being carried away by the multitude outside when the barriers were removed.
After the coronation, the queen resided at Brandenburgh House, determined to lead a life of dignified retirement290. But the violent agitation and excitement, and the terribly painful mortification291 to which she was subjected in her ill-advised attempt to form part of the coronation pageant, were too much for her constitution. As soon as it was evident that her end was approaching, much public sympathy was excited, and the vicinity of her residence was incessantly292 thronged293 with persons of all classes making anxious inquiries294 about her health, and solicitous295 for her restoration. On the 4th of August, when her professional advisers296 were receiving instructions about the disposition54 of her property, one of them suggested the propriety of sending a messenger to Italy to seal up her papers, in order to prevent them from falling into the hands of her enemies. "And what if they do?" she exclaimed; "I have no papers that they may not see. They can find nothing, because there is nothing, nor ever has been, to impeach297 my character." One of them said that he was aware of that, but her enemies might put there what they did not find. She replied, "I have always defied their malice298, and I defy it still." Nevertheless, it was her conscious failure in her efforts to make the public believe this, coupled with the public humiliation to which she had been subjected, that bowed down her spirit at last, and gave the victory to her enemies. She had painted their characters in vivid colours in her private diary, and might have transmitted their punishment to posterity299 had she ordered it to be preserved and published; but she gave directions to have it destroyed, and it was burnt in her presence by one of her foreign maids. After suffering intensely for four or five days, she sank into a stupor300, from which she never woke, and on the 7th of August, after an entire absence of sense and faculty301 for more than two hours, expired Caroline of Brunswick, Queen Consort of George IV., in the fifty-fourth year of her age. She had by her bedside in her last hours her faithful friends and constant attendants, Lord and Lady Hood, and Lady Anne Hamilton; Alderman Wood, who had been devoted to her interests from the first, was also present, as well as her legal and medical advisers.
The king, who had set out on his long-premeditated visit to Ireland, leaving his wife on her death-bed, was already at Holyhead when he received the tidings of her decease. From that port Lord Londonderry wrote a note to the Lord Chancellor, in which he said, "I add this private note to the letter which the king has directed me to write, to say that his Majesty is quite well, and has evinced, since the intelligence of the queen's death was received, every disposition to conform to such arrangements and observances as might be deemed most becoming upon an occasion which cannot be regarded in any other light than as the greatest of all possible deliverances, both to his Majesty and to the country. The king feels assured that the events to which my letters refer, once in your hands, will be sifted303 to the bottom and wisely decided; and to the advice he may receive there will be every disposition on his Majesty's part to conform; but where papers[217] connected with his daughter, as well as other branches of his family, are in question, your lordship will estimate the deep interest the king takes in your giving the whole your best consideration."
The king rejoiced too soon. The announcement to the public of the queen's death was the knell304 of the popularity which he had recently acquired. There was an immediate and powerful reaction in the public mind against the king, which was strengthened by the ungracious measures adopted in connection with her funeral. There was a clause in her will to this effect:—"I desire and direct that my body be not opened, and that three days after my death it be carried to Brunswick for interment; and that the inscription305 on my coffin306 be, 'Here lies Caroline of Brunswick, the injured Queen of England.'" The Government were very anxious to have the corpse307 sent out of the kingdom immediately, in order that its presence might not interfere308 with the festivities in Ireland; they therefore wished to have the remains dispatched at once to Harwich for embarkation309. Lady Hood appealed in vain to Lord Liverpool for some delay on the ground that the queen's ladies were not prepared to depart so soon, at the same time protesting against any military escort. The military guard was an ostensible310 honour; but its real object was to prevent popular manifestations311 detrimental312 to the Government in connection with the funeral. The friends of the queen could not even learn by what route the body would be conveyed. It should have gone through the City, where the Lord Mayor and Corporation announced their intention of following the hearse; but to prevent that honour, it was ordered that the corpse should be sent round by the New Road[218] to Romford. The funeral passed from Hammersmith to Kensington Church without obstruction313; there the conductors were turning off from the way to the City, in order to get into the Bayswater Road, when they were met by a loud cry of wrath314 and execration315 from the multitude. In a few minutes the road was dug up, barricaded316, and rendered impassable. The Life Guards and the chief magistrate317 of Bow Street appeared, and seeing the impossibility of forcing a passage, they ordered the cortège to proceed on the direct route through the City, amidst thundering shouts of victory that might have appalled318 the king had he heard them. In the meantime the multitude had been rushing through the parks in mighty319 surging masses, now in one direction and now in another, according to the varying reports as to the course the procession was to take. Orders had been issued from the Government that it should go through the Kensington gate of Hyde Park, but the people closed the gates, and assumed such a fierce and determined attitude of resistance that the authorities were again compelled to give way, and again the popular shouts of victory sounded far and wide. Peremptory orders were given by the Government to pass up the Park into the Edgware Road, either by the east side or through Park Lane. In the effort to do this the line of procession was broken, the hearse was got into the Park, and hurried onwards to Cumberland Gate; but the people had outrun the military, and again blocked up the way in a dense mass. Here a collision ensued: the populace had used missiles; the military were irritated, and having had peremptory orders, they fired on the people, wounding many and killing320 two. But the people, baffled for the moment, made another attempt. At Tottenham Court Road the Guards found every way closely blocked up, except the way to the City. In this way, therefore, they were compelled to move, amidst the exulting321 shouts of the multitude. Seeking an outlet322 to the suburbs at every turn in vain, the procession was forced down Drury Lane into the Strand323. The passage under Temple Bar was accompanied by the wildest possible excitement and shouts of exultation. The Corporation functionaries324 assembled in haste and accompanied the funeral to Whitechapel. On the whole way to Romford, we read, that not only the direct, but the cross roads, were lined with anxious spectators. The shops were closed, the bells were tolling325, mourning dresses were generally worn, and in every direction symptoms abounded of the deep feeling excited by the death of the queen. The funeral cortège rested for the night at Colchester, the remains being placed in St. Peter's Church. There the plate with the inscription "injured Queen" was taken off, and another substituted. At Harwich the coffin was unceremoniously conveyed to the Glasgow frigate326. At length the remains arrived at their last resting-place in a vault327 beneath the cathedral at Brunswick.
Sir Francis Burdett once wrote a letter of a single sentence to his friend Lord Cloncurry, as follows:—"Dear Lord Cloncurry, I should like to know what you think would allay328 Irish agitation? Yours truly, F. B." It would have taken a volume to answer this question, and perhaps, after all, Sir Francis Burdett would not have been satisfied. George IV. thought that his visit would have had that effect, and appearances for a time seemed to justify329 his sanguine330 anticipations331. The visit had been long meditated302. He set out on a yachting excursion soon after the coronation, and arrived at Plymouth on the 1st of August amidst the huzzas of an immense concourse of people. On the following day the royal squadron departed for Ireland, and anchored in the bay at Holyhead on the 7th. The news of his approach threw the people of Dublin into a paroxysm of joy, to which the newspapers of the day gave expression in the most extravagant332 terms. The blessing333 that awaited them seemed too great to be realised. Never had they comforted their hours of despondency or flattered themselves in seasons of imagined felicity, with anything approaching to the reality which fortune was about to shower upon them. The king's name, they declared, was more to them than a tower of strength; it had effected what neither patriots334, philosophers, nor moralists could ever accomplish.
As the king was to land privately335 and to proceed to the Viceregal Lodge336 in Ph?nix Park without entering the city, it was uncertain whether he would come by Dunleary or Howth. There was an idea that he would land at the former place on Sunday, the 12th of August, and immense crowds lined the coast during the day, watching for the approach of the steamer. They were disappointed, for his Majesty arrived at Howth about five o'clock. He was accompanied by the Marquis of Londonderry, the Marquis of Thomond, Lord Mount Charles, Lord Francis Conyngham, and Mr. Freeling, Secretary to the Post Office, England. A small ship-ladder, covered with carpeting, was fixed337 to facilitate his landing. This he ascended338 without assistance, and with great agility339. As the narrow pier340 was crowded to excess, he found[219] himself jammed in by a mass of people, who could not be displaced without throwing numbers of them into the water. Though he had reason to be displeased341 with the want of proper arrangements, he bore the inconvenience with good humour; indeed, his Majesty was very jolly, owing to copious342 draughts344 of Irish whisky punch with which he had drowned sorrow, during the voyage, for the loss of the queen. On seeing Lord Kingston in the crowd, he exclaimed, "Kingston, Kingston, you black-whiskered, good-natured fellow, I am happy to see you in this friendly country." Having recognised Mr. Dennis Bowles Daly, he cordially shook hands with that gentleman, who at the moment was deprived of a gold watch, worth sixty guineas, and a pocket-book, by one of the light-fingered gentry345. The king also shook hands with numbers of the persons present who were wholly strangers to him. At length his Majesty managed to get into his carriage, and as he did so, the cheers of the multitude rent the air. He turned to the people, and, extending both his hands, said, with great emotion, "God bless you all. I thank you from my heart." Seemingly exhausted346, he threw himself back in the carriage; but on the cheering being renewed, he bent347 forward again, and taking off his cap, bowed most graciously to the ladies and those around him. One of the horses became restive348 on the pier, but a gentleman, regardless of personal danger, led him till he became manageable. The cavalcade349 drove rapidly to town, and proceeded by the Circular Road to the Park. On the way there was a constant accession of horsemen, who all rode uncovered. When they came to the entrance of the Park, the gentlemen halted outside the gate, not wishing to intrude, when the king put out his head and said, "Come on, my friends." On alighting from his carriage he turned round at the door, and addressed those present in nearly the following words:—"My lords and gentlemen, and my good yeomanry,—I cannot express to you the gratification I feel at the warm and kind reception I have met with on this day of my landing among my Irish subjects. I am obliged to you all. I am particularly obliged by your escorting me to my very door. I may not be able to express my feelings as I wish. I have travelled far, I have made a long sea voyage; besides which, particular circumstances have occurred, known to you all, of which it is better at present not to speak; upon those subjects I leave it to delicate and generous hearts to appreciate my feelings. This is one of the happiest days of my life. I have long wished to visit you; my heart has been always with the Irish; from the day it first beat I have loved Ireland. This day has shown me that I am beloved by my Irish subjects. Rank, station, honours, are nothing; but to feel that I live in the hearts of my Irish subjects is to me exalted350 happiness. I must now once more thank you for your kindness, and bid you farewell. Go and do by me as I shall do by you—drink my health in a bumper351; I shall drink all yours in a bumper of good Irish whisky." Mr. W. H. Freemantle, writing to the Duke of Buckingham, says, "I don't know whether you have heard any of the details from Ireland, but the conduct of the Irish is beyond all conception of loyalty and adulation, and I fear will serve to strengthen those feelings of self-will and personal authority which are at all times uppermost in 'the mind.' The passage to Dublin was occupied in eating goose-pie and drinking whisky, of which his Majesty partook most abundantly, singing many joyous352 songs, and being in a state on his arrival to double in sight even the number of his gracious subjects assembled on the pier to receive him. The fact was that he was in the last stage of intoxication353: however, they got him to the Park." But whatever happened on board ship, and whether or not the king was "half-seas over," he acquitted354 himself so as to excite the boundless355 admiration356 of his Irish subjects, and the visit, which lasted twenty-two days, was an unqualified success from the spectacular point of view.
If the scandalous gossip of the Court may be trusted, the king did not allow affairs of State, or public displays, or the death of the queen to wean him even for a week from his attachment to Lady Conyngham. Mr. Freemantle, a rather cynical357 commentator358 on public affairs, wrote as follows:—"Lady C. has been almost constantly at the Ph?nix Park, but has not appeared much in public." Again, the same writer remarks, "I never in my life heard of anything equal to the king's infatuation and conduct towards Lady Conyngham. She lived exclusively with him during the whole time he was in Ireland at the Ph?nix Park. When he went to Slane, she received him dressed out as for a drawing-room; he saluted359 her, and they then retired alone to her apartments. A yacht is left to bring her over, and she and the whole family go to Hanover. I hear the Irish are outrageously360 jealous of her, and though courting her to the greatest degree, are loud in their indignation at Lord C. This is just like them. I agree in all you say about[220] Ireland. As there is no chance of the boon361 being granted, no lord-lieutenant could have a chance of ingratiating himself, or of fair justice done him, with the king's promises and flattery."
The king had a stormy and rather perilous362 passage across the Channel. Mr. Freemantle sarcastically363 alludes364 to the feelings of the royal passenger in connection with this voyage:—"The king in his journey home overtook Lord and Lady Harcourt, now the bosom365 friends of Lady Conyngham, stopped them, got out of his carriage, and sat with them for a quarter of an hour on the public road, recounting all his perilous adventures at sea, and flattering reception in Ireland. Lady Harcourt told me his pious343 acknowledgment for his great escape of being shipwrecked was quite edifying366, and the very great change in his moral habits and religious feelings was quite astonishing, and all owing to Lady Conyngham." On his return to London, after a visit to Hanover, the king devoted himself to a life of seclusion367 for a considerable time, during which it appears that the Marchioness of Conyngham maintained an ascendency over him most damaging to his character and Government. She had not only made the royal favour tributary368 to the advancement369 of her own family, but she meddled371 in political affairs with mischievous372 effect. "Had it been confined to mere14 family connections," writes Robert Huish, "no voice, perhaps, would have been raised against it; but when the highest offices in the Church were bestowed373 on persons scarcely previously heard of—when political parties rose and fell, and Ministers were created and deposed374 to gratify the ambition of a female—then the palace of the king appeared as if surrounded by some pestilential air. The old hereditary375 counsellors of the king avoided the Court, as alike fatal to private probity376 and public honour. The entrance to Windsor Castle was, as it were, hermetically sealed by the enchantress within to all but the favoured few. The privilege of the entrée was curtailed377 to the very old friends of the king, and even the commonest domestics in the castle were constrained378 to submit to the control of the marchioness. The Court of George IV. certainly differed widely from that of Charles II., although the number and[221] reputation of their several mistresses were nearly the same in favour and character; but George IV. had no confiscations to confer on the instruments of his pleasures."
Thus passed the winter of 1821-22. Parliament met on the 5th of February, 1822, for the transaction of business, and was opened by the king. In his Speech from the Throne he expressed regret for the agricultural distress that prevailed in England; and he had the unpleasant task imposed upon him of referring to a state of things in Ireland the reverse of what might have been expected from his conciliation379 policy—"a spirit of outrage" that had led to daring and systematic380 violations381 of the law which he submitted to the consideration of Parliament. In the House of Lords the Address was adopted without opposition. In the Commons amendments382 were proposed by Sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Hume, which were rejected by large majorities. The state of Ireland was the first subject that occupied the attention of the legislature. A salutary change had been effected in the executive of that country. Lord Talbot, the late Viceroy, was a man of narrow and exclusive spirit, wedded383 to the régime of Protestant ascendency. But according to a system of counterpoise which had been adopted in the Irish Government, his influence was checked by his Chief Secretary, Mr. Charles Grant, a man of large mind, enlightened principles, and high character. This system tended to keep the rival parties in a state of conflict, and naturally weakened the authority of the Government. A modification384 in the English Cabinet led to corresponding changes in Ireland. The spirit of discontent among the commercial classes in England induced Lord Liverpool to enter into a compromise with the Grenville-Wynn party, and the Marquis of Buckingham, its chief, was created a duke; Lord Sidmouth retired from the Home Office, and was succeeded by Mr. Peel; the Marquis Wellesley became Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland; while Mr. Plunket, a man of Liberal politics and transcendent abilities, was appointed Irish Attorney-General in the room of Mr. Saurin, the champion of unmitigated Protestant ascendency. The Liberal tendencies of[222] these statesmen were to some extent counteracted by the appointment of Mr. Goulburn, the determined opponent of the Catholic claims, as Chief Secretary. Lord Liverpool, however, defended the appointment on the ground that a man's opinions on the Catholic question should not disqualify him for office in Ireland, "it being understood that the existing laws, whatever they may be, are to be equally administered with respect to all classes of his Majesty's subjects, and that the Roman Catholics are in any case to enjoy their fair share of the privileges and advantages to which they are by law entitled."
This coalition385 was considered a matter of great importance, not as giving strength to the Administration of Lord Liverpool, to which it brought only a few votes in the House of Commons, but as indicating a radical227 change of policy towards Ireland. Lord Eldon was by no means satisfied with the changes. "This coalition," he writes, "I think, will have consequences very different from those expected by the members of administration who have brought it about. I hate coalitions386." No doubt they ill suited his uncompromising spirit; and any connection with Liberal opinions must have been in the highest degree repugnant to the feelings of one who believed that the granting of Catholic Emancipation would involve the ruin of the Constitution.
Very strong hopes were entertained by the Liberal party from the Administration of Lord Wellesley, but it was his misfortune to be obliged to commence it with coercive measures, always the ready resource of the Irish Government. The new Viceroy would have removed, if possible, the causes of public disturbance387; but, in the meantime, the peace must be preserved and sanguinary outrages388 must be repressed, and he did not shrink from the discharge of his duty in this respect on account of the popular odium which it was sure to bring upon his Government. Mr. Plunket, as Attorney-General, was as firm in the administration of justice as Mr. Saurin, his high Tory predecessor21, could be. The measures of repression389 adopted by the legislature were certainly not wanting in severity. The disorders390 were agrarian391, arising out of insecurity of land tenure392, rack rents, and tithes393 levied394 by proctors upon tillage, and falling chiefly upon the Roman Catholic population, who disowned the ministrations of the Established Church. The remedies which the Government provided for disturbances395 thus originating were the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act and the renewal of the Insurrection Act. By the provisions of the latter the Lord-Lieutenant was empowered, on the representation of justices in session that a district was disturbed, to proclaim it in a state of insurrection, to interdict396 the inhabitants from leaving their homes between sunset and sunrise, and to subject them to visits by night, to ascertain397 their presence in their own dwellings398. If absent, they were considered idle and disorderly, and liable to transportation for seven years! These measures encountered considerable opposition, but they were rapidly passed through both Houses, and received the Royal Assent399 a week after Parliament met. Under these Acts a number of Whiteboys and other offenders400 were tried and convicted, several hanged, and many transported. Lord Wellesley must have felt his position very disagreeable between the two excited parties. To be impartial401 and just was to incur402 the hostility403 of both. Possibly he became disgusted with the factions404 that surrounded him. Whether from this cause, or from an indolent temper, or from the feeling that he was hampered405 and restrained, and could not do for the country what he felt that its well-being406 required, or from ill health, it is certain that he became very inactive. A member of the Cabinet writes about him thus:—"I find the Orange party are loud in their abuse of Lord Wellesley, for shutting himself up at the Ph?nix Park, lying in bed all day, seeing nobody, and only communicating with Secretary Gregory by letter. Indeed, I believe that the latter is more than he often favours Secretaries Peel and Goulburn with." In another letter, the same Minister, Mr. Wynn, complains of his total neglect of his correspondence with England. This, he said, was inexcusable, because those on whom the chief responsibility rested had a right to know his views upon the state of Ireland, in order to be able to meet the Opposition during the sitting of Parliament. This was written towards the end of April, and at that time the Government had not for a month heard a syllable407 from him on the agitated questions of tithes, magistracy, and police. The state of Ireland, indeed, became every day more perplexing and alarming. A revolutionary spirit was abroad, and all other social evils were aggravated408 by famine, which prevailed in extensive districts in the south and west. The potato crop, always precarious409, was then almost a total failure in many counties, and left the dense population, whose existence depended upon it, totally destitute410. The cry of distress reached England, and was responded to in the most generous spirit. Half a million[223] sterling411 was voted by Parliament, and placed at the disposal of Lord Wellesley, to be dispensed412 in charitable relief and expended413 on public works for the employment of the poor. In addition to this, the English people contributed from their private resources the sum of three hundred thousand pounds for the relief of Irish distress. On the 30th of May there was a ball given for the same object, in the King's Theatre, London, which produced three thousand five hundred pounds.
The disabilities under which the Roman Catholics laboured were a constant source of irritation414 in Ireland; the agitation upon the subject was becoming every day more formidable. Mr. Plunket was anxious to bring forward the question in the House of Commons, but he was urged by his colleagues to postpone415 it, from an apprehension416 that the time was not yet come to give it a fair consideration: the Cabinet was divided, the Chancellor was obstinate417, and the king vacillating, if not double-minded. "As to the conduct of the king," writes Mr. Freemantle, a member of the Government, "it is inexplicable418. He is praising Lord Liverpool on all occasions, and sending invitations to nobody but the Opposition. With regard to Ireland, I am quite satisfied the great man is holding the most conciliatory language to both parties—holding out success to the Catholics, and a determination to resist them to the Protestants."
Mr. Canning had been offered the Governor-Generalship of India. Before his departure, he was resolved, if possible, to make a breach419 in the system of Parliamentary exclusiveness. On the 29th of March he gave notice of a motion to bring in a Bill for the admission of Roman Catholic peers to seats in Parliament, and on the following day supported it by a speech of great power of argument and brilliant eloquence, illustrating420 his position very happily from the case of the Duke of Norfolk, and his official connection with the ceremonial of the coronation. He asked, "Did it ever occur to the representatives of Europe, when contemplating421 this animating422 spectacle—did it occur to the ambassadors of Catholic Austria, of Catholic France, or of states more bigoted423 in matters of religion—that the moment this ceremony was over the Duke of Norfolk would become disseized of the exercise of his privileges amongst his fellow peers?—that his robes of ceremony were to be laid aside and hung up until the distant (be it a very distant!) day when the coronation of a successor to his present most gracious Sovereign might again call him forth to assist at a similar solemnisation?—that, after being thus exhibited to the eyes of the peers and people of England, and to the representatives of the princes and nations of the world, the Duke of Norfolk—highest in rank amongst the peers—the Lord Clifford, and others like him, representing a long line of illustrious ancestry424, as if called forth and furnished for the occasion, like the lustres and banners that flamed and glittered in the scene, were to be, like them, thrown by as useless and trumpery425 formalities?—that they might bend the knee and kiss the hand, that they might bear the train or rear the canopy426, might discharge the offices assigned by Roman pride to their barbarian427 ancestors—
'Purpurea tollant aul?a Britanni;'
but that with the pageantry of the hour their importance faded away?—that as their distinction vanished their humiliation returned?—and that he who headed the procession of peers to-day could not sit among them as their equal on the morrow?"
The debates were very animated428, and excited the liveliest interest. The Bill was read the first time by a majority of five. On the 10th of May the House divided on the second reading, which was carried by a majority of twelve, the numbers being, for the Bill, two hundred and thirty-five; noes, two hundred and twenty-three. The exertions429 made to defeat this Bill were extraordinary. There were twenty-seven pairs of members who appeared in the House. The Duke of York canvassed430 against it in all directions with the utmost zeal and activity. It was felt that if it passed into law, the admission of Roman Catholics into the Lower House must follow as a matter of course. The Bill, however, was thrown out by the Lords.
This Session is memorable for the introduction of the subject of Parliamentary Reform by Lord John Russell. His plan was to add one hundred members to the House—sixty for counties and forty for large towns. He argued that this enlargement of the representation was rendered just and politic69 by increasing intelligence among the people, especially the middle classes, of whom large numbers were unrepresented in Parliament. His motion was negatived, on the 29th of April, by two hundred and sixty-nine to one hundred and sixty-four, Mr. Canning having led the opposition of the Conservatives, and defended the Constitution as it stood. The motion, in fact, was premature431, though in the previous Session he had procured432 the disfranchisement of the corrupt[224] borough433 of Grampound—a victory which the Lords sought to neutralise by transferring the seat to the county of York, instead of to one of the great unrepresented cities.
The complaints of agricultural distress prevalent in England, with the sudden reaction from war prices at the establishment of peace, had become so loud and general this year that Parliament undertook to find a remedy. An agricultural committee had been appointed to inquire into the subject, and had produced a report which was far from satisfactory. On the 29th of April the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee to consider the report. Three different schemes were proposed for the relief of the farmers and landlords—the first by the Marquis of Londonderry, the second by Mr. Ricardo, and the third by Mr. Huskisson. There was no scarcity434 of produce in England; on the contrary, it was very abundant, and the evil that oppressed the farmers was excessive cheapness, by which they were disabled from paying the high rents and heavy taxation435 entailed436 by the war. Some of the remedies proposed were sufficiently437 radical in their character. The most natural was the reduction of taxation by means of retrenchment438 in the public expenditure439. Some proposed that the tithes should be alienated440 from the Church, and used for the purpose of reducing the national burdens. The largest party insisted upon the reduction of the interest of the National Debt, which was defended as an equitable441 measure on the ground of the increased value of the currency since the passing of Peel's Bill for the resumption of cash payments. The plan of relief proposed by Lord Londonderry consisted of the repeal442 of the annual malt tax, and the loan of a million by Exchequer443 Bills to the landed interest upon the security of warehoused corn.
Mr. Vansittart introduced some financial measures which effected a material saving. He proposed a plan for reducing the interest of the Navy Five per Cents. to four per cent. Holders444 not signifying their dissent445 were to have one hundred and five pounds in a New Four per Cent. stock, and persons dissenting446 were to be paid off in numerical order. By this scheme an annual saving to the public of one million one hundred and forty thousand pounds would be effected; besides a further saving of upwards447 of ninety thousand pounds of annual charge, which would be gained by similar reduction of the Irish Five per Cents. The high prices of the public funds obviated448 all difficulty in the execution of this financial operation, and the holders of the Five per Cent. stock found it expedient449 to acquiesce in the Minister's terms. The dissentients were in number only one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and the stock held by them amounted to two million six hundred and fifteen thousand nine hundred and seventy-eight pounds, not a fifteenth part of the Five per Cent. capital. Another operation related to what was called "The Dead Weight Annuity." The amount of military and naval450 pensions and civil supernumeraries was about five millions annually451. Accordingly Mr. Vansittart brought forward an amended452 scheme for relieving the immediate pressure of this dead weight by extending it over a longer term of years than the natural lives of the annuitants. For this purpose an annuity of two million eight hundred thousand pounds was appropriated out of the existing revenue for forty-five years, invested in trustees for the discharge of the then payments, which for that year were estimated at four million nine hundred thousand pounds, subject to a yearly diminution453 by deaths. It was computed454 that, according to the ordinary duration of human life, the annuities455 for the lives of the then holders would be equal to the annuity of two million eight hundred thousand pounds for forty-five years. The trustees were therefore empowered to sell from time to time such portions of this annuity as would provide the funds required for the payment of the dead weight, according to a computation made of the amount which would probably be due in each year. The Bank of England became the contractor456 for a portion of the annuity. There was no novelty of principle in the project; it was only the old one of anticipating distant resources by throwing the burden of the existing generation on the next. It had the further disadvantage of incurring457 a useless expense for management; whereas the Sinking Fund, amounting at the time to about five millions, might have been applied458 to existing exigencies459, and a real saving effected.
A question was opened in the House of Commons, on a motion of Mr. Western, which often subsequently occupied its attention. It referred to the effect on prices of Mr. Peel's Act of 1819 for the resumption of cash payments. According to the views of Mr. Western and Mr. Attwood, the value of money had been enormously increased by the resumption of payments in specie by the Bank, and its necessary preliminary, a diminution of the circulation. Prices had in consequence fallen; rents, taxes, annuities, and all fixed[225] payments become more onerous460. These views were opposed by Huskisson, Peel, and Ricardo, and, on the motion of the first-named, a resolution was carried, by one hundred and ninety-four to thirty, "That this House will not alter the standard of gold or silver in fineness, weight, or denomination461."
Marriage is one of the fundamental principles of the social system. The law of marriage, therefore, ought to be plain and simple, intelligible462 to all, and guarded in every possible way against fraud and abuse. Yet the marriage laws of the United Kingdom were long in the most confused, unintelligible463, and unsettled state, leading often to ruinous and almost endless litigation. A new Marriage Act was passed in the Session now under review, which, like many Acts of the kind, originated in personal interests affecting the aristocracy. It was said to have mainly arisen out of the marriage of the Marquis of Donegal with Miss May, who was the daughter of a gentleman celebrated for assisting persons of fashion with loans of money. The brother of the marquis sought to set this marriage aside, and to render the children illegitimate, in order that he might himself, should the marquis die without lawful issue, be heir to his title and estates. In law the marriage was invalid464; but it was now protected by a retrospective clause in the new Act. By the Marriage Act of 1754 all marriages of minors465 certified466 without the assent of certain specified persons were declared null. A Bill was passed by the Commons giving validity to marriages which, according to the existing law, were null, and providing that the marriages of minors, celebrated without due notice, should not be void, but merely voidable, and liable to be annulled467 only during the minority[226] of the parties, and at the suit of the parents or guardians468.
On the 20th of June, when the Bill was in committee of the Peers, the Lord Chancellor urged his objection to the retrospective clause, as unsettling the rights of property. The report being brought up on the 25th, he repeated his objections, and moved that the retrospective clause should be omitted. The motion was negatived. On the 2nd of July, the day fixed for the third reading, his brother, Lord Stowell, made a similar motion, which was also defeated. The Lord Chancellor moved the insertion of a clause for giving validity to deeds, assignments and settlements made by persons having claims on any property affected by the Bill. The Marquis of Lansdowne opposed this clause, which, he said, would give the Bill the effect of declaring children legitimate130 and yet disinheriting them—"of peopling the House of Lords with titled beggars." This clause having been negatived on a division, the Lord Chancellor proposed another to the same effect, with the addition of the words, "for good and valuable consideration." This also was rejected by a majority. This was too much for the temper of Lord Eldon, so long accustomed to have his way in that House. Irritated at being repeatedly thwarted470 in his efforts, on declaring the numbers he exclaimed with vehemence471, "My lords, ten days ago I believed this House possessed472 the good opinion of the public, as the mediator473 between them and the laws of the country; if this Bill pass to-night, I hope in God that this House may still have that good opinion ten days hence. But to say the best of this measure, I consider it neither more nor less than a legal robbery, so help me God! I have but a short time to remain with you, but I trust it will be hereafter known that I used every means in my power to prevent its passing into law." Thenceforth the Lord Chancellor became sulky with his colleagues, feeling himself dragged on by their too rapid progress. He was very reluctant to attend their Cabinet meetings, and absented himself whenever he could make any excuse. In reply to a summons from Mr. Peel, the Home Secretary, to attend a meeting on the Alien Act, he answered that he could not possibly attend, adding, "My absence, however, can be of little, and possibly of no consequence." The Session ended on the 6th of August; the Parliament being prorogued474 by the king in person.
Lord Londonderry, wearied with the labours of the Session, had retired to his country seat at North Cray Farm, near Bexley, in Kent, to recruit his strength, and prepare to take his part as the representative of England at the forthcoming Congress of Verona, which was to be held in October. There, on the 12th of August, he committed suicide by cutting the carotid artery475 with a penknife. Lord Eldon, in a letter on the subject, says:—"I learn, upon the best authority, that for two or three days he was perfectly476 insane; and the medical men attribute that fact to the operation upon his head of the unceasing attention to business which the last harassing477 Session (to him) called for." The disease would appear to have been coming on some time before; he had got the idea that he was beset478 by secret enemies—that he was the object of conspiracies479. He was full of apprehension of being waylaid480 in the Park, and he felt that his life was every hour in danger. His mind gave way under the pressure of these morbid481 fears, and he put an end to his existence in the fifty-third year of his age. Impartial history, we think, will come to the conclusion that, with intellectual abilities not much above mediocrity, he owed his success as a statesman, in a great measure, to his fixity of purpose, and to his audacity482, courage, and perseverance483 in adhering to his line of action in the midst of the most formidable difficulties; while the strength of his will was aided by a commanding person, an imperturbable485 temper, extreme affability, and winning frankness of manner. Of the policy of the Government in which he bore so long a leading part, it must be said that it was narrow, exclusive, jealous of popular rights, favourable to despotism abroad and at home, devoted to the interests of the Throne and the aristocracy, at the expense of social order and national progress. Such, at all events, was the impression of the majority of the nation, and the detestation in which the London populace held his character as a statesman was painfully evinced by the shouts of exultation which followed his coffin into Westminster Abbey, where it was deposited between the remains of Fox and Pitt. This conduct greatly shocked Lord Eldon. "This morning," he writes, "I have been much affected by attending Lord Londonderry to his grave. The concourse of people between St. James's Square and the Abbey was very great; the great bulk of them behaving decorously, some behaving otherwise; but I protest I am almost sorry to have lived till I have seen in England a collection of persons so brutalised as, upon the taking the coffin at the Abbey door out of the hearse, to have received it with cheering for joy that L. was no more. Cobbett and the paper called the[227] Statesman have, by the diabolical486 publications he and that paper have issued, thus demoralised these wretches487."
The honour conferred upon Ireland and Hanover by the royal visits had excited the jealousy488 of Scotland; and the most ardently490 loyal of the nobility and people of that country were extremely desirous that a similar honour should be conferred upon them. The king complied with their request, and started on the 10th of August. "There were great preparations," says Lord Eldon, "to make his embarkation and voyage down the river one of the finest exhibitions ever seen upon the surface of old Father Thames." The river and its banks, from London to Greenwich, appeared in the highest state of animation491, swarming492 with human life and gay with brilliant decorations. A party of hussars, guarding a plain carriage, were his Majesty's only equipage. The shouts of the different groups of spectators attended his progress along the road to Greenwich, until the royal standard floating over the Hospital announced his arrival. Thousands of voices hailed him as the yacht departed with a favourable breeze; and as he passed Woolwich a royal salute was fired, and the regiment493 on duty at the Arsenal494 presented arms. At Tilbury Fort, Southend, and Sheerness he met with lively demonstrations495 of loyalty. At the last named place the Lord Mayor, and other authorities who had escorted him down the river, parted from the royal squadron and returned in their barge496 to town. The tide now checked the king's progress, and the ships lay-to in the channel till morning. At Harwich, Scarborough, and other places, crowds of people put off in boats as the squadron neared the shore. It was twice becalmed; and it was not till the 14th that the Royal George cast anchor off Leith.
Sir Walter Scott was the master of the ceremonies on this memorable occasion. He was now in the height of his popularity as the "Great Unknown." His romances had revived or created the spirit of chivalry497, and ministered to the intense nationality of the Scottish people in general, and the Highland498 clans499 in particular. In arranging the programme Sir Walter had as many parts to play as ever tasked the Protean500 genius of his friend Mathews. The bewildered local magistrates501 threw themselves on him for advice and direction. He had to arrange everything, from the ordering of a procession to the cut of a button and the embroidering502 of a cross. Provosts, bailies, and deacon-conveners of trades were followed, in hurried succession, by swelling503 chieftains wrangling504 about the relative positions their clans had occupied on the field of Bannockburn, which they considered as constituting the authentic505 precedent for determining their respective places in the procession from the pier of Leith to the Canongate.
The weather was so unpropitious when the royal squadron cast anchor on the 14th, that it was found necessary to defer506 the landing until the 15th. The officers of the Household and of the State, in splendid uniforms and appropriate insignia, awaited the king's landing. He wore the full-dress uniform of an admiral, with St. Andrew's cross and a large thistle in his gold-laced hat. The Lord-Lieutenant of Midlothian and the Lord Chamberlain received his Majesty on shore, while the senior magistrate congratulated him on his arrival on Scottish ground. The cavalry507, the Highland infantry508, and the Gentlemen Archers509 of the Royal Guards saluted him. The Usher of the White Rod sent his herald510 to give three knocks at the city gate, the Lord Provost of Edinburgh going through the same medi?val forms as the Lord Mayor of Dublin. The knocking, after proper delay, was answered, the keys were delivered and returned, and the king was admitted into his ancient capital with enthusiastic acclamations. The royal cortège was peculiarly interesting from the variety of costumes adopted. The king declared that the beauty of the scenery, the splendour of the display, and the enthusiasm of his welcome affected him more than anything in the whole course of his life. The people, in their turn, were delighted beyond measure with the condescension512 and affability of their Sovereign. He took up his residence during his stay at Dalkeith Palace, as the guest of the Duke of Buccleuch. The following day he held a levee in the palace of Holyrood, restored for the occasion to its former splendour, so far as upholstery could accomplish the renovation513. The king on this occasion wore the Highland costume, selecting for his dress the tartan of the Stewarts. On the next day three thousand persons paid their respects to his Majesty at a court held in the same place. He received his visitors in a field-marshal's uniform. He completely won the hearts of the Scottish ladies, dancing with the young and gaily514 chatting with the old. A magnificent fête was given by the Lord Provost in the Parliament House, Sir Walter Scott officiating as croupier. When the king's health had been drunk, his Majesty stood up and said, "I am quite unable to express my sense of the gratitude26 which I owe to[228] the people of this country. But I beg to assure them that I shall ever remember, as one of the proudest moments of my life, the day I came among them, and the gratifying reception they gave me. I return you, my Lord Provost, my lords and gentlemen, my warmest thanks for your attention this day, and I can assure you—with truth, with earnestness and sincerity—that I shall never forget your dutiful attention to me upon my visit to Scotland, and particularly the pleasure I have derived515 from dining in your hall this day." ("God save the King" and immense cheering followed.) He continued: "I take this opportunity, my lords and gentlemen, of proposing the health of the Lord Provost, Sir William Arbuthnot, Baronet, and the Corporation of Edinburgh." When the king named the Lord Provost by the title he had conferred upon him, the magistrate knelt, and kissed his hand, which was held out at the moment, and the incident was loudly applauded by the company. The king afterwards gave as a toast, "Health to the chieftains and clans, and God Almighty516 bless the 'Land o' Cakes!'" He added, "Drink this with three times three!" The delight of the company in drinking this toast may well be imagined.
The king attended the theatre one evening, and by his desire the drama of Rob Roy was performed. The theatre was of course crowded to excess, the boxes presenting a dazzling galaxy517 of rank and beauty. When the approach of the king was announced, there was a pause of deathlike stillness; then an outburst of deep, honest enthusiasm never to be forgotten. "A prolonged and heartfelt shout, which for more than a minute rent the house," a waving of handkerchiefs, tartan scarfs, and plumed bonnets518, testified the joy of the assembly and delighted the ears and eyes of the "chief of chiefs." Sir Walter Scott in a letter to his son gives a vivid description of this royal visit. For a fortnight Edinburgh had been a scene of giddy tumult, and considering all that he had to do, he wondered that he had not caught fever in the midst of it. All, however, went off most happily. The Edinburgh populace behaved themselves like so many princes, all in their Sunday clothes; nothing like a mob—no jostling or crowding. "They shouted with great emphasis, but without any running or roaring, each standing as still in his place as if the honour of Scotland had depended on the propriety of his behaviour. This made the scene quite new to all who had witnessed the Irish reception." The king's stay in Scotland was protracted519 till the 29th of August. On the day before his departure, Mr. Peel, who accompanied him as Home Secretary, wrote the following letter to Sir Walter Scott:—"My dear sir,—The king has commanded me to acquaint you that he cannot bid adieu to Scotland without conveying to you individually his warm personal acknowledgments for the deep interest you have taken in every ceremony and arrangement connected with his Majesty's visit, and for your ample contributions to their complete success. His Majesty well knows how many difficulties have been smoothed, and how much has been effected by your unremitting activity, by your knowledge of your countrymen, and by the just estimation in which they hold you. The king wishes to make you the channel of conveying to the Highland chiefs and their followers520, who have given to the varied521 scenes which we have witnessed so peculiar511 and romantic a character, his particular thanks for their attendance, and his warm approbation522 of their uniform deportment. He does justice to the ardent489 spirit of loyalty by which they are animated, and is convinced that he could offer no recompense for their services so gratifying to them as the assurance which I now convey of the esteem523 and approbation of their Sovereign."
The king left Scotland on the 29th, taking a route different from that by which he entered. On his way to the place of embarkation he visited the Earl of Hopetoun, at whose house he conferred the honour of knighthood on Mr. Raeburn, the celebrated portrait-painter. At Queensferry the country people assembled to testify their loyalty with a last look and a parting cheer. The roar of cannon524 from all the surrounding hills, and the shouts of the multitude, greeted him on his embarkation at Port Edgar. The royal squadron arrived safely on the 1st of September at Greenwich, where he was cordially welcomed home.
Lord Eldon, who was by no means weary of political life, became uneasy about his position, and certain arrangements at which the king had mysteriously hinted. The Lord Chancellor religiously obeyed his injunction to abstain203 from speaking on politics to anybody. But he was revolving525 in his mind not less anxiously who was to be the new leader of the House of Commons, and how the Constitution in Church and State might be best protected against the spirit of innovation. On the king's return from his northern metropolis the Lord Chancellor was about to press upon him the promotion526 to the vacant leadership of the House of Commons of Mr. Peel, who had won high distinction in the late debate upon the Catholic peers, when he found, to his unspeakable chagrin527, that Lord Liverpool himself had selected Mr. Canning, and overcome the royal objections to him on the ground of his having been formerly528 the champion of the queen. He had represented to the king that this was the only arrangement by which the Whigs could be effectually excluded, and he gave him an assurance that Catholic Emancipation, though left an open question, should be resolutely529 opposed. Great as Mr. Canning's talents for Parliament were, and great as was the want of talent on the Ministerial side of the House, it was not without the utmost reluctance that the Cabinet consented to receive him as an associate. They invited him to fill the place vacated by Lord Londonderry, because he was forced upon them by circumstances, and they felt that the Government could not go on without his aid. His only competitor was Mr. Peel, who had not yet had sufficient opportunity of evincing his great powers for the conduct and discussion of public affairs to command the station which many of his colleagues would have gladly seen assigned to him. Canning was unpopular with the anti-Catholic party in general, and particularly obnoxious530 to the Lord Chancellor; and, besides, there was the great objection of his having been the friend and adherent531 of the queen. But Lord Liverpool, the Premier532, having been associated with him from early life, was so thoroughly533 convinced that he was the fittest man for the post, and so well acquainted with his transcendent powers of intellect, that he prevailed upon him to relinquish the Governor-Generalship of India, to which he had been appointed, and to accept the vacant Secretaryship for Foreign Affairs, together with the leadership of the Commons.
This was not the only bitter pill that poor Lord Eldon was compelled to swallow. Without one word of intimation from the king or the Prime Minister, he learnt for the first time from the Courier that Mr. Huskisson had been introduced into the Cabinet. Mr. Huskisson was made President of the Board of Trade, and in his stead Mr. Arbuthnot became First Commissioner of the Land Revenues. Mr. Vansittart, who had proved a very inefficient534 Chancellor of the Exchequer,[231] was raised to the peerage by the title of Lord Bexley, and got the quiet office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. He was succeeded in the more important office by a much abler financier, Mr. Robinson.
It was very generally understood that it had been definitely arranged that Lord Londonderry should represent England at the Congress of Verona, and it was universally believed, as we have seen, that this fact weighed on his mind and led to his suicide; but Mr. Gleig states that in consequence of the reluctance expressed by Lord Londonderry to undertake the mission, it had for some time been settled that England should be represented there by the Duke of Wellington, and that he had begun to make his preparations, when a severe illness fell upon him, from which he did not sufficiently recover to set out upon his journey till after Lord Londonderry's death. The Duke of Wellington started for his mission when Mr. Canning had been only forty-eight hours in office. Stress has been laid upon the fact that he received his instructions from Mr. Canning, and this has been declared to be the turning-point in our foreign policy, when England began to disengage herself from the Holy Alliance. She was not formally a party to that alliance, but the despots composing it had counted on her aid and influence in keeping down the nations which they oppressed. But Mr. Gleig states that Lord Londonderry himself had compiled a letter of instruction for the representative of England at the Congress, and that this was transferred without a single alteration to the Duke of Wellington. It is, he says, "a very interesting document. It touches upon every point which could be expected to come under consideration at the Congress, and it handles them all so as to guard with scrupulous535 care not only the honour of Great Britain, but the rights of foreign peoples as well as of their Governments. It assumes that the subjects of general discussion would be three: first, the Turkish question, external and internal; secondly536, the Spanish question, European and American; and, thirdly, the affairs of Italy. With this last question the representative of England was directed not to concern himself at all. As England had been no party to the military occupation of Naples and Sardinia—as she had merely acquiesced537 in it with a view to prevent worse things—so she felt herself precluded538 from advising upon the arrangement now that it was complete, lest by so doing she should appear to admit the justice of a proceeding against which from the outset she had protested. The representative of Great Britain was therefore instructed to hold aloof539 from all meetings at which Italian affairs were to be discussed, and, if possible, to avoid connecting himself with the Congress till these should have been settled."
With regard to the Turkish question, all possible measures were in the first instance to be tried, with a view to reconcile the differences between Russia and Turkey. These referred to the Russian protection of the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and the navigation of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus. When these matters were disposed of, then, and not till then, was the condition of Greece to be considered, and in dealing540 with this question the British plenipotentiary was to use great caution, to avoid committing England either to the recognition or subjugation541 of that country.
The case of Spain was the most perplexing of all. The British Cabinet expressed the opinion that no foreign Power had any right whatever to interfere with any form of government which she had established for herself, and that her king and people were to be left to settle their own differences as best they could. The representative of Great Britain was directed to urge this point with all his influence upon the Allies, and especially upon France. But the case of her revolted colonies was different. It was evident, from the course of events, that their recognition as independent States was become a mere question of time. Over by far the greater portion of them Spain had lost all hold, and it had been found necessary, in order to admit their merchant vessels542 into British ports, to alter the navigation laws both of Britain and Spain. The letter of instructions accordingly directed the British plenipotentiary to advocate a removal of the difficulty on this principle: that every province which had actually established its independence should be recognised; that with provinces in which the war still went on no relation should be established; there was to be no concert with France, or Russia, or any extraneous543 power, in establishing relations with the new States. "The policy projected was exclusively English and Spanish, and between England and Spain alone its course was to be settled. Other nations might or might not come into the views which England entertained; but upon their approval or disapproval544 of her views England was not in any way to shape her conduct."
There were other matters which the British representative was to bring forward, and foremost[232] among them all was the suppression of the slave trade, either by a general declaration from the Allies that it should be treated as piracy146, or by obtaining from them an engagement that they would not admit into their markets any article of colonial produce which was the result of slave labour. "It will be seen," says Mr. Gleig, "that the recognition of the actual independence of many of the Spanish colonies had already been determined upon by Great Britain, and that the establishment of diplomatic relations with them all had come to be considered as a mere question of time. This is a point worthy545 of notice, because of the misunderstanding in regard to it which originated in a speech subsequently delivered by Mr. Canning in the House of Commons, and which still, to a considerable extent, prevails. It will be further noticed that the principle observed by Lord Londonderry as the true principle was that of non-interference by Great Britain in the internal affairs of foreign nations. That the Duke of Wellington entirely coincided with Lord Londonderry in this respect, his conduct both now and in the future stages of his career clearly demonstrates. The leading object of his political life was to preserve the peace at home and abroad which it had been the great aim of his military life to conquer."
The Sovereigns of the Holy Alliance, however, acted on principles and with designs very different. Their general principle was not to tolerate any change in the European Governments that did not emanate546 from themselves. The Greek Revolution they denounced as a rebellion against the legitimate authority of the Sultan. The actual Government of Spain they regarded as incompatible547 with the safety of monarchical548 power, and France called upon the Sovereigns to re-establish the despotism of Ferdinand. Russia, Austria, and Prussia took the same view of the Spanish Revolution, but were unwilling549 to interfere by force of arms. France was not so scrupulous upon that point. Chateaubriand and other votaries550 of absolutism in Church and State were busy fomenting551 conspiracies in Spain, and secretly supplying arms and ammunition552 to the priest-ridden enemies of constitutional government in that country. An army which during the previous year had been assembled on the frontier, under the ridiculous pretence553 of preventing the fever at Barcelona from spreading into France, changed its name from that of a sanitary554 cordon555 to an army of observation. M. de Villele, the new French Prime Minister, threw off the mask, and in a circular note stated that unless Spain altered her political constitution, France would use force to convert her from her revolutionary theories.
Such was the state of things with which the Duke of Wellington had to deal as British plenipotentiary when he left London on his mission early in September, taking Paris on his way. There he had some interesting conferences with the king and his Minister. The latter could hold out no hope that France would fulfil her engagements as to the slave trade. He spoke, indeed, of their African settlements as useless to the French people, and proposed to make them over to Britain in exchange for the Isle141 of France; but farther than this he declined to go, because there were too many interests, both public and private, engaged to thwart469 his efforts, should he be so unwise as to make any. His language with regard to South America was not less vague and unsatisfactory. He stated that France had not entered into relations with those provinces in any form, and did not intend to do so till they should have settled their differences with Spain one way or another. M. de Villele did not add, as he might have done, that France was feeling her way towards the severance484 of Spain from her colonies, and towards the establishment in the New World of one or two monarchies556, with younger branches of the House of Bourbon at their head.
The third topic discussed at these conferences was the nature of the relations then subsisting557 between France and Spain, and the projects of the former power in reference to the latter. These were explained by the Minister without any reserve, and with no symptoms of apprehension that they would be disagreeable to Britain, or of anxiety as to the result, whether they were so or not. He frankly558 avowed that, under cover of the sanitary cordon, 100,000 French troops were assembled; that it was proposed to throw them in two columns into Spain; that one column, of 40,000 men, was to pass into Catalonia, while the other, of 60,000, was to march by the great road through Irun upon Madrid. He stated that the sole object of this invasion was to insure the personal safety of the king, to afford him the opportunity to collect a native force strong enough to enable him to protect himself against the schemes of the Revolutionists—that is, to put down the Constitution. Of course, France said she entertained no views of conquest or aggrandisement, or even of prolonged occupation. She would withdraw her troops whenever the King of Spain said he could do without them, and yield up every inch of territory. In reference to this matter the Duke of Wellington wrote home for instructions, and in reply Canning said:—"If there be a determined project to interfere by force or by menace in the present struggle in Spain, so convinced are his Majesty's Government of the uselessness and danger of any such interference—so objectionable does it appear to them in principle, as well as utterly impracticable in execution—that when the necessity arises—or, I would rather say, when the opportunity offers—I am to instruct your grace at once frankly and peremptorily559 to declare that to any such interference, come what may, his Majesty will not be a party." To say that England peremptorily declined "to be a party" to the invasion of an independent state, in order to force upon the people a government contrary to their will, was not saying very much, nor putting the objection very strongly. We are assured, however, that the Duke steadily560 set his face against the project, pointing out that the step would be not only unjust, but impolitic; that it would precipitate561 the catastrophe which the French Government feared; that the Revolutionists would probably remove Ferdinand from Madrid as soon as they heard of the passing of the frontier by the French troops, and that, even if these troops should reach the capital, the Spaniards would not therefore submit, nor would the king be set at liberty. He argued that a war between France and Spain for such a purpose would be pronounced a war to put down free institutions, and that if France sought the support of her allies, the only one amongst them that had free institutions would feel it her duty to meet such a request with a refusal. Europe would be ranged into two hostile camps, that of absolutism on the one side and of revolution on the other; amid which not thrones only, but settled governments in every form, might be overthrown562. In reply to these arguments, both the king and his Minister stated that whatever France might do in the matter she would do single-handed, and that she would not only not apply for assistance from without, but that, if such assistance were offered, she would refuse it. The Duke could not, however, prevail upon the French Government to refrain from bringing the question between France[234] and Spain before the Congress. The king and his Minister both contended that vast moral good would accrue563 from a joint564 remonstrance11 on the part of the Allies against the treatment to which the King of Spain was subjected, and a joint threat that if any violence were offered to his person or family all would unite to avenge565 the outrage.
Having reported to Mr. Canning the result of his diplomatic efforts at Paris, the Duke set out on his journey to Vienna, where he arrived on the 29th of September, and where he expected the Congress to be held. But there again England's plenipotentiary, the great conqueror566 of Napoleon, who had restored the legitimate despots to their thrones, was treated with as little consideration as at Paris. Not till his arrival did he learn that the Congress which he was invited to attend was not to be held at Vienna at all, but at Verona. Meanwhile, in the interval between the adjournment from one city to another, the Allied567 Sovereigns were paying a visit of friendship to the King of Bavaria, whose system of government no doubt met with their unqualified approval. As the Duke's instructions forbade him to meddle370 with Italian affairs, he tarried at Vienna till he should receive further instructions from his own Government. While awaiting an answer he had opportunities of conferring personally with the Czar, who had obtained an ascendency in the councils of the Holy Alliance which rendered him the virtual master of every situation. With regard to the affairs of Turkey, the Duke succeeded in obtaining from his Imperial Majesty an assurance that, unless driven to it by some unforeseen and irresistible568 necessity, he would not come to an open rupture569 with the Sultan. He was not so successful in his exertions with regard to the Spanish question, on which the Czar was in an irritable570 mood. He said that Spain was the very centre and focus of revolutionary principles, and he felt it to be the duty not less than the policy of the Allied Sovereigns to trample571 them out at their source, and for this purpose he had proposed to contribute 150,000 men, whom he intended to march into Spain through French territory. In reply to the Duke's earnest remonstrances against this course, the Czar put a question which betrays the aggressive policy of military despots. He asked what he was to do with his army. It insisted upon being led against Turkey, and was only restrained because he had expressed his determination of employing it in putting down what he called Jacobinism in the west.
The British Cabinet having come to the conclusion that the Duke of Wellington ought not to abstain from attending the Congress because of its meeting in an Italian city, and thinking so himself, he set out for Verona, after a fortnight's sojourn572 in Vienna.
Wellington acquitted himself as well as could be expected in the circumstances. Austria was induced to acknowledge an old debt to Britain, and to pay an instalment. The utmost which she could obtain from the Allies on the slave trade was a reissue of the joint condemnation573 of the traffic which had been pronounced in 1815 at Vienna, and a special assurance from France that as soon as public feeling would admit, steps would be taken to carry out the treaty with Great Britain. In the discussion of the affairs of Italy the Duke took no part; but the peace which he had urged upon Russia and Turkey was happily concluded, on terms honourable574 to both. With regard to the struggles for freedom in Spain and other countries, the Duke found the Allied Sovereigns in the worst possible temper. They had no patience with Britain on account of her dissent, however mild, from their policy. "Hence, though England never expressed her approval of the military revolts in Spain and Italy, or even in South America, still, because she declined to be a party to the suppression of the free institutions in which they issued, Austria, Prussia, and Russia spoke of her as the champion of revolutionary principles all over the world."
Accordingly, the Duke found himself alone in his opposition to the plan of an armed intervention in Spain. It was at first proposed that all the Allies should unite in this; but it was ultimately agreed that a procès verbal should be jointly575 adopted, in which the King of Spain and his family should be declared to be under the protection of Europe, and Spain threatened with a terrible vengeance576 if any injury were done to them. This procès verbal was addressed to the head of the Spanish Government, with an explanation of the reasons for its adoption577. The Duke was disappointed and mortified578 at the obstinate self-will of the crowned despots. He had gone to Verona in the hope that they would at all events be open to arguments in favour of peace; he found them bent on such a course as would render its preservation impossible. When the Ministers reduced their ideas to a definite shape, the incidents which they agreed to accept as leading necessarily to war appeared to him fallacious in the extreme. They were these:—First, an armed attack by Spain upon France[235]. Second, any personal outrage offered to Ferdinand VII., or to any member of the Spanish royal family. Third, an act of the Spanish legislature dethroning the king, or interfering579 in any way with the right of succession. Austria, Prussia, and Russia accepted the conditions readily, adhering, at the same time, to the substance of the notes which they had previously put in.
The Duke produced a paper of his own, in which the three hypothetical causes of war were considered separately. He showed, "First, that an attack by Spain upon France was an occurrence beyond the range of human probability; next, that though, according to the usages of civilised nations, the persons of monarchs580 were held to be sacred, to extend a character of sanctity to those of other members of the Royal Family was a thing never before heard of in the history of the world; and lastly, that, till the Allies should be informed on sufficient authority that a plan for dethroning Ferdinand or changing the succession in Spain was actually in progress, to assume that such crimes might be perpetrated was to insult the whole Spanish nation. For his own part, he must decline to have any share in the transaction, or to deliver an opinion upon purely581 hypothetical cases further than this—that if the independence of Spain were assailed582 without just cause, Great Britain would be no party to the proceeding."
So prejudiced were the Allied Sovereigns against England, that they were ready to believe any tale to her disadvantage. One story which was circulated amongst them at the time was that Great Britain had bound herself to support Spain against France in return for certain stipulated583 commercial advantages. Another was that she had entered into a secret treaty to defend Portugal against France, even though Portugal should join Spain in the war. After all the Duke's arguments, explanations, and remonstrances, the French plenipotentiary was about to set off for Paris, representing all the Powers as being perfectly unanimous on the policy adopted towards Spain, and the Duke was obliged to threaten him with a public contradiction if he did not alter that statement and except Great Britain.
The Duke withdrew much dissatisfied with the turn affairs had taken, and distrustful of the issue. In a parting interview with the Emperor of Russia, the latter spoke at length in strong disapprobation of the refusal of England to co-operate in putting down revolution, and said, in conclusion, that Russia was prepared for every eventuality. "She was able, with the support of Austria and Prussia, to crush revolution both in France and Spain; and, if the necessity should arise, she was determined to do so." The Duke heard his Imperial Majesty to an end, and then ventured to assure him that the only thing for which Great Britain pleaded was the right of nations to set up whatever form of government they thought best, and to manage their own affairs, so long as they allowed other nations to manage theirs. Neither he nor the Government which he represented was blind to the many defects which disfigured the Spanish Constitution; but they were satisfied that they would be remedied in time. The Emperor could not gainsay584 the justice of these remarks, but neither was he willing to be persuaded by them; so, after expressing himself well pleased with the settlement of the Turkish question which had been effected, he embraced the Duke, and they parted.
The Duke arrived at Paris on the 9th of December, having spent more than two months at diplomacy585 with very unsatisfactory results. He found the king and his Minister, M. de Villele, much cooled in their feelings towards the Spanish Government, in consequence of the tone of moderation it had assumed after its defeat of the Royalist insurgents586. The king was now disposed to recall his army of observation, if he could do so with honour, and all he pressed for now was that Spain should so modify her system as to make the Constitution emanate from the king, by resting it upon a royal charter and not upon the will of the people. If this were done, and done in time for him to explain the case to the Parliament, when they met on the 28th of January, everything else, every matter of arrangement and detail, would be left to the undisturbed management of the Spanish Cabinet and Cortes. This was truly very accommodating. If Spain would only recant her constitutionalism, and adopt the absolutist creed of Divine Right, the Allies would not send their armies into the country for the protection of the king against his people. The Duke having reported the altered state of feeling in the French Government, and all that had passed, to Mr. Canning, the Foreign Secretary instructed him to deliver an official note to M. de Villele, containing a direct offer from England to mediate23. This offer was declined. On the 20th of December the Duke quitted Paris, and arrived in London early in January. Subsequently the diplomatic war was carried on between M. Chateaubriand and Mr. Canning, both men of genius, and masters of a brilliant style of rhetoric587, to which the Duke of Wellington had no pretensions. Mr. Canning, alluding588 to the[236] proposed armed intervention in Spain, with a view to stamp out the revolution, said, "The spirit of revolution—which, shut up within the Pyrenees, might exhaust itself with struggles, trying indeed to Spain, but harmless to her neighbours, when restricted—if called forth from within these precincts by the provocation589 of foreign attack, might find, perhaps, in other countries fresh aliment for its fury, and might renew throughout Europe the misery590 of the five-and-twenty years which preceded the peace of 1815."
On the 29th of January, 1823, the King of France opened the Chambers591 with a speech of decidedly warlike tone. It spoke of 100,000 French soldiers prepared to march under a prince of the blood for the deliverance of Ferdinand VII. and his loyal people from the tyranny of a portion. A few weeks afterwards the march commenced, and from the Bidassoa to Madrid it was a continued triumph. The king was set at liberty, and the gates of Cadiz were opened. The Spaniards were not true to themselves, the mass of the people being unable to appreciate liberal institutions. There was also a counter-revolution in Portugal, aided by foreign bayonets, restoring the despotic system. These events produced great dissatisfaction in England, and the Duke was strongly censured592 for the timidity of his tone in the Congress. Replying to attacks made in the Upper House by Lords Ellenborough, Holland, and Grey, he asked whether it would be becoming in one who appeared in the character of a mediator to employ threats, especially if he had no power to carry them into effect:—"Were they for a policy of peace or a policy of war? If for the former, could he go farther than to declare that to any violent attack on the independence of Spain the king his master would be no party? If for the latter, all he had to say was that he entirely differed from them, and he believed that his views would be supported by all the intelligent portion of the community."
The conduct of the Government in reference to the Congress was the subject of an animated debate in the House of Commons, which began on April 28th and lasted three days. It was on a motion for a Vote of Censure593 for the feebleness of tone assumed by the Government in the negotiations with the Allies, an amendment having been proposed expressive594 of gratitude and approbation. In Mr. Canning's speech on the third day there was one remarkable595 passage, which clearly defined his foreign policy, and showed that it had a distinct purpose, and aimed at an object of the highest importance. He said:—"I contend, sir, that whatever might grow out of a separate conflict between Spain and France (though matter for grave consideration) was less to be dreaded596 than that all the Great Powers of the Continent should have been arrayed together against Spain; and that although the first object, in point of importance, indeed, was to keep the peace altogether, to prevent any war against Spain, the first in point of time was to prevent a general war; to change the question from one affecting the Allies on the one side and Spain on the other, to a question between nation and nation. This, whatever the result might be, would reduce the quarrel to the size of ordinary events, and bring it within the scope of ordinary diplomacy. The immediate object of England, therefore, was to hinder the impress of a joint-character from being affixed597 to the war, if war there must be, with Spain; to take care that the war should not grow out of an assumed jurisdiction598 of the Congress; to keep within reasonable bounds that predominating areopagitical spirit which the memorandum599 of the British Cabinet of May, 1820, describes as beyond the sphere of the original conception and understood principles of the alliance—an alliance never intended as a union for the government of the world, or for the superintendence of the internal affairs of other states; and this, I say, was accomplished600."
The sense of the House was so completely with the Government, that Mr. Brougham, who led the Opposition, declined to go to a division. A division having been called for, however, on the part of Ministers, the whole assembly poured into the lobby, till it could hold no more; and then the remaining members who were shut in were compelled to pass for an opposition, though there were Ministerialists among them. They amounted to twenty, in a House of three hundred and seventy-two.
The aggressive policy of the Holy Alliance, and the French invasion of Spain, despite England's remonstrances, provoked Mr. Canning to hasten the recognition of the revolted colonies in South America. It was in defending this policy that he uttered the memorable sentence so often quoted as a specimen161 of the sublime:—"Contemplating Spain such as our ancestors had known her, I resolved that if France had Spain, it should not be Spain with the Indies. I called the New World into existence to redress601 the balance of the Old."
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1 liturgy | |
n.礼拜仪式 | |
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2 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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3 prosecution | |
n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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4 scramble | |
v.爬行,攀爬,杂乱蔓延,碎片,片段,废料 | |
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5 oration | |
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6 emancipation | |
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7 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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8 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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9 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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10 intervention | |
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11 remonstrance | |
n抗议,抱怨 | |
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12 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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13 statute | |
n.成文法,法令,法规;章程,规则,条例 | |
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14 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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15 adjourned | |
(使)休会, (使)休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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17 pointed | |
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18 chancellor | |
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19 chancellorship | |
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21 predecessor | |
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22 immediate | |
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23 mediate | |
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24 bauble | |
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25 ingratitude | |
n.忘恩负义 | |
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26 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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27 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
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28 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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29 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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30 demise | |
n.死亡;v.让渡,遗赠,转让 | |
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31 obstructing | |
阻塞( obstruct的现在分词 ); 堵塞; 阻碍; 阻止 | |
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32 prerogative | |
n.特权 | |
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33 commissioner | |
n.(政府厅、局、处等部门)专员,长官,委员 | |
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34 deplored | |
v.悲叹,痛惜,强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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36 counteracted | |
对抗,抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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37 disaffected | |
adj.(政治上)不满的,叛离的 | |
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38 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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39 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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40 amendment | |
n.改正,修正,改善,修正案 | |
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41 writ | |
n.命令状,书面命令 | |
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42 ward | |
n.守卫,监护,病房,行政区,由监护人或法院保护的人(尤指儿童);vt.守护,躲开 | |
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43 insolvent | |
adj.破产的,无偿还能力的 | |
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44 debtors | |
n.债务人,借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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45 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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46 jocosely | |
adv.说玩笑地,诙谐地 | |
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47 alluded | |
提及,暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48 conscientiously | |
adv.凭良心地;认真地,负责尽职地;老老实实 | |
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49 distresses | |
n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 );痛苦;贫困;危险 | |
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50 lengthened | |
(时间或空间)延长,伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51 vestige | |
n.痕迹,遗迹,残余 | |
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52 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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53 fleeting | |
adj.短暂的,飞逝的 | |
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54 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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55 engrossed | |
adj.全神贯注的 | |
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56 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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57 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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58 precedent | |
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的 | |
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59 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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60 foulest | |
adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 );邪恶的;难闻的;下流的 | |
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61 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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62 immorality | |
n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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63 licentious | |
adj.放纵的,淫乱的 | |
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64 alleging | |
断言,宣称,辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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65 desolate | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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66 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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67 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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68 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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69 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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70 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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71 disdain | |
n.鄙视,轻视;v.轻视,鄙视,不屑 | |
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72 abashed | |
adj.窘迫的,尴尬的v.使羞愧,使局促,使窘迫( abash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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74 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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75 subservient | |
adj.卑屈的,阿谀的 | |
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76 vehement | |
adj.感情强烈的;热烈的;(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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77 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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78 embark | |
vi.乘船,着手,从事,上飞机 | |
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79 adviser | |
n.劝告者,顾问 | |
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80 relinquish | |
v.放弃,撤回,让与,放手 | |
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81 suite | |
n.一套(家具);套房;随从人员 | |
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82 dissuaded | |
劝(某人)勿做某事,劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84 peremptory | |
adj.紧急的,专横的,断然的 | |
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85 salute | |
vi.行礼,致意,问候,放礼炮;vt.向…致意,迎接,赞扬;n.招呼,敬礼,礼炮 | |
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86 ovation | |
n.欢呼,热烈欢迎,热烈鼓掌 | |
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87 delirium | |
n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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88 climax | |
n.顶点;高潮;v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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89 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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90 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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91 entreating | |
恳求,乞求( entreat的现在分词 ) | |
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92 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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93 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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94 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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95 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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96 retract | |
vt.缩回,撤回收回,取消 | |
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97 patronage | |
n.赞助,支援,援助;光顾,捧场 | |
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98 specified | |
adj.特定的 | |
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99 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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100 acquiesce | |
vi.默许,顺从,同意 | |
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101 leach | |
v.分离,过滤掉;n.过滤;过滤器 | |
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102 analogous | |
adj.相似的;类似的 | |
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103 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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104 accusation | |
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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105 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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106 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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107 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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108 consort | |
v.相伴;结交 | |
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109 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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110 intimacy | |
n.熟悉,亲密,密切关系,亲昵的言行 | |
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111 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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112 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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113 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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114 abatement | |
n.减(免)税,打折扣,冲销 | |
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115 prosecute | |
vt.告发;进行;vi.告发,起诉,作检察官 | |
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116 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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117 concurrent | |
adj.同时发生的,一致的 | |
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118 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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119 preamble | |
n.前言;序文 | |
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120 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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121 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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123 feverish | |
adj.发烧的,狂热的,兴奋的 | |
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124 charing | |
n.炭化v.把…烧成炭,把…烧焦( char的现在分词 );烧成炭,烧焦;做杂役女佣 | |
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125 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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126 insufficient | |
adj.(for,of)不足的,不够的 | |
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127 dense | |
a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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128 usher | |
n.带位员,招待员;vt.引导,护送;vi.做招待,担任引座员 | |
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129 rescinded | |
v.废除,取消( rescind的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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131 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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132 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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133 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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134 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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135 retrace | |
v.折回;追溯,探源 | |
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136 saviours | |
n.救助者( saviour的名词复数 );救星;救世主;耶稣基督 | |
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137 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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138 bribes | |
n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂 | |
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139 prosecutors | |
检举人( prosecutor的名词复数 ); 告发人; 起诉人; 公诉人 | |
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140 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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141 isle | |
n.小岛,岛 | |
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142 flirting | |
v.调情,打情骂俏( flirt的现在分词 ) | |
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143 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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144 perjury | |
n.伪证;伪证罪 | |
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145 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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146 piracy | |
n.海盗行为,剽窃,著作权侵害 | |
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147 usurp | |
vt.篡夺,霸占;vi.篡位 | |
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148 expediency | |
n.适宜;方便;合算;利己 | |
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149 enactment | |
n.演出,担任…角色;制订,通过 | |
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150 persevere | |
v.坚持,坚忍,不屈不挠 | |
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151 alteration | |
n.变更,改变;蚀变 | |
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152 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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153 embarrassment | |
n.尴尬;使人为难的人(事物);障碍;窘迫 | |
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154 awakened | |
v.(使)醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 );(使)觉醒;弄醒;(使)意识到 | |
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155 arrogant | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的 | |
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156 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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157 detailed | |
adj.详细的,详尽的,极注意细节的,完全的 | |
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158 adjournment | |
休会; 延期; 休会期; 休庭期 | |
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159 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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160 specimens | |
n.样品( specimen的名词复数 );范例;(化验的)抽样;某种类型的人 | |
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161 specimen | |
n.样本,标本 | |
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162 forensic | |
adj.法庭的,雄辩的 | |
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163 miraculous | |
adj.像奇迹一样的,不可思议的 | |
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164 intrepid | |
adj.无畏的,刚毅的 | |
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165 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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166 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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167 renewal | |
adj.(契约)延期,续订,更新,复活,重来 | |
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168 momentous | |
adj.重要的,重大的 | |
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169 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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170 prostrate | |
v.拜倒,平卧,衰竭;adj.拜倒的,平卧的,衰竭的 | |
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171 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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172 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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173 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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174 lamented | |
adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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176 tempestuous | |
adj.狂暴的 | |
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177 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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178 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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179 entreaty | |
n.恳求,哀求 | |
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180 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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181 steadfastly | |
adv.踏实地,不变地;岿然;坚定不渝 | |
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182 harass | |
vt.使烦恼,折磨,骚扰 | |
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183 reiterated | |
反复地说,重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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185 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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186 ushered | |
v.引,领,陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187 perjured | |
adj.伪证的,犯伪证罪的v.发假誓,作伪证( perjure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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188 depose | |
vt.免职;宣誓作证 | |
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189 inadequate | |
adj.(for,to)不充足的,不适当的 | |
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190 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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191 brink | |
n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘,边沿 | |
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192 precipice | |
n.悬崖,危急的处境 | |
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193 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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194 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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195 severed | |
v.切断,断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 );断,裂 | |
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196 adorn | |
vt.使美化,装饰 | |
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197 fervent | |
adj.热的,热烈的,热情的 | |
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198 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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199 elicited | |
引出,探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200 levity | |
n.轻率,轻浮,不稳定,多变 | |
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201 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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202 abstained | |
v.戒(尤指酒),戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 );弃权(不投票) | |
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203 abstain | |
v.自制,戒绝,弃权,避免 | |
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204 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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205 bishops | |
(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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206 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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207 ignominious | |
adj.可鄙的,不光彩的,耻辱的 | |
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208 illuminated | |
adj.被照明的;受启迪的 | |
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209 delirious | |
adj.不省人事的,神智昏迷的 | |
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210 civic | |
adj.城市的,都市的,市民的,公民的 | |
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211 exultation | |
n.狂喜,得意 | |
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212 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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213 abounded | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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214 hooted | |
(使)作汽笛声响,作汽车喇叭声( hoot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215 pelted | |
(连续地)投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 ); 连续抨击; 攻击; 剥去…的皮 | |
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216 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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217 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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218 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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219 persecuting | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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220 frenzy | |
n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
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221 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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222 actively | |
adv.积极地,勤奋地 | |
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223 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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224 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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225 insolence | |
n.傲慢;无礼;厚颜;傲慢的态度 | |
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226 radicals | |
n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 );根基;基本原理;[数学]根数 | |
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227 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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228 foretold | |
v.预言,预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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229 persevered | |
v.坚忍,坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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230 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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231 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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233 decry | |
v.危难,谴责 | |
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234 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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235 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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236 solicited | |
v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 );(指娼妇)拉客;索求;征求 | |
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237 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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238 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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239 shudder | |
v.战粟,震动,剧烈地摇晃;n.战粟,抖动 | |
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240 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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241 annuity | |
n.年金;养老金 | |
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242 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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243 privy | |
adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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244 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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245 humbly | |
adv. 恭顺地,谦卑地 | |
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246 metropolis | |
n.首府;大城市 | |
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247 plumed | |
饰有羽毛的 | |
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248 pageant | |
n.壮观的游行;露天历史剧 | |
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249 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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250 throng | |
n.人群,群众;v.拥挤,群集 | |
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251 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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252 converged | |
v.(线条、运动的物体等)会于一点( converge的过去式 );(趋于)相似或相同;人或车辆汇集;聚集 | |
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253 hood | |
n.头巾,兜帽,覆盖;v.罩上,以头巾覆盖 | |
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254 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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255 consultation | |
n.咨询;商量;商议;会议 | |
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256 doorway | |
n.门口,(喻)入门;门路,途径 | |
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257 derisively | |
adv. 嘲笑地,嘲弄地 | |
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258 rebuked | |
责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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259 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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260 discomfited | |
v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词);使狼狈;使挫折;挫败 | |
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261 humiliated | |
感到羞愧的 | |
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262 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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263 intrude | |
vi.闯入;侵入;打扰,侵扰 | |
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264 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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265 propriety | |
n.正当行为;正当;适当 | |
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266 forfeit | |
vt.丧失;n.罚金,罚款,没收物 | |
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267 hilarity | |
n.欢乐;热闹 | |
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268 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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269 fowls | |
鸟( fowl的名词复数 ); 禽肉; 既不是这; 非驴非马 | |
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270 profusion | |
n.挥霍;丰富 | |
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271 conserves | |
n.(含有大块或整块水果的)果酱,蜜饯( conserve的名词复数 )v.保护,保藏,保存( conserve的第三人称单数 ) | |
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272 constable | |
n.(英国)警察,警官 | |
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273 steward | |
n.乘务员,服务员;看管人;膳食管理员 | |
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274 grooms | |
n.新郎( groom的名词复数 );马夫v.照料或梳洗(马等)( groom的第三人称单数 );使做好准备;训练;(给动物)擦洗 | |
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275 pensioners | |
n.领取退休、养老金或抚恤金的人( pensioner的名词复数 ) | |
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276 trumpets | |
喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 ); 小号; 喇叭形物; (尤指)绽开的水仙花 | |
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277 anthem | |
n.圣歌,赞美诗,颂歌 | |
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278 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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279 covetous | |
adj.贪婪的,贪心的 | |
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280 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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281 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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282 viands | |
n.食品,食物 | |
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283 ravening | |
a.贪婪而饥饿的 | |
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284 refreshment | |
n.恢复,精神爽快,提神之事物;(复数)refreshments:点心,茶点 | |
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285 trophies | |
n.(为竞赛获胜者颁发的)奖品( trophy的名词复数 );奖杯;(尤指狩猎或战争中获得的)纪念品;(用于比赛或赛跑名称)奖 | |
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286 engraved | |
v.在(硬物)上雕刻(字,画等)( engrave的过去式和过去分词 );将某事物深深印在(记忆或头脑中) | |
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287 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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288 coveted | |
adj.令人垂涎的;垂涎的,梦寐以求的v.贪求,觊觎(covet的过去分词);垂涎;贪图 | |
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289 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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290 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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291 mortification | |
n.耻辱,屈辱 | |
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292 incessantly | |
ad.不停地 | |
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293 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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294 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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295 solicitous | |
adj.热切的,挂念的 | |
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296 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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297 impeach | |
v.弹劾;检举 | |
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298 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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299 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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300 stupor | |
v.昏迷;不省人事 | |
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301 faculty | |
n.才能;学院,系;(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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302 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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303 sifted | |
v.筛( sift的过去式和过去分词 );筛滤;细查;详审 | |
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304 knell | |
n.丧钟声;v.敲丧钟 | |
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305 inscription | |
n.(尤指石块上的)刻印文字,铭文,碑文 | |
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306 coffin | |
n.棺材,灵柩 | |
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307 corpse | |
n.尸体,死尸 | |
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308 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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309 embarkation | |
n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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310 ostensible | |
adj.(指理由)表面的,假装的 | |
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311 manifestations | |
n.表示,显示(manifestation的复数形式) | |
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312 detrimental | |
adj.损害的,造成伤害的 | |
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313 obstruction | |
n.阻塞,堵塞;障碍物 | |
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314 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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315 execration | |
n.诅咒,念咒,憎恶 | |
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316 barricaded | |
设路障于,以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 ); 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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317 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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318 appalled | |
v.使惊骇,使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的;丧胆的 | |
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319 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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320 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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321 exulting | |
vi. 欢欣鼓舞,狂喜 | |
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322 outlet | |
n.出口/路;销路;批发商店;通风口;发泄 | |
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323 strand | |
vt.使(船)搁浅,使(某人)困于(某地) | |
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324 functionaries | |
n.公职人员,官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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325 tolling | |
[财]来料加工 | |
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326 frigate | |
n.护航舰,大型驱逐舰 | |
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327 vault | |
n.拱形圆顶,地窖,地下室 | |
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328 allay | |
v.消除,减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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329 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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330 sanguine | |
adj.充满希望的,乐观的,血红色的 | |
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331 anticipations | |
预期( anticipation的名词复数 ); 预测; (信托财产收益的)预支; 预期的事物 | |
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332 extravagant | |
adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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333 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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334 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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335 privately | |
adv.以私人的身份,悄悄地,私下地 | |
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336 lodge | |
v.临时住宿,寄宿,寄存,容纳;n.传达室,小旅馆 | |
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337 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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338 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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339 agility | |
n.敏捷,活泼 | |
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340 pier | |
n.码头;桥墩,桥柱;[建]窗间壁,支柱 | |
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341 displeased | |
a.不快的 | |
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342 copious | |
adj.丰富的,大量的 | |
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343 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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344 draughts | |
n. <英>国际跳棋 | |
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345 gentry | |
n.绅士阶级,上层阶级 | |
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346 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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347 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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348 restive | |
adj.不安宁的,不安静的 | |
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349 cavalcade | |
n.车队等的行列 | |
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350 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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351 bumper | |
n.(汽车上的)保险杠;adj.特大的,丰盛的 | |
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352 joyous | |
adj.充满快乐的;令人高兴的 | |
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353 intoxication | |
n.wild excitement;drunkenness;poisoning | |
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354 acquitted | |
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
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355 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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356 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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357 cynical | |
adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的,不信世道向善的 | |
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358 commentator | |
n.注释者,解说者;实况广播评论员 | |
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359 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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360 outrageously | |
凶残地; 肆无忌惮地; 令人不能容忍地; 不寻常地 | |
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361 boon | |
n.恩赐,恩物,恩惠 | |
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362 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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363 sarcastically | |
adv.挖苦地,讽刺地 | |
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364 alludes | |
提及,暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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365 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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366 edifying | |
adj.有教训意味的,教训性的,有益的v.开导,启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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367 seclusion | |
n.隐遁,隔离 | |
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368 tributary | |
n.支流;纳贡国;adj.附庸的;辅助的;支流的 | |
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369 advancement | |
n.前进,促进,提升 | |
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370 meddle | |
v.干预,干涉,插手 | |
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371 meddled | |
v.干涉,干预(他人事务)( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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372 mischievous | |
adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
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373 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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374 deposed | |
v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 );(在法庭上)宣誓作证 | |
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375 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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376 probity | |
n.刚直;廉洁,正直 | |
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377 curtailed | |
v.截断,缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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378 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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379 conciliation | |
n.调解,调停 | |
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380 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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381 violations | |
违反( violation的名词复数 ); 冒犯; 违反(行为、事例); 强奸 | |
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382 amendments | |
(法律、文件的)改动( amendment的名词复数 ); 修正案; 修改; (美国宪法的)修正案 | |
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383 wedded | |
adj.正式结婚的;渴望…的,执著于…的v.嫁,娶,(与…)结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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384 modification | |
n.修改,改进,缓和,减轻 | |
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385 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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386 coalitions | |
结合体,同盟( coalition的名词复数 ); (两党或多党)联合政府 | |
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387 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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388 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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389 repression | |
n.镇压,抑制,抑压 | |
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390 disorders | |
n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 );凌乱;骚乱;(身心、机能)失调 | |
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391 agrarian | |
adj.土地的,农村的,农业的 | |
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392 tenure | |
n.终身职位;任期;(土地)保有权,保有期 | |
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393 tithes | |
n.(宗教捐税)什一税,什一的教区税,小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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394 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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395 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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396 interdict | |
v.限制;禁止;n.正式禁止;禁令 | |
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397 ascertain | |
vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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398 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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399 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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400 offenders | |
n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 );犯规者;罪犯;妨害…的人(或事物) | |
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401 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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402 incur | |
vt.招致,蒙受,遭遇 | |
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403 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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404 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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405 hampered | |
妨碍,束缚,限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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406 well-being | |
n.安康,安乐,幸福 | |
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407 syllable | |
n.音节;vt.分音节 | |
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408 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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409 precarious | |
adj.不安定的,靠不住的;根据不足的 | |
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410 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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411 sterling | |
adj.英币的(纯粹的,货真价实的);n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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412 dispensed | |
v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 );施与;配(药) | |
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413 expended | |
v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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414 irritation | |
n.激怒,恼怒,生气 | |
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415 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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416 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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417 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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418 inexplicable | |
adj.无法解释的,难理解的 | |
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419 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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420 illustrating | |
给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 ); 说明; 表明; (用示例、图画等)说明 | |
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421 contemplating | |
深思,细想,仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 ); 注视,凝视; 考虑接受(发生某事的可能性); 深思熟虑,沉思,苦思冥想 | |
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422 animating | |
v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 );驱动;使栩栩如生地动作;赋予…以生命 | |
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423 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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424 ancestry | |
n.祖先,家世 | |
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425 trumpery | |
n.无价值的杂物;adj.(物品)中看不中用的 | |
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426 canopy | |
n.天篷,遮篷 | |
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427 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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428 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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429 exertions | |
n.努力( exertion的名词复数 );费力;(能力、权力等的)运用;行使 | |
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430 canvassed | |
v.(在政治方面)游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 );调查(如选举前选民的)意见;为讨论而提出(意见等);详细检查 | |
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431 premature | |
adj.比预期时间早的;不成熟的,仓促的 | |
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432 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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433 borough | |
n.享有自治权的市镇;(英)自治市镇 | |
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434 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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435 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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436 entailed | |
使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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437 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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438 retrenchment | |
n.节省,删除 | |
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439 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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440 alienated | |
adj.感到孤独的,不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 );使不友好;转让;让渡(财产等) | |
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441 equitable | |
adj.公平的;公正的 | |
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442 repeal | |
n.废止,撤消;v.废止,撤消 | |
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443 exchequer | |
n.财政部;国库 | |
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444 holders | |
支持物( holder的名词复数 ); 持有者; (支票等)持有人; 支托(或握持)…之物 | |
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445 dissent | |
n./v.不同意,持异议 | |
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446 dissenting | |
adj.不同意的 | |
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447 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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448 obviated | |
v.避免,消除(贫困、不方便等)( obviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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449 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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450 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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451 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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452 Amended | |
adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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453 diminution | |
n.减少;变小 | |
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454 computed | |
adj.[医]计算的,使用计算机的v.计算,估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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455 annuities | |
n.养老金;年金( annuity的名词复数 );(每年的)养老金;年金保险;年金保险投资 | |
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456 contractor | |
n.订约人,承包人,收缩肌 | |
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457 incurring | |
遭受,招致,引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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458 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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459 exigencies | |
n.急切需要 | |
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460 onerous | |
adj.繁重的 | |
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461 denomination | |
n.命名,取名,(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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462 intelligible | |
adj.可理解的,明白易懂的,清楚的 | |
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463 unintelligible | |
adj.无法了解的,难解的,莫明其妙的 | |
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464 invalid | |
n.病人,伤残人;adj.有病的,伤残的;无效的 | |
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465 minors | |
n.未成年人( minor的名词复数 );副修科目;小公司;[逻辑学]小前提v.[主美国英语]副修,选修,兼修( minor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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466 certified | |
a.经证明合格的;具有证明文件的 | |
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467 annulled | |
v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 );取消;使消失;抹去 | |
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468 guardians | |
监护人( guardian的名词复数 ); 保护者,维护者 | |
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469 thwart | |
v.阻挠,妨碍,反对;adj.横(断的) | |
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470 thwarted | |
阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 ); 使受挫折; 挫败; 横过 | |
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471 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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472 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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473 mediator | |
n.调解人,中介人 | |
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474 prorogued | |
v.使(议会)休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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475 artery | |
n.干线,要道;动脉 | |
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476 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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477 harassing | |
v.侵扰,骚扰( harass的现在分词 );不断攻击(敌人) | |
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478 beset | |
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
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479 conspiracies | |
n.阴谋,密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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480 waylaid | |
v.拦截,拦路( waylay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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481 morbid | |
adj.病的;致病的;病态的;可怕的 | |
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482 audacity | |
n.大胆,卤莽,无礼 | |
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483 perseverance | |
n.坚持不懈,不屈不挠 | |
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484 severance | |
n.离职金;切断 | |
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485 imperturbable | |
adj.镇静的 | |
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486 diabolical | |
adj.恶魔似的,凶暴的 | |
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487 wretches | |
n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 );可怜的人;恶棍;坏蛋 | |
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488 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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489 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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490 ardently | |
adv.热心地,热烈地 | |
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491 animation | |
n.活泼,兴奋,卡通片/动画片的制作 | |
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492 swarming | |
密集( swarm的现在分词 ); 云集; 成群地移动; 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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493 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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494 arsenal | |
n.兵工厂,军械库 | |
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495 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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496 barge | |
n.平底载货船,驳船 | |
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497 chivalry | |
n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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498 highland | |
n.(pl.)高地,山地 | |
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499 clans | |
宗族( clan的名词复数 ); 氏族; 庞大的家族; 宗派 | |
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500 protean | |
adj.反复无常的;变化自如的 | |
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501 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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502 embroidering | |
v.(在织物上)绣花( embroider的现在分词 );刺绣;对…加以渲染(或修饰);给…添枝加叶 | |
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503 swelling | |
n.肿胀 | |
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504 wrangling | |
v.争吵,争论,口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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505 authentic | |
a.真的,真正的;可靠的,可信的,有根据的 | |
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506 defer | |
vt.推迟,拖延;vi.(to)遵从,听从,服从 | |
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507 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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508 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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509 archers | |
n.弓箭手,射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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510 herald | |
vt.预示...的来临,预告,宣布,欢迎 | |
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511 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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512 condescension | |
n.自以为高人一等,贬低(别人) | |
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513 renovation | |
n.革新,整修 | |
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514 gaily | |
adv.欢乐地,高兴地 | |
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515 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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516 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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517 galaxy | |
n.星系;银河系;一群(杰出或著名的人物) | |
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518 bonnets | |
n.童帽( bonnet的名词复数 );(烟囱等的)覆盖物;(苏格兰男子的)无边呢帽;(女子戴的)任何一种帽子 | |
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519 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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520 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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521 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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522 approbation | |
n.称赞;认可 | |
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523 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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524 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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525 revolving | |
adj.旋转的,轮转式的;循环的v.(使)旋转( revolve的现在分词 );细想 | |
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526 promotion | |
n.提升,晋级;促销,宣传 | |
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527 chagrin | |
n.懊恼;气愤;委屈 | |
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528 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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529 resolutely | |
adj.坚决地,果断地 | |
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530 obnoxious | |
adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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531 adherent | |
n.信徒,追随者,拥护者 | |
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532 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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533 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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534 inefficient | |
adj.效率低的,无效的 | |
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535 scrupulous | |
adj.审慎的,小心翼翼的,完全的,纯粹的 | |
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536 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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537 acquiesced | |
v.默认,默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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538 precluded | |
v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 );排除;妨碍;使…行不通 | |
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539 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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540 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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541 subjugation | |
n.镇压,平息,征服 | |
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542 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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543 extraneous | |
adj.体外的;外来的;外部的 | |
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544 disapproval | |
n.反对,不赞成 | |
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545 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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546 emanate | |
v.发自,来自,出自 | |
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547 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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548 monarchical | |
adj. 国王的,帝王的,君主的,拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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549 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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550 votaries | |
n.信徒( votary的名词复数 );追随者;(天主教)修士;修女 | |
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551 fomenting | |
v.激起,煽动(麻烦等)( foment的现在分词 ) | |
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552 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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553 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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554 sanitary | |
adj.卫生方面的,卫生的,清洁的,卫生的 | |
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555 cordon | |
n.警戒线,哨兵线 | |
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556 monarchies | |
n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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557 subsisting | |
v.(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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558 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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559 peremptorily | |
adv.紧急地,不容分说地,专横地 | |
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560 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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561 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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562 overthrown | |
adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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563 accrue | |
v.(利息等)增大,增多 | |
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564 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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565 avenge | |
v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
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566 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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567 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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568 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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569 rupture | |
n.破裂;(关系的)决裂;v.(使)破裂 | |
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570 irritable | |
adj.急躁的;过敏的;易怒的 | |
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571 trample | |
vt.踩,践踏;无视,伤害,侵犯 | |
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572 sojourn | |
v./n.旅居,寄居;逗留 | |
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573 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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574 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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575 jointly | |
ad.联合地,共同地 | |
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576 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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577 adoption | |
n.采用,采纳,通过;收养 | |
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578 mortified | |
v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 );伤害(人的感情);克制;抑制(肉体、情感等) | |
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579 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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580 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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581 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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582 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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583 stipulated | |
vt.& vi.规定;约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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584 gainsay | |
v.否认,反驳 | |
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585 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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586 insurgents | |
n.起义,暴动,造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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587 rhetoric | |
n.修辞学,浮夸之言语 | |
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588 alluding | |
提及,暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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589 provocation | |
n.激怒,刺激,挑拨,挑衅的事物,激怒的原因 | |
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590 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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591 chambers | |
n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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592 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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593 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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594 expressive | |
adj.表现的,表达…的,富于表情的 | |
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595 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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596 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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597 affixed | |
adj.[医]附着的,附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 );粘贴;加以;盖(印章) | |
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598 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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599 memorandum | |
n.备忘录,便笺 | |
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600 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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601 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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