The state of opinion among the members of the Government from the early part of 1828 may be traced in the "Memoirs22" of Sir Robert Peel, which comprise the confidential23 correspondence on the subject. The Marquis Wellesley had retired24 from the Government of Ireland, and was succeeded by the Marquis of Anglesey. The former nobleman would have given more satisfaction to the Irish Roman Catholics; but he was overruled, as they believed, by Mr. Goulburn, his Chief Secretary. His popularity and the confidence reposed28 in him were much increased by the fact that the marchioness was a Roman Catholic, which, however, proportionably rendered him an object of suspicion to the Orange party.
The noble marquis was regarded by Mr. Peel with the most sincere respect and esteem29, which were cordially reciprocated30. In a letter dated January 30th, 1828, Lord Wellesley wrote to him thus:—"Your most acceptable letter of the 29th instant enables me to offer to you now those assurances of gratitude31, respect, and esteem which, to my sincere concern, have been so long delayed. Although these sentiments have not before reached you in the manner which would have been most suitable to the subject, I trust that you have not been unacquainted with the real impressions which your kindness and high character have fixed32 in my mind, and which it is always a matter of the most genuine satisfaction to me to declare. I am very anxious to communicate with you in the same unreserved confidence so long subsisting33 between us on the state of Ireland."
The main subject for consideration at that moment was the policy of continuing the Act for the suppression of the Catholic Association, which was to expire at the end of the Session of 1828. In connection with this subject a letter from Lord Anglesey came under the Ministry34's consideration. "Do keep matters quiet in Parliament," he said, "if possible. The less that is said of Catholic and Protestant the better. It would be presumptuous35 to form an opinion, or even a sanguine36 hope, in so short a time, yet I cannot but think there is much reciprocal inclination37 to get rid of the bugbear, and soften38 down asperities39. I am by no means sure that even the most violent would not be glad of an excuse for being less violent. Even at the Association they are at a loss to keep up the extreme irritation40 they had accomplished41; and if they find they are not violently opposed, and that there is no disposition42 on the part of Government to coercion43, I do believe they will dwindle44 into moderation. If, however, we have a mind to have a good blaze again, we may at once command it by re-enacting the expiring Bill, and when we have improved it and rendered it perfect, we shall find that it will not be acted upon. In short, I shall back Messrs. O'Connell's and Sheil's, and others' evasions46 against the Crown lawyers' laws."
[269]
LORD BYRON.
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Mr. Lamb, the Chief Secretary, wrote to Mr. Peel to the same effect. The Act, he said, had failed in fulfilling its main object, as well as every other advantageous47 purpose. To re-enact it would irritate all parties, and expose the Ministry to odium. He alluded48 to sources of dissension that were springing up in the Roman Catholic body, particularly the jealousy49 excited in the Roman Catholic prelates by the power which the Association had assumed over the parochial clergy50. On the whole, his advice was against renewing the Statute51. On the 12th of April Lord Anglesey wrote a memorandum52 on the subject, in which he pointed53 out the impolicy of any coercive measure, which, to be effective, must interfere54 with the right of public meeting, and make a dangerous inroad on the Constitution, at the same time displaying the weakness of the Government, which is shown in nothing more than passing strong measures which there was not vigour55 to enforce. His information led him to believe that the higher orders of the Roman Catholic clergy had long felt great jealousy of the ascendency that the leaders of the Association had assumed over the lower priesthood. Besides, many of the most respectable of the Catholic landlords were irritated at their tenantry for continuing to pay the Catholic rent, contrary to their injunctions; and sooner or later he believed the poorer contributors must consider the impost58 as onerous59, arbitrary, and oppressive. These matters he regarded as seeds of dissolution, which would be more than neutralised by any coercive attempt to put down the Association. He felt confident that no material mischief60 could result from allowing the Act quietly to expire, supported as the Government was by "the powerful aid of that excellent establishment, the constabulary force, already working the greatest[270] benefit, and capable of still further improvement, and protected as this force was by an efficient army, ably commanded."
In answer to some queries61 submitted to the Attorney-General, Mr. Joy, he stated that when the old Association was suppressed, the balance of Catholic rent in the treasury62 was ￡14,000. He showed how the existing Act had been evaded63, and how useless it was to attempt to prevent the agitation by any coercive measure. They held "fourteen days' meetings," and it was amusing to read the notices convening66 those meetings, which always ran thus:—"A fourteen days' meeting will be held, pursuant to Act of Parliament"—as if the Act had enjoined67 and required such meetings. Then there were aggregate68 meetings, and other "separate meetings," which were manifestly a continuation of the Association. The same members attended, and the same routine was observed. They also held simultaneous parochial meetings, by which the people were gathered into a solid and perilous69 confederacy.
On the 8th of May the Catholic claims were again brought forward by Sir Francis Burdett, who moved for a committee of the whole House, "with a view to such a final and conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive70 to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of the Protestant Establishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord71 of all classes of his Majesty72's subjects." The debate, which was animated73 and interesting, continued for three days. On a division, the motion for a committee was carried by 272 against 266, giving a majority of six only. But in the preceding Session a similar motion had been lost by a majority of four. On the 16th of the same month Sir Francis moved that the resolution be communicated to the Lords in a free conference, and that their concurrence75 should be requested. This being agreed to, the conference was held, and the resolution was reported to the Lords, who took it into consideration on the 9th of June. The debate, which lasted two days, was opened by the Marquis of Lansdowne. The Duke of Wellington opposed the resolution, which was lost by a majority of 181 to 137.
Mr. Lamb had retired with Mr. Huskisson, sending in his resignation to the Duke of Wellington, and was succeeded as Chief Secretary by Lord Francis Gower, afterwards Lord Ellesmere. Among the offices vacated in consequence of the recent schism77 in the Government, was that of President of the Board of Trade, which was accepted by Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, one of the members for the county Clare. He was consequently obliged to offer himself for re-election to his constituents78, and this led to the memorable79 contest which decided80 the question of Catholic Emancipation81.
This contest excited universal interest. Mr. O'Connell, the Roman Catholic candidate, was not unknown in England. He had come to London as the leading member of a deputation to urge the concession of Catholic Emancipation upon the Government and the legislature, when he met a number of the leading statesmen of the day at the house of the Duke of Norfolk. He had been examined by a committee of the Lords, together with Dr. Doyle, in 1825, on which occasion the ability he displayed, his extensive and accurate knowledge, his quickness in answering, and the clearness with which he conveyed information, excited the admiration82 of all parties. In the appeal case of Scully versus83 Scully he pleaded before Lord Eldon. It was the first time he had appeared in his forensic84 character in England. No sooner had he risen to address their lordships than it was buzzed about the precincts of Westminster, and persons of all descriptions crowded in with anxious curiosity to witness the display, including several peers and members of Parliament. He addressed their lordships for nearly two hours, during which the Lord Chancellor85 paid him great attention, though he had only thirty-three hours before carried the House of Lords with him in rejecting the Bill by which the great advocate would have been admitted to the full privileges of citizenship86. Referring to this subject, Lord Eldon wrote in his diary, "Mr. O'Connell pleaded as a barrister before me in the House of Lords on Thursday. His demeanour was very proper, but he did not strike me as shining so much in argument as might be expected from a man who has made so much noise in his harangues88 in a seditious association." Lord Eldon's opinion was evidently tinged89 by the recollection of the "seditious harangues." It is a curious fact that the leading counsel on that occasion on the same side was Sir Charles Wetherell, then Solicitor90-General. The English admired the rich tones of O'Connell's voice, his clear and distinct articulation91, his legal ingenuity92, and the readiness with which he adapted himself to the tribunal before which he pleaded. One of the best speeches he ever made was delivered at the great meeting of the British Catholic Association, the Duke of Norfolk presiding. He astonished his auditory on[271] that occasion. In fact, he was regarded as a lion in London. He won golden opinions wherever he went by his blandness93, vivacity94, and wit in private, and his lofty bearing in public. His commanding figure, his massive chest, and his broad, good-humoured face, with thought and determination distinctly marked in his physiognomy, showed that he had the physique of a great leader of the masses, while he proved himself amongst his colleagues not more powerful in body than in mind and will. The confidence reposed in him in Ireland was unbounded. He was indeed the most remarkable95 of all the men who had ever advocated the Catholic claims; the only one of their great champions fit to be a popular leader. Curran and Grattan were feeble and attenuated96 in body, and laboured under physical deficiencies, if the impulsive97 genius of the one or the fastidious pride of the other would have permitted them to be demagogues; O'Connell had all the qualities necessary for that character in perfection—unflinching boldness, audacious assertion, restless motion, soaring ambition, untiring energy, exquisite98 tact99, instinctive100 sagacity, a calculating, methodising mind, and a despotic will. He was by no means scrupulous101 in matters of veracity102, and he was famous for his powers of vituperation; but, as he was accustomed to say himself, he was "the best abused man in Ireland."
It was seldom that his name was missed from the leaders of Conservative journals, and he was the great object of attack at the meetings of the Brunswick Clubs, which were called into existence to resist the Catholic Association. But of all his assailants, none dealt him more terrible blows than the venerable Henry Grattan, the hero of 1782. "Examine their leader," he exclaimed, "Mr. O'Connell. He assumes a right to direct the Catholics of Ireland. He advises, he harangues, and he excites; he does not attempt to allay103 the passions of a warm and jealous people. Full of inflammatory matter, his declamations breathe everything but harmony; venting104 against Great Britain the most disgusting calumny105, falsehood, and treachery, equalled only by his impudence106, describing her as the most stupid, the most dishonest nation that ever existed. A man that could make the speeches he has made, utter the sentiments he has uttered, abuse the characters he has abused, praise the characters he has praised, violate the promises he has violated, propose such votes and such censures as he has proposed, can have little regard for private honour or for public character; he cannot comprehend the spirit of liberty, and he is unfitted to receive it."
There is in all this much of the splenetic jealousy of an aged107 invalid108 towards a vigorous competitor, who has outstripped109 him in the race. O'Connell excited much hostility110 amongst the friends of Emancipation by his opposition to the veto which they were willing to give to the British Crown on the appointment of Roman Catholic bishops by the Court of Rome. But the more antagonists112 he had, and the more battles he fought, the greater was his hold on the Roman Catholic priests and people. His power had arrived at its greatest height when the Canningites left the Ministry, and Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald came to Ireland to seek the suffrages113 of the Clare electors as an influential114 member of the Government. At first, no one had the least doubt of his triumphant115 return. He had been popular as Chancellor of the Exchequer116 in Ireland; he was a steady friend of Catholic Emancipation, for which he had always voted; he was personally popular; the gentry117 of the county were almost to a man devoted118 to him. It appears that O'Connell had at first no idea of starting against him. The proposal is said to have originated with Sir David Roose, who, having accidentally met Mr. P. V. Fitzpatrick on the 22nd of June, remarked that O'Connell ought to offer himself for Clare. Mr. Fitzpatrick then recollected119 having often heard Mr. John Keogh, of Mount Jerome, who had been the Catholic leader for many years, express his conviction that Emancipation would never be granted till a Catholic was elected a member of Parliament. If, when returned by a constituency, he was not permitted to take his seat because he would not violate his conscience by swearing what he did not believe, John Bull, who is jealous of constitutional rights, would resent this wrong, and would require the oath to be altered for the sake of the constituency. The moment this thought occurred to Mr. Fitzpatrick, he ran to O'Connell and begged of him to stand for Clare. They went to the office of the Dublin Evening Post, and there, in presence of Mr. F. W. Conway, the address to the electors was written. Still O'Connell shrank from the contest on account of the enormous cost. "You know," he said, "that, so far from being in circumstances to meet that outlay121 from my own resources, I am encumbered122 with heavy liabilities beyond my power of discharging. You are the only person with whom I am acquainted who knows intimately the Catholic aristocracy and men of wealth. Would[272] you undertake to sound them as to funds for the contest?" Fitzpatrick answered, "I will undertake it, and I am confident of success." Within an hour he got three men of wealth to put down their names for ￡100 each. The four then went round to the principal Catholics of Dublin, and during the day they got ￡1,600 from sixteen persons. The country followed the example of the metropolis123 so liberally that ￡14,000 was raised within a week, and money continued to flow in during the contest. The supplies, however, were not sufficient for the enormous demand, and in the heat of the contest a messenger was sent posthaste to Cork124, and in an incredibly short space of time returned with ￡1,000 from Mr. Jerry Murphy, who himself subscribed125 ￡300, and got the remainder from its patriotic126 inhabitants. The sum of ￡5,000 had been voted by the Association for the expenses of the election. They had been very anxious to get a candidate to oppose Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, and a popular Protestant, Major Macnamara, had been requested to come forward, but he declined on the ground of his personal obligations to the Ministerial candidate. Indeed, there were few of the smaller gentry in the county on whom he had not conferred favours by the liberal distribution of places among their sons. The Roman Catholic gentry were quite as much indebted to him as the Protestants, and they were not ungrateful, for they stood by him on the hustings127 almost to a man. Mr. O'Connell was preceded by two friends, Tom Steel and O'Gorman Mahon; the former a Protestant, the other a Roman Catholic: both men remarkable for their chivalrous129 bearing, and a dashing, reckless spirit, which takes with the Irish peasantry. A third agitator130 entered the field in the person of honest Jack131 Lawless, another leading member of the Association, and one of its most effective speakers. This band was soon joined by Father Tom Maguire, a famous controversialist, from the county of Leitrim, who had just been engaged in a discussion with the Rev64. Mr. Pope, and was hailed by the peasantry as the triumphant champion of their faith. There was also a barrister, Mr. Dominick Ronayne, who spoke132 the Irish language, and who, throwing an educated mind into the powerful idiom of the country, produced great effects upon the passions of the people. Mr. Sheil, second only to O'Connell in energy and influence, and superior to him in the higher attributes of the orator133, in the fiery134 temperament135 and imaginative faculty136 which constitute genius, flung himself into the arena137 with the greatest ardour. On the Sunday previous to the election each of these agitators138 was dispatched to a chapel139 situated140 in a district which was the stronghold of one or other of the most popular landlords, for the purpose of haranguing141 the people after mass, and rousing their enthusiasm to the highest pitch. Mr. Sheil went to a place called Corrofin, situated in a mountainous district, the property of Sir Edward O'Brien, father of Mr. Smith O'Brien, who drove to the place in his carriage, drawn142 by four horses. There he saw the whole population congregated143, having advanced from the rocky hills in large bands, waving green boughs144, and preceded by fifes and pipers. The hitherto popular landlord was received in solemn silence, while his antagonist111, Mr. Sheil, was hailed with rapturous applause. Sir Edward O'Brien consequently lost heart, and, leaving his phaeton opposite the chapel-door, went to church. Mr. Sheil gives a graphic145 description of Father Murphy, the priest of this rudely constructed mountain chapel. His form was tall, slender, and emaciated146; "his ample hand was worn to a skinny meagretude; his face was long, sunken, and cadaverous, but was illuminated147 by eyes blazing with all the fire of genius and the enthusiasm of religion; his lank148 black hair fell down in straight lines along a lofty forehead. The sun was shining with brilliancy, and rendered his figure, attired149 as it was in white garments, more conspicuous150. The scenery about was in harmony—it was wild and desolate151." This priest met the envoy152 of the Association on the threshold of his mountain temple, and hailed him with a solemn greeting. After mass the priest delivered an impassioned harangue87. The spirit of sarcasm153 gleamed over his features, and shouts of laughter attended his description of a miserable154 Catholic who should prove recreant155 to the great cause by making a sacrifice of his country to his landlord. "The close of his speech," says Mr. Sheil, "was peculiarly effective. He became inflamed157 by the power of his emotions, and, while he raised himself into the loftiest attitude to which he could ascend56, he laid one hand on the altar and shook the other in the spirit of almost prophetic admonition, and, while his eyes blazed and seemed to start from his forehead, thick drops fell down his face, and his voice rolled through lips livid with passion and covered with foam158. It is almost unnecessary to say that such an appeal was irresistible159. The multitude burst into shouts of acclamation, and would have been ready to mount a battery roaring with cannon160 at his command. Two days[273] afterwards the results were felt at the hustings, and while Sir Edward O'Brien stood aghast, Father Murphy marched into Ennis at the head of his tenantry, and polled them to a man in favour of Daniel O'Connell."
The way having been thus prepared, Mr. O'Connell proceeded to the scene of the contest. On the day of his departure his carriage, with four horses, drove into the yard of the Four Courts, where he had been engaged on an important trial. Having concluded his address to the judges, he put off his wig161 and gown, and proceeded through the hall, where he was followed by the lawyers and the persons from the different courts, so that the judges were deserted162. Stepping into his open barouche, accompanied by Mr. P. O'Gorman, secretary of the Association, Mr. R. Scott, solicitor, and Father Murphy, the celebrated163 parish priest of Corrofin, he drove off amidst the cheers of all present. The greatest possible excitement prevailed along the whole route, and he enjoyed an ovation164 at every town he passed through. At Ennis, though he entered the town by daybreak, the traders and the inhabitants turned out in procession to meet him. Priests swarmed165 in all the streets, and in every face there was an unconcealed expression of joyous168 and exulting169 triumph.
THE CLARE CONTEST: FATHER MURPHY LEADING HIS TENANTS170 TO THE POLL. (See p. 273.)
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The court-house on the day of nomination presented a striking scene. On the left hand of the sheriff stood a Cabinet Minister, attended by the whole body of the aristocracy and gentry, Protestant and Catholic, of the county Clare. On the right stood Mr. O'Connell, with scarcely a single gentleman by his side. But he was "the man of the people" and of the priests, and so he was master of the situation. Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald was proposed by Sir Edward O'Brien, and seconded by Sir A. Fitzgerald. The Ministerial candidate first addressed the freeholders. He was an accomplished gentleman and an excellent speaker. Mr. Sheil, who was present, remarked that he delivered one of the most effective and dexterous172 speeches it had ever been his fortune to hear. His venerable father, who had voted against the union in the Irish Parliament, was now on his death-bed, and the knowledge of the[274] contest had been kept from him, lest the excitement should hasten his departure. In alluding173 to him, and to his own services to the county, Mr. Fitzgerald's eyes filled with tears, and there were few amongst his opponents, excited as they were against him, who did not give the same evidence of emotion; and when he sat down, although the great majority of the audience were strongly opposed to him, and were enthusiasts174 in favour of the rival candidate, a loud and unanimous burst of acclamation shook the court-house.
Mr. O'Connell rose to address the people in reply. It was manifest that he considered great exertion175 to be requisite176 in order to do away with the impression which his antagonist had produced. It was clear, to those who were acquainted with the workings of his physiognomy, that he was collecting all his might. Mr. O'Connell bore Mr. Fitzgerald no sort of personal aversion, but he determined177, in this exigency178, to have little mercy on his feelings, and to employ all the power of vituperation of which he was possessed179 against him. "This," remarks Mr. Sheil, "was absolutely necessary; for if more dexterous fencing had been resorted to by Mr. O'Connell, many might have gone away with the opinion that, after all, Mr. Fitzgerald had been thanklessly treated by the Catholic body. It was, therefore, disagreeably requisite to render him for the moment odious180. Mr. O'Connell began by awakening181 the passions of the multitude in an attack on Mr. Fitzgerald's allies. Mr. Gore182 had lauded183 him highly. This Mr. Gore is of Cromwellian descent, and the people detest184 the memory of the Protector to this day. There is a tradition (I know not whether it has the least foundation) that the ancestor of this gentleman's family was a nailer by trade in the Puritan army. Mr. O'Connell, without any direct reference to the fact, used a set of metaphors185, such as 'striking the nail on the head,' 'putting a nail into a coffin,' which at once recalled the associations which were attached to the name of Mr. Gore, and roars of laughter assailed186 that gentleman on every side. Mr. Gore has the character of being not only very opulent, but of bearing regard to his possessions proportionate to their extent. Nothing is so unpopular as prudence187 in Ireland; and Mr. O'Connell rallied Mr. Gore to such a point upon this head, and that of his supposed origin, that the latter completely sank under the attack. He next proceeded to Mr. Fitzgerald, and having thrown in a picture of the late Mr. Perceval, he turned round, and asked of the rival candidate with what face he could call himself their friend, when the first act of his political life was to enlist189 himself under the banners of 'the bloody190 Perceval'? This violent epithet191 was sent into the hearts of the people with a force of expression and a furious vehemence192 of will that created a great sensation amongst the crowd, and turned the tide against Mr. Fitzgerald."
It was necessary that Roman Catholic electors should take an oath and obtain a certificate of their having done so from a magistrate193. The friends of Mr. Fitzgerald insisted that this oath should be taken, which caused considerable delay; but a magistrate having been obtained, the freeholders were sworn en masse. Brought into a yard, enclosed within four walls, twenty-five voters were placed against each wall, and thus the oath was simultaneously194 taken. The effects of this machinery195 upon the poll soon became manifest. Mr. O'Connell ran ahead of his opponent, and on the second day the result was no longer doubtful. Mr. Fitzgerald would have abandoned the contest, but the landlords resolved that the last man whom they could command should be polled out. They exerted themselves to the utmost to prevent the defection of their tenantry. The most influential of them had their freeholders mustered196 in a body, and came forward to the hustings at their head, exhorting198, promising199, threatening, reminding them of past favours, and hinting at the consequences of forsaking200 their best friends and natural protectors; but the moment O'Connell or a priest appeared—shouting: "Vote for your country, boys!" "Vote for the old religion!" "Down with Vesey!" "Hurrah201 for O'Connell!"—they changed sides to a man, with a wild, responsive cheer. One priest, Father Coffey, adhered to Mr. Fitzgerald. "But," says Mr. Sheil, "the scorn and detestation with which he was treated by the mob clearly proved that a priest has no influence over them when he attempts to run counter to their political passions. He can hurry them on in the career in which their own feelings impel202 them, but he cannot turn them into another course." The generality of the orators203 were heard with loud and clamorous204 approbation205; but at a late hour one evening, when it was growing rapidly dark, a priest came forward on the platform, who addressed the multitude in Irish. Ten thousand peasants were assembled before the speaker, and a profound stillness hung over the almost breathless mass. For some minutes they continued thus deeply attentive206, and seemed to be struck with awe207 as he proceeded. Suddenly the priest and the whole multitude knelt down with[275] the precision of a regimental evolution. Priest and people were both silent, but they were offering up a mental prayer for mercy on the soul of one of Vesey Fitzgerald's voters, who had died that day, and had been accused of taking a bribe209. The polling, which lasted five days, at length closed. The court-house was again crowded, as on the first day. Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald appeared again at the head of the aristocracy, and Mr. O'Connell at the head of the priests and the "Forties." The moment the latter was declared by the sheriff duly elected, the first Roman Catholic M.P. since the Revolution, a friend presented him with a letter to be franked. Addressed to a member of the House of Commons, it was posted that night, and when it arrived at its destination it was handed about amongst the members, exciting curiosity and astonishment210. It was said also to have found its way to the king, who probably felt thankful that his brother, the Duke of York, did not live to see "Daniel O'Connell, M.P." Mr. O'Connell made a speech, distinguished211 by just feeling and good taste, and begged that Mr. Fitzgerald would forgive him if he had on the first day given him any sort of offence. Mr. Fitzgerald came forward, and unaffectedly assured him that whatever was said should be forgotten. He was again hailed with universal acclamation, and delivered an admirable speech. During the progress of the election he could not refrain from repeatedly expressing his astonishment at what he saw, and from indulging in melancholy213 forebodings of events of which these incidents were perhaps but the heralds214. "Where is all this to end?" was a question frequently put in his presence, and from which he seemed to shrink.
There was, however, no violation215 of the peace, which Lord Anglesey had taken effective measures to preserve. He had placed at the disposal of Major Warburton 47 artillery216, with two 6-pounders; 120 cavalry217, and 415 infantry218. These were at Clare Castle, close at hand; within a few miles there were 183 cavalry, and 1,313 infantry; within thirty-six miles, 28 cavalry, 1,367 infantry, and two 6-pounders; and at a farther distance there was a regiment208 of cavalry and above 800 infantry. There were besides, on duty at Ennis, 300 of the constabulary.
Mr. Peel's reflections on the Clare election are deeply interesting. "It afforded," he writes, in his Memoirs, "a decisive proof, not only that the instrument on which the Protestant proprietor219 had hitherto mainly relied for the maintenance of his political influence had completely failed him, but that, through the combined exertions220 of the agitator and the priest—or, I should rather say, through the contagious221 sympathies of a common cause among all classes of the Roman Catholic population—the instrument of defence and supremacy222 had been converted into a weapon fatal to the authority of the landlord. However men might differ as to the consequences which ought to follow the event, no one denied its vast importance. It was seen by the most intelligent that the Clare election would be the turning-point in the Catholic question—the point—
"'Partes ubi se via findit in ambas.'"
The Home Secretary thus refers to a letter of Lord Eldon, written to his daughter soon after the event, as follows:—"After observing, 'Nothing is talked of now which interests anybody the least in the world, except the election of Mr. O'Connell,' he makes these memorable remarks:—'As Mr. O'Connell will not, though elected, be allowed to take his seat in the House of Commons unless he will take the oaths, etc. (and that he won't do unless he can get absolution), his rejection223 from the Commons may excite rebellion in Ireland. At all events, this business must bring the Roman Catholic question, which has been so often discussed, to a crisis and a conclusion. The nature of that conclusion I do not think likely to be favourable224 to Protestantism.' It is clear, therefore," continues Mr. Peel, "that Lord Eldon was fully225 alive to the real character and magnitude of the event."
Mr. Peel publishes the letters that passed between him and Mr. Fitzgerald while the election was pending226, and from these it would appear that the latter thought the contest would be violent and exasperated227. After the fight was over, he said he had polled the gentry to a man, and all the fifty-pound freeholders. The organisation which had been shown was so complete and formidable that no man could contemplate228 without alarm what was to follow in that wretched country. Mr. Peel observes:—"The last letter of Mr. Fitzgerald is especially worthy229 of remark. Can there be a doubt that the example of the county would have been all-powerful in the case of every future election in Ireland for those counties in which a Roman Catholic constituency preponderated230? It is true that Mr. O'Connell was the most formidable competitor whom Mr. Fitzgerald could have encountered; it is possible that that which took place in Clare would not have taken place had[276] any other man than Mr. O'Connell been the candidate; but he must be blind, indeed, to the natural progress of events, and to the influence of example, in times of public excitement, on the feelings and passions of men, who could cherish the delusive231 hope that the instrument of political power, shivered to atoms in the county of Clare, would still be wielded232 with effect in Cork or Galway.
"The Clare election supplied the manifest proof of an abnormal and unhealthy condition of the public mind in Ireland—the manifest proof that the sense of a common grievance234 and the sympathies of a common interest were beginning to loosen the ties which connect different classes of men in friendly relations to each other, to weaken the force of local and personal attachments236, and to unite the scattered237 elements of society into a homogeneous and disciplined mass, yielding willing obedience238 to the assumed authority of superior intelligence hostile to the law and to the Government which administered it. There is a wide distinction (though it is not willingly recognised by a heated party) between the hasty concession to unprincipled agitation and provident239 precaution against the explosion of public feeling gradually acquiring the strength which makes it irresistible. 'Concede nothing to agitation,' is the ready cry of those who are not responsible—the vigour of whose decisions is often proportionate to their own personal immunity240 from danger, and imperfect knowledge of the true state of affairs. A prudent241 Minister, before he determines against all concession—against any yielding or compromise of former opinions—must well consider what it is that he has to resist, and what are his powers of resistance. His task would be an easy one if it were sufficient to resolve that he would yield nothing to violence or to the menace of physical force. In this case of the Clare election, and of its natural consequences, what was the evil to be apprehended242? Not force, not violence, not any act of which law could take cognisance. The real danger was in the peaceable and legitimate243 exercise of a franchise14 according to the will and conscience of the holder171. In such an exercise of that franchise, not merely permitted, but encouraged and approved by constitutional law, was involved a revolution of the electoral system in Ireland—the transfer of political power, so far as it was connected with representation, from one party to another. The actual transfer was the least of the evil; the process by which it was to be effected—the repetition in each county of the scenes of the Clare election—the fifty-pound free-holders, the gentry to a man polling one way, their alienated244 tenantry another—all the great interests of the county broken down—'the universal desertion' (I am quoting the expressions of Mr. Fitzgerald)—the agitator and the priest laughing to scorn the baffled landlord—the local heaving and throes of society on every casual vacancy245 in a county—the universal convulsion at a general election—this was the danger to be apprehended; those were the evils to be resisted. What was the power of resistance? 'Alter the law, and remodel246 the franchise,' was the ready, the improvident247 response. If it had been desired to increase the strength of a formidable confederacy, and, by rallying round it the sympathies of good men and of powerful parties in Great Britain, to insure for it a signal triumph, to extinguish the hope of effecting an amicable248 adjustment of the Catholic question, and of applying a corrective to the real evils and abuses of elective franchise, the best way to attain249 these pernicious ends would have been to propose to Parliament, on the part of the Government, the abrupt250 extinction251 of the forty-shilling franchise in Ireland, together with the continued maintenance of civil disability."
"I well know that there are those upon whom such considerations as these to which I have been adverting252 will make but a faint impression. Their answer to all such appeals is the short, in their opinion the conclusive253, declaration—'The Protestant Constitution in Church and State must be maintained at all hazards, and by any means; the maintenance of it is a question of principle, and every concession or compromise is the sacrifice of principle to a low and vulgar expediency254.' This is easily said; but how was Ireland to be governed? How was the Protestant Constitution in Church and State to be maintained in that part of the empire? Again I can anticipate the reply—'By the overwhelming sense of the people of Great Britain; by the application, if necessary, of physical force for the maintenance of authority; by the employment of the organised strength of Government, the police and the military, to enforce obedience to the law.'"
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DANIEL O'CONNELL. (After the Portrait by Sir David Wilkie.)
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Then—by a process of argument so close, so logical, as to amount to a demonstration256—Sir Robert Peel meets this objection, and shows that the proposals of the Conservative party afforded no solution of the real difficulty. Granted that the overwhelming sense of the people of Great Britain was against concession, what aid could they afford in the daily, practical administration of the law in Ireland? If seditious libels were to be punished, or illegal confederacies, dangerous to the public peace, to be suppressed, the offenders257 could only be corrected and checked through the intervention258 of an Irish jury, little disposed, if fairly selected, to defer259 in times of political excitement to the authority of English opinion. But the real difficulty to be surmounted260 was not the violation of the law; it lay, rather, in the novel exercise of constitutional franchises262, in the application of powers recognised and protected by the law, the power of speech, the power of meeting in public assemblies, the systematic263 and not unlawful application of all these powers to one definite purpose—namely, the organisation of a force which professed264 to be a moral force, but had for its object to encroach, step by step, on the functions of regular government, to paralyse its authority, and to acquire a strength which might ultimately render irresistible the demand for civil equality. If, then, Irish agitation could not be repressed through the action of Irish juries, if the agitators kept strictly265 within the letter of the law, so that even a conviction by an Irish jury might be pronounced, by the highest legal authorities in England, an Act making trial by jury "a mockery, a delusion266, and a snare," how was the public opinion of England and Scotland to be brought to bear in putting down the popular will in Ireland? It could be done only through the Imperial Parliament, by having a law passed to suspend or abolish the Constitution in Ireland. But the existing Parliament could not be got to pass any such measure, for the House of Commons had just voted that the proper way to put down agitation in Ireland was to grant Catholic Emancipation; and that the remedy of establishing civil equality ought to be tried without delay. Was[278] there any hope that a dissolution of Parliament would produce different results? No; for at the general election of 1826, Yorkshire, Lancashire, Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, and Devonshire sent representatives to Parliament, a majority of whom voted against the maintenance of Protestant ascendency in Ireland. The members for London, for Liverpool, for Norwich, for Coventry, for Leicester, were equally divided on the question; while the members for Westminster, Southwark, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Preston, Chester, and Derby voted unanimously for concession. Now, the Parliament which assumed this Liberal complexion267 had been elected in circumstances calculated to call forth268 the strongest manifestation269 of Protestant feeling; for it was only the previous year that, after long discussion and a severe contest, the Commons had sent up to the Lords, by a majority of twenty-one, a Bill for the repeal270 of Roman Catholic disabilities. Then, with regard to Ireland, what would have been the effect of a general election there? Would not the example of Clare have been imitated in every county and borough271 where the Roman Catholic electors were the majority? And what would have been the effect of such an attempt on the public peace? Probably, to involve the whole island in the horrors of a civil and religious war; to be followed by another penal272 code.
Referring to the means at the disposal of Government for putting down the agitations273 by military force, Peel has this remarkable passage:—"This is a very delicate matter to discuss; but why have I deferred274 for twenty years this vindication275 of my conduct? Why have I consented to submit for that long period to every reproach which malice276, or mistake, or blindness to the real state of affairs could direct against me, except in the hope that the time would come (I cared little whether I were in the grave or not when it should come) when delicate matters might safely be discussed, and when, without prejudice to the public interests, or offence to private feelings, the whole truth might be spoken? I deliberately277 affirm that a Minister of the Crown, responsible at the time of which I am speaking for the public peace and the public welfare, would have grossly and scandalously neglected his duty if he had failed to consider whether it might not be possible that the fever of political and religious excitement which was quickening the pulse and fluttering the bosom278 of the whole Catholic population—which had inspired the serf of Clare with the resolution and energy of a free man—which had, in the twinkling of an eye, made all considerations of personal gratitude, ancient family connection, local preferences, the fear of worldly injury, the hope of worldly advantage, subordinate to the all-absorbing sense of religious obligation and public duty—whether, I say, it might not be possible that the contagion279 of that feverish280 excitement might spread beyond the barriers which, under ordinary circumstances, the habits of military obedience and the strictness of military discipline opposed to all such external influences."
The chief governor of Ireland, at that time, was no timid civilian281. He was a brave and distinguished soldier—a man of chivalrous honour himself, and therefore not prone282 to entertain doubts injurious to the honour of the profession of which he was an ornament283. But Lord Anglesey was also capable of estimating the force of popular contagious influences on military discipline and fidelity284 in an extraordinary national crisis; and he was so alarmed at the state of things developed by the Clare election, that he wrote confidentially285 to Mr. Peel, cautioning him against supposing that Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, from vexation and disappointment, should exaggerate the danger of the crisis, and telling him that he would send Major Warburton on a secret mission, known only to his private secretary, to explain to the Government in London the state of affairs. Major Warburton, a very intelligent and trustworthy officer, was at the head of the constabulary, and commanded the force at Clare during the election. He testified, as the result of his observation there, that, even in the constabulary and the army, the sympathies of a common cause, political and religious, could not be altogether repressed, and that implicit286 reliance could not long be placed on the effect of discipline and the duty of obedience. On the 20th of July Lord Anglesey wrote as follows:—"We hear occasionally of the Catholic soldiers being ill-disposed, and entirely287 under the influence of the priests. One regiment of infantry is said to be divided into Orange and Catholic factions288. It is certain that, on the 12th of July, the guard at the Castle had Orange lilies about them." On the 26th of July the Viceroy wrote another letter, from which the following is an extract:—"The priests are using very inflammatory language, and are certainly working upon the Catholics of the army. I think it important that the dep?ts of Irish recruits should be gradually removed, under the appearance of being required to join their regiments289, and that whatever regiments are sent here should be those of Scotland,[279] or, at all events, of men not recruited from the south of Ireland. I desired Sir John Byng to convey this opinion to Lord Hill."
In the meantime, Mr. Peel had, in the previous month, communicated with the Duke of Wellington, and intimated his wish to retire from the Cabinet, and from the leadership of the House of Commons, in consequence of his being in the minority upon a question which, of all others, most deeply affected212 the condition and prospects291 of Ireland, with the government of which he was charged as Home Secretary. The Duke of Wellington's sentiments did not differ from his as to the embarrassment293 that must arise from divided counsels in the Cabinet. The Duke also acted upon the earnest advice of Mr. Peel not to take a course which would preclude294 an early settlement of the question. In the debate on Lord Lansdowne's motion, on the 9th of June, that the Lords should concur74 in the resolution passed by the House of Commons, the Duke and Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst took part in the debate, and, though they did not concur in the resolution, which was rejected by a majority of 44, the general tenor295 of their speeches and of those of the bishops led Lord Lansdowne to observe, in reply, that he thought the noble lord on the woolsack and the noble duke must have had the intention of conceding the Catholic claims, for no one knew better than they did the danger of holding out expectations which could not be realised. The Session of 1828 was closed by a Speech from the Throne on the 28th of July. As only three weeks of the Session had to elapse after the Clare election, Mr. O'Connell did not offer to take his seat, preferring to make the most of the "M.P." in the work of agitation till the meeting of Parliament in the spring. And, besides, he was probably aware that he would have no opportunity of making a speech. If he appeared, the Speaker would desire him to take the oaths required by law; and if he declined, he would treat him as a stranger and intruder, and listen to nothing he had to say. He could not be summoned to the House, and compelled to attend, because he was not returned at a general election; and it was thought better to let him enjoy his senatorial honours unmolested for six months, than to enter, at the close of the Session, into an irritating and protracted296 contest.
On the 2nd of July, in a letter to Lord Francis Leveson Gower, the Viceroy gave his opinion of the state of Ireland in these terms:—"I begin by premising that I hold in abhorrence298 the Association, the agitators, the priests, and their religion; and I believe that not many, but that some, of the bishops are mild, moderate, and anxious to come to a fair and liberal compromise for the adjustment of the points at issue. I think that these latter have very little, if any, influence with the lower clergy and the population.
"Such is the extraordinary power of the Association, or, rather, of the agitators, of whom there are many of high ability, of ardent299 mind, of great daring (and if there was no Association, these men are now too well known not to maintain their power under the existing order of exclusion300), that I am quite certain they could lead on the people to open rebellion at a moment's notice; and their organisation is such that in the hands of desperate and intelligent leaders they would be extremely formidable. The hope, and indeed the probability, of present tranquillity301 rests upon the forbearance and the not very determined courage of O'Connell, and on his belief, as well as that of the principal men amongst them, that they will carry their cause by unceasing agitation, and by intimidation302, without coming to blows. I believe their success inevitable303; that no power under heaven can arrest its progress. There may be rebellion—you may put to death thousands—you may suppress it, but it will only be to put off the day of compromise; and, in the meantime, the country is still more impoverished304, and the minds of the people are, if possible, still more alienated, and ruinous expense is entailed305 upon the empire. But supposing that the whole evil was concentred in the Association, and that, if that was suppressed, all would go smoothly306, where is the man who can tell me how to suppress it? Many cry out that the nuisance must be abated—that the Government is supine—that the insolence307 of the demagogues is intolerable; but I have not yet found one person capable of pointing out a remedy. All are mute when you ask them to define their proposition. All that even the most determined opposers to Emancipation say is, that it is better to leave things as they are than to risk any change. But will things remain as they are? Certainly not. They are bad; they must get worse; and I see no possible means of improving them but by depriving the demagogues of the power of directing the people; and by taking Messrs. O'Connell, Sheil, and the rest of them, from the Association, and placing them in the House of Commons, this desirable object would be at once accomplished.
"The present order of things must not, cannot[280] last. There are three modes of proceeding308: first, that of trying to go on as we have done; secondly309, to adjust the question by concession, and such guards as may be deemed indispensable; thirdly, to put down the Association, and to crush the power of the priests. The first I hold to be impossible. The second is practicable and advisable. The third is only possible by supposing that you can reconstruct the House of Commons, and to suppose that is to suppose that you can totally alter the feelings of those who send them there. I believe nothing short of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act and martial310 law will effect the third proposition. This would effect it during their operation, and, perhaps, for a short time after they had ceased, and then every evil would return with accumulated weight. But no House of Commons would consent to these measures until there is open rebellion, and therefore till that occurs it is useless to think of them. The second mode of proceeding is, then, I conceive, the only practicable one; but the present is not propitious311 to effect even this. I abhor297 the idea of truckling to the overbearing Catholic demagogues. To make any movement towards conciliation312 under the present excitement and system of terror would revolt me; but I do most conscientiously313, and after the most earnest consideration of the subject, give it as my conviction that the first moment of tranquillity should be seized to signify the intention of adjusting the question, lest another period of calm should not present itself."
Lord Anglesey had expressed himself so strongly in his communications with the Government, that he was afraid of being regarded by them as a partisan314. He deprecated giving the executive any additional powers, though not without apprehensions315 of a rebellion, which he believed he had sufficient force to quell317, even in the improbable event of foreign aid, upon which some of the Irish people might, however rashly, rely for success. On the 20th of July he wrote: "It appears not improbable there may be an attempt to introduce arms, and finally insurrection. I am quite sure the disaffected319 are amply organised for the undertaking320. They are partially321, but ill, armed. Pikes, however, to any amount, and at very short notice, would be easily manufactured, if they are not already made and secreted322. Still, I cannot bring myself to believe that the ruling characters are at all inclined to put their cause to the test of arms; and if they do, I cannot imagine how, without foreign aid—of which there appears no fear—they can calculate upon success." The priests had become all silent and reserved, even towards those with whom they had hitherto maintained confidential intercourse323. No money would tempt17 them to make a single disclosure, and there was a general impression among them that some great event was at hand. The law officers of the Crown had been consulted as to the expediency of prosecuting324 some of the agitators for the most violent of their speeches; but their advice was, that it could not be done with any prospect292 of success, because their most exciting stimulants325 were accompanied by declarations that they wished only to guard the Government against insurrection, which only concession could prevent. Such being the condition of Ireland, the position of the Government was in the highest degree perplexing. The House of Commons was for Emancipation; the Lords were opposed to it; the king was opposed to it. The strength of political parties was nicely balanced in Parliament, and strong political excitement prevailed on both sides of the Irish Sea. Peel, in view of this state of affairs, says: "I maturely and anxiously considered every point which required consideration, and I formed a decision as to the obligation of public duty, of which I may say with truth that it was wholly at variance326 with that which the regard for my own personal interests or private feelings would have dictated327." His intention was to relinquish328 office; but he resolved not to do so without placing on record his opinion that a complete change of policy was necessary, that the Catholic question should no longer be an open question, and that the whole condition of Ireland, political and social, should be taken into consideration by the Cabinet, precisely329 in the same manner in which every other question of grave importance was considered, and with the same power to offer advice upon it to the Sovereign. He also gave it as his decided opinion that there was less evil and less danger in conceding the Catholic claims than in persevering330 in the policy of resistance. He left London for Brighton soon after the close of the Session, having made a previous arrangement with the Duke of Wellington that he should send him a memorandum explanatory of his views on the state of Ireland and on the Catholic question, and that he should write to the Duke fully in reply. On the 9th of August the Duke wrote to him as follows:—"I now send you the memorandum which I sent to the king on the state of Ireland, a letter which I sent to him at the same time, his answer, a memorandum upon the Roman Catholic[281] question which I have since drawn up, and a letter which I wrote yesterday to the Lord Chancellor."
THE FOUR COURTS, DUBLIN.
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The result of the Duke's deliberations upon the crisis and the duty of Government respecting it was stated at length in an unpublished manuscript, left in his own handwriting, and is probably a copy of the memorandum sent to the king. The following is the substance of the Duke's reflections as given in Mr. Gleig's "Life of Wellington":—
"The Government, if it should determine under existing circumstances to maintain the statutes331 excluding Roman Catholics from power, must ask for new laws, the old having quite broken down. They must bring in a Bill requiring candidates for seats in Parliament to take at the hustings the oaths of supremacy and allegiance; otherwise they could not prevent Roman Catholics from contesting every vacant county and borough in the United Kingdom, and from becoming ipso facto members of Parliament, should constituencies see fit to elect them. Practically speaking, there might be small risk that either in England or Scotland this result would follow—at least, to any extent. But what was to be expected in Ireland? That every constituency, with the exception, perhaps, of the university and city of Dublin, and of the counties and boroughs332 of the north, would, whenever the opportunity offered, return Roman Catholics; and that the members so returned being prevented from taking their seats, three-fourths, at least, of the Irish people must remain permanently333 unrepresented in Parliament. Was it possible, looking to the state of parties in the House of Commons, that such a measure, if proposed, could be carried? For many years back the majorities in favour of repeal had gone on increasing, Session after Session. Even the present Parliament, elected as it had been under a strong Protestant pressure, had swerved334 from its faithfulness. The small majority which threw out Lord John Russell's Bill in 1827 had been converted, in 1828, into a minority; and among those who voted on that occasion with Mr. Peel, many gave him warning that hereafter they should consider themselves free to follow a different course.
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"But perhaps it might be possible to get a Bill passed to disfranchise the Irish forty-shilling freeholders—a class of voters who, as they had been created for acknowledged purposes of corruption335 in the Irish Parliament, would have nobody to stand up for them in high places, now that they refused to play their patrons' game. This was quite as improbable an issue as the other. The disfranchisement of forty-shilling freeholders had, indeed, been talked of in former years; but, if effected at all, it was to be in connection with a measure of Catholic Emancipation. To propose it now for the avowed336 purpose of rendering337 Catholic Emancipation impossible would be to insure the rejection of the Bill. That plan, therefore, fell at once to the ground; and there remained but two others.
"The Minister might ask Parliament for power to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, and to place all Ireland under military law. To ask for less would be ridiculous; because the Act against unlawful assemblies had failed, and, on account of its helplessness, was suffered to expire. Now, would Parliament grant such extensive powers to any Government merely that the Government might be enabled to debar his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects a little longer from enjoying equal political privileges with Protestants? The issue was very doubtful—perhaps it was not doubtful at all. Parliament would never grant such powers. But, assuming that the powers were given, what must follow?—a general insurrection, to be put down after much bloodshed and suffering, and then a return to that state of sullen338 discontent which would render Ireland, ten times more than she had ever been, a millstone round the neck of Great Britain, and by-and-by, when military law ceased, and the same measure of personal liberty was granted to Irishmen which the natives of England and Scotland enjoyed, a renewal of agitation, only in a more hostile spirit, and the necessity of either reverting339 again and again to measures of coercion, or of yielding at last what, upon every principle of humanity and common sense, ought not to have been thus far withheld340. But the Minister, if the existing Parliament refused to give him the powers which he asked, might dissolve, and go to the country with a strong Protestant cry; and this cry might serve his purpose in England and Scotland. Doubtless; but what would occur in Ireland?—the return of Roman Catholic members in the proportion of four to one over Protestants, and the virtual disfranchisement thereby341 of four-fifths of the Irish people. Would Ireland submit quietly to any law carried against herself in a House of Commons so constituted? Was it not much more probable that a dissolution would only lead to the same results which had been shown to be inevitable in the event of the existing Parliament acquiescing342 in the Ministers' views? And was there not, at all events, a chance that the electors, even, of England and Scotland, might refuse to abet343 a policy so pregnant with danger to themselves and to the commonwealth344? But why move at all? Mr. O'Connell had been elected by the priests and rabble345 of Clare to represent them in Parliament. Let him retain this empty honour; or, better still, let him be summoned by a call of the House to the bar, and, on his refusal to take the oaths, issue a new writ120, and go to a new election. In the first place, Mr. O'Connell could not be forced to attend to a call of the House, such call being obligatory346 only on members chosen at a general election; and in the next, if he did attend, what then? As soon as the new writ was issued, he would take the field again as a candidate, and again be elected; and so the game would continue to be played, till a dissolution occurred, when all those consequences of which we have elsewhere spoken would inevitably347 come to pass."
Two courses were now open to the Duke of Wellington and to Peel—to resign, in order that Emancipation might be carried by the statesmen who had always been its advocates, and who might therefore carry it without any violation of consistency348 or of their own political principles. It was for not adopting this course that they were exposed to all the odium which they so long endured. But the question was, whether Lord Grey or Lord Lansdowne could have carried Catholic Emancipation even with the aid of the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel in opposition—could have overcome the repugnance349 of the Sovereign and the resistance of the House of Lords. It was their decided conviction that they could not, especially with due regard to the safety of the Established Church. But being convinced that the time had come when the question ought to be settled, the Duke examined the second course that was open to him, and embraced it. It was this: that postponing350 all other considerations to what he believed to be a great public duty, he should himself, as Prime Minister, endeavour to settle the question.
Peel has been even more severely351 censured352 than the Duke of Wellington for the part he took on this memorable occasion. He wrote a long letter to the Duke, in which he earnestly[283] protested against taking charge of the Emancipation Bill in the House of Commons, offering, at the same time, to give it his earnest support. He also offered to resign, as a means of removing one obstacle to the adjustment which the interests of the country demanded. The letter concluded as follows: "I do not merely volunteer my retirement353 at whatever may be the most convenient time, I do not merely give you the promise that out of office (be the sacrifices that I foresee, private and public, what they may) I will cordially co-operate with you in the settlement of this question, and cordially support your Government; but I add to this my decided and deliberate opinion that it will tend to the satisfactory adjustment of the question if the originating of it in the House of Commons and the general superintendence of its progress be committed to other hands than mine." And in his "Memoirs" he remarks: "Twenty years have elapsed since the above letter was written. I read it now with the full testimony354 of my own heart and conscience to the perfect sincerity355 of the advice which I then gave, and the declarations which I then made; with the same testimony, also, to the fact that that letter was written with a clear foresight356 of the penalties to which the course I resolved to take would expose me—the rage of party, the rejection by the University of Oxford, the alienation357 of private friends, the interruption of family affections. Other penalties, such as the loss of office and of royal favour, I would not condescend358 to notice if they were not the heaviest in the estimation of vulgar and low-minded men, incapable359 of appreciating higher motives360 of public conduct. My judgment361 may be erroneous. From the deep interest I have in the result (though now only so far as future fame is concerned), it cannot be impartial362; yet, surely, I do not err26 in believing that when the various circumstances on which my decision was taken are calmly and dispassionately considered—the state of political parties—the recent discussions in Parliament—the result of the Clare election, and the prospects which it opened—the earnest representations and emphatic364 warnings of the chief governor of Ireland—the evils, rapidly increasing, of divided counsels in the Cabinet, and of conflicting decisions in the two Houses of Parliament—the necessity for some systematic and vigorous course of policy in respect to Ireland—the impossibility, even if it were wise, that that policy should be one of coercion—surely, I do not err in believing that I shall not hereafter be condemned365 for having heedlessly and precipitously, still less for having dishonestly and treacherously366, counselled the attempt to adjust the long litigated question, that had for so many years precluded367 the cordial co-operation of public men, and had left Ireland the arena for fierce political conflicts, annually368 renewed, without the means of authoritative369 interposition on the part of the Crown."
The state of Ireland continued to excite the greatest alarm from the prorogation370 of Parliament to the end of the year. The language of the speakers in the Association became more violent, and the harangues of the priests more inflammatory. In the counties of Tipperary and Limerick large bodies of men were accustomed to assemble on Sundays, and to parade in military order, carrying banners. These bands were regularly organised and admirably commanded. The Irish Government, from time to time, reported the progress of this formidable organisation. In one place as many as 700 "cavalry" would assemble, with thousands of infantry, and go through military evolutions. These were surrounded by thousands of the peasantry. Amongst the persons thus paraded were some of the most abandoned characters in the country, men who had notoriously been concerned in the perpetration of murder, and for the apprehension316 of whom large rewards had been offered in vain by the Government. These demonstrations371, as might be expected, excited the greatest alarm among the Protestants of the south, as well as the peaceably disposed Roman Catholics. One ominous372 circumstance connected with them was the fact that the dissuasions of the priests against the meetings in military array were disregarded. Mr. Lawless, an active member of the Association, marched northward373 at the head of 10,000 Roman Catholics. In the county of Monaghan, the Orangemen, apprised374 of their approach, took possession of the town of Ballyhay in large numbers, prepared to encounter the southern invaders375 of Ulster. As the Orangemen were well armed, and excited to the utmost, a bloody battle would have ensued, had not Lawless beaten a timely retreat. Getting out of his carriage, and mounting a swift horse, he galloped376 off, amidst the indignant shouts of his followers377.
The formidable organisation of the Roman Catholics led to a counter organisation of the Protestants, in the form of Brunswick Clubs. This organisation embraced the whole of the Protestant peasantry, north and south, the Protestant farmers, and many of the gentry. They, too, held their regular meetings, had their exciting[284] oratory378, and passed strong resolutions, condemnatory379 of the inaction of the Government, which was charged with neglecting its first and most imperative380 duty—the protection of society from lawless violence. The Brunswickers, as well as the Emancipators, had their "rent" to bear the expenses of the agitation. They alleged381 that they were obliged to organise255 in self-defence, and in defence of the Constitution. In Ulster the country was divided into two camps, Catholic and Protestant. Notwithstanding the difference in numbers, the Protestants of Ulster were eager to encounter their antagonists in the field, and had not the slightest doubt of being able to beat them. They had all the proud confidence of a dominant383 race, and regarded the military pretensions384 of their antagonists as scornfully as the Turks would have regarded similar pretensions on the part of the Greeks. The feeling on both sides was such, that an aggression385 upon the Protestants in the south would have called forth 100,000 armed men in the north; and an aggression upon the Catholics in Ulster would have produced a similar effect among the Catholics in Munster. The number of Protestants in favour of Emancipation constituted but a small minority. The great mass were against concession. They believed that an insurrection would be the most satisfactory solution of the difficulty. With the aid of the army they felt that they were able to crush the "Papists," as they had been crushed in 1798, and then they hoped they would be quiet for at least another generation, resuming what they considered their proper position as "sole-leather." They forgot, however, the increase in their numbers, their property, and their intelligence. They forgot the growth of a middle class amongst them; the increased power and influence of the hierarchy, and the formidable band of agitators supplied by the Roman Catholic bar, whose members, many of them men of commanding abilities and large practice, were excluded by their creed386 from the Bench; which exclusion filled the minds of the ambitious with a burning sense of wrong, and made it their interest to devise all possible modes of evading387 the law, while keeping the country on the verge388 of insurrection.
So successful were they in this endeavour that the Government was in a state of the greatest possible perplexity. Lord Anglesey, the Viceroy, and Lord Leveson Gower, the Chief Secretary, were in continual correspondence with the Home Secretary as to the propriety389 of adopting measures of repression390. Lord Anglesey was decided in his conviction that Emancipation ought to be immediately granted. He was naturally reluctant to employ force, unless it was imperatively392 necessary, and then he felt with Mr. Peel that it ought to be used effectively, whatever might be the consequences. Neither the Irish nor the English Government concealed167 from itself what those consequences would probably be—namely, an open rebellion, a sanguinary civil war; which, however, they had no doubt of being able to put down. The law officers of the Crown, both in England and Ireland, were called upon for their opinions as to the illegality of the proceedings393 of the agitators, as to the likelihood of success in case of prosecution, and whether the Government would be warranted, by statute or common law, in dispersing394 the popular assemblages by force. They agreed on both sides of the channel that the case was not sufficiently395 clear to justify396 the Government either in legal proceedings or military repression. The English law officers came to this conclusion although at the time Sir Charles Wetherell was Attorney-General. It is evident, however, from the tone of the correspondence published by Sir Robert Peel's executors, that the Home Secretary was far from being satisfied with the conduct of Lord Anglesey. It was believed that he did not always act with sufficient discretion397, and that he sometimes did and said things which made the agitators believe that they had his countenance398 and support. For example, he went on a visit to Lord Cloncurry, who, though a Protestant, was a member of the Catholic Association, and who a few days after entertaining the representative of the king, attended a meeting of that body. The excuse of Lord Anglesey was, that Lord Cloncurry went for the purpose of preventing the passing of a resolution in favour of exclusive dealing399. The opinion of the English Government was shared by Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald and many other Liberal statesmen who sympathised with the irritation of the Irish Protestants at the supineness of the Irish executive. Looking at the state of things at this distance of time, every impartial person must agree that Peel was right. He had urged the propriety of issuing a proclamation by the Lord-Lieutenant in council, warning the people against assembling in large bodies in military array, as exciting alarm in the public mind, and threatening to disturb the peace. When at last Lord Anglesey was induced to adopt this course, it proved successful. The agitators became cowed and cautious, and it was quite evident that nothing was further[285] from their wishes than to come to blows, either with the troops or the Brunswickers. Thus, in November, Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald wrote to Mr. Peel: "The sentiment is universal of disgust, indignation, and alarm at the proceedings of Lord Anglesey's Government, and at the tone of his partisans400 and his press. Whether the collision will happen so soon as is contemplated401 I know not. I rather think not. The Association is frightened; and if the demonstrations of the south are interrupted, and Mr. Lawless's progress in the west be not persevered402 in, it is possible, and it is to be hoped, that the hostile parties may not come to an effusion of blood. But can we read the reports of the meetings that are taking place and expect that before the winter is over the gentry of the country, Emancipators as well as Brunswickers, will not call on the Government to take a part, and to save us from these horrors?" Mr. Leslie Foster, a leading Irish statesman, wrote in the same month: "Depend upon it, let Parliament do what they may, the Catholics will not rebel. Their leaders are more deeply convinced than you are of the utter and immediate391 ruin that would be the result of any insurrectionary movement; and in every rank among them, down to the lowest, there is a due fear of the power of England, the facilities of a steam invasion, the character of the Duke, and not least, perhaps above all, the readiness of the Ulster Protestants for battle. It is further to be borne in mind that in no period within our memory was the condition of the people so rapidly improving, or their employment so great, as at the present moment; and there is a real, substantial disinclination in consequence, amongst all ranks above the mere76 rabble, to hazard any course that would involve the country in confusion."
THE FLIGHT OF LAWLESS. (See p. 283.)
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Mr. O'Connell's avowed principle of action was "moral force." He was in the constant habit of asserting that "the man who commits a crime gives strength to the enemy;" and that no political advantages, however great, should be obtained at the expense of "one drop of Christian403 blood." Nevertheless, the letters which he was in the habit of addressing to "the people of Ireland,"[286] and which were remarkable for their clearness, force, and emphatic tautology404, had always prefixed to them, as a standing382 motto, Byron's couplet—
"Hereditary405 bondsmen! know ye not,
Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow?"
There is no doubt that his great object was through life to inspire his Roman Catholic countrymen with a consciousness of their physical power, supplanting406 the slavish spirit that had been inspired by the penal code. He was accustomed to say that for every shilling of "rent" there was a man, and the man could grasp a weapon, and put forth a power that slumbered407 in his right arm. In fact, this mighty408 political conjurer produced all his spells by invoking409 this phantom410 of physical force; nor did he invoke411 it in vain, for it was that phantom that ultimately terrified the most determined supporters of the Protestant ascendency into surrender to the principle of civil equality. The Catholic Association, in its origin, was treated with contempt, and even Catholics themselves spoke of it with derision; but as it proceeded in its operations, the speeches that were weekly delivered produced an effect which daily increased. The Catholic aristocrat412 was made to feel that his ancient blood, which slavery had made stagnant413 in his veins414, was of no avail; the Catholic merchant was taught that his coffers filled with gold could not impart to him any substantial importance, when every needy415 corporator looked down upon him from the pedestal of his aristocratic religion; the Catholic priest was informed that he had much occasion to put the lessons of humility416 inculcated by the Gospel into practice, when every coxcomb417 minister of the Establishment could, with impunity418, put some sacerdotal affront419 upon him. In short, from the proudest nobleman down to the meanest serf, the whole body of Roman Catholics were rendered sensible of their inferior place in the State. The stigma420 was pointed at—men became exasperated at their grievances421 when they were roused to their perception; a mirror was held up to Ireland, and when she beheld422 the brand upon her forehead, she began to burn. Reviled423 as the Catholic demagogues have been, still did they not accomplish great things when they succeeded in marshalling and bringing the whole population of the country into array? The English people had been previously424 taught to hold the Irish Catholics in contempt; but when they saw that such an immense population was actuated by one indignant sentiment, and was combined in an impassioned, but not the less effectual, organisation, and, above all, when they perceived ￡1,000 a week pouring into the exchequer, their alarm was excited, and, although their pride was wounded, they ceased to despise where they had begun to fear. The wonders which were achieved in Waterford, in Armagh, in Monaghan, and in Louth, may be referred to the system of energy which had been adopted.
Shortly before the Clare election Mr. O'Connell established the order of "Liberators," as a mode of expressing the gratitude and confidence of the people for past services. Its objects were to prevent the formation or continuance of secret societies; to conciliate all classes in one bond of brotherhood425 and affection, "so that all religious animosities may cease among Irishmen;" to bury in total and eternal oblivion all ancient animosities and reproaches; to prevent feuds426 and riots, and faction25 fights at fairs and markets; to promote the collection of a national fund for national purposes; to protect voters from the vengeance427 of their landlords, and to watch over their registration428; "to promote the system of dealing exclusively with the friends of civil and religious liberty, Protestant and Catholic, with the selection, where choice can be made, of Protestant friends, being the most disinterested429 of the two; also, to prevent, as much as possible, all dealing with the enemies of Ireland, whether Protestant, Orangemen, or Orange Catholics, the worst of all Orangists; to promote the exclusive use of articles the growth and manufacture of Ireland."
The system of exclusive dealing thus recommended was a system of social corruption and social persecution430, while the attempt to serve Ireland by the exclusive use of articles of Irish produce only showed Mr. O'Connell's ignorance of political economy. The system, however, was soon abandoned.
The impression among the Roman Catholics after the Clare election was that Emancipation was virtually won. So strong was the feeling of exultation431 that immediately after, the Catholic rent reached the sum of ￡2,704 in one week; the next week it was ￡1,427; and though it soon after sank to ￡500 a week, it showed the strength of the popular enthusiasm. Liberator Clubs were established in every part of the country. They were branches of the Association; but each had its own peculiar156 organisation, its internal management, and its working committees. By means of this machinery the whole population of the country could be moved at any moment, and in[287] any direction. This is a very remarkable fact, taken in connection with the theory of the impulsive and fickle432 character of the Celtic race, their averseness from order and method, and the difficulty of getting them to pursue any course systematically434. O'Connell, a man of Celtic blood, was one of the greatest methodisers of his day; and there is scarcely an example in history of any popular leader having wrought435 an oppressed race, consisting of six millions of people, always prone to division, into an organisation so compact that he could wield233 the fierce democracy at his will, and bid defiance436 to the most powerful state in the world to suppress the voluntary system of government he had established. This is, perhaps, the most singular and instructive fact in the whole career of the great agitator.
An impression got abroad, soon after the Clare election, that the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel were wavering on the Catholic question; and in the month of August a profound sensation was produced by a speech made by Mr. Dawson, one of the members for Londonderry. Mr. Dawson was the brother-in-law of the Home Secretary. The latter represented Oxford University, having beaten Canning out of the field, as the champion of Protestant ascendency. The former represented the greatest stronghold of Protestantism in Ireland, the very last of all its constituencies to tolerate a departure from its own inspiring watchword, "No Surrender." Mr. Dawson had been a most uncompromising antagonist of the Catholic claims. We cannot wonder, then, at the startling effect, which ran like an electric shock through the country, when such a man—a member of the Government—at a public banquet, in the midst of the local chiefs of Conservatism within the walls of Derry, surrounded by all the memorials of the glorious Revolution of 1688, pronounced the word "Surrender." He was described as the "pilot balloon," to show the direction in which the wind blew in high quarters. Thus, there was a complete accordance between Mr. Sheil, the eloquent437 agitator, and Mr. Dawson, one of the ablest and most loyal supporters of the Government, as to the victorious438 power of the Catholic Association. But to have its triumphs thus proclaimed on the very spot where Protestant ascendency had been established 140 years before, and which had ever since remained its greatest stronghold, was more than could be borne by men who had just been drinking with enthusiasm "The glorious, pious439, and immortal440 memory of William III." Mr. Dawson was, therefore, reviled and execrated441; he was burned in effigy442, and for years his name was almost as odious to the Orangemen as Lundy the traitor443. Hitherto, the agitation on both sides had been little better than child's-play. The Protestant party rested satisfied in the persuasion444 that "the Constitution in Church and State" was safe in the keeping of a thoroughly445 Conservative Government—a House of Lords which would not change the laws of England, and a Sovereign who would not violate his coronation oath. But when they found their standard-bearers fainting, and their most trusted commanders parleying with the enemy, their exasperation446 knew no bounds. The Brunswickers were now terribly in earnest. Their blood was up, and they longed for the arbitrament of the sword.
The agitation extended to England, where also the "No Popery" cry was effectually raised. The Duke of Newcastle, Lord Winchilsea, and Lord Kenyon led the way in the formation of Brunswick Clubs. A great demonstration was got up on Penenden Heath—a monster meeting of English Brunswickers. To counteract447 its effects, it was determined that some of the leading advocates of the Catholic cause, being freeholders of Kent, should go to the meeting. Among those who attended were Lord Darnley, Mr. Cobbett, Serjeant Shee, and Mr. Sheil; but none of them could obtain a hearing. Mr. Sheil had come prepared with a grand speech, carefully written out, as was his custom, and committed to memory, but not so strictly as to exclude such extemporaneous448 additions as might be necessary to adapt the oration449 to the actual circumstances. When he arrived at the meeting, the reporter from the Sun asked him for his manuscript, which he gave, with the understanding that he must make it correspond with his speech as delivered. The reporter, taking it for granted that it would be delivered all right, made all possible haste to get it into type. The speech appeared in extenso; but it unfortunately happened that, owing to the uproar450 and continued interruptions, it was not delivered. The circumstance became the subject of remark, eliciting451 comments by no means flattering to the Irish orator. The intended speech, however, was as able as any he had ever delivered. It consisted chiefly of an elaborate defence of the Roman Catholic Church from the charge of persecution. It admitted that it did persecute452 like every other church when in power; but that it was an incident of its establishment, not the natural result of its spirit and principles.
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In the meantime, the Catholic Association was pursuing its work with increasing vigour and determination. It resolved thenceforth to support no candidate who should not pledge himself to oppose every Government that did not make Emancipation a Cabinet measure. Provincial453 meetings were held in Clonmel, Kilkenny, and Mullingar; the chair at the last place being occupied by the Marquis of Westmeath. Between the two extreme parties there were many moderate men, of high social position, anxious for something like a compromise. Some of these were in confidential communication with Lord Anglesey's Government, and it was thought desirable to establish a Liberal platform, with a view to moderating the violence of Catholics and Brunswickers.
SCENE AT THE "SURRENDER" BANQUET IN DERRY. (See p. 287.)
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It was with this object that Mr. Pierce Mahony got up the celebrated "Leinster declaration," so called from the signature of Ireland's only duke. But the experiment served only to reveal the weakness of the moderate party, for after lying for signature in Latouche's Bank for two months, only forty-two names were attached to it within that period. When, however, the struggle between the two parties was on the point of having a bloody issue, the alarm spread through the ranks of moderate men on both sides, and the document rapidly received signatures. The declaration set forth that the disqualifying laws which affected Roman Catholics were productive of consequences prejudicial in the highest degree to the interests of Ireland—the primary cause of her poverty—the source of political discontents and religious animosities—destructive alike of social happiness and national prosperity. Unless the legislature should speedily apply a remedy to those evils, they must in their rapid progression assume such a character as would, perhaps, render their removal impossible. It was stated, therefore, to be a matter of paramount455 importance that the whole subject should be taken into immediate consideration by Parliament, "with a view to such a final conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of our national institutions, and to the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects."
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As winter approached, the state of things assumed a more portentous456 aspect. The leading agitators were themselves dismayed when they looked down the precipice457 to the edge of which they had brought the nation. O'Connell at the end of September issued an address, urging the people to discontinue their assemblies, and they obeyed. His lieutenants458 were exceedingly anxious that the Liberal Protestants should take an active part as mediators in order, if possible, to avert459 a disastrous460 collision. A good occasion was offered by the visit of Lord Morpeth to Ireland. This enlightened and accomplished nobleman—always the friend of civil and religious liberty, destined461 to preside over the Government of Ireland, as Viceroy, when the régime of civil equality was fully established, and to be the congenial interpreter of its spirit—was then invited to a great banquet, which was attended by all the leading friends of civil and religious liberty in and about Dublin, Protestant and Catholic. The Duke of Leinster was in the chair, and Mr. Sheil appealed to him, in the most eloquent terms, by all that was patriotic and glorious in the history of his ancestors the Geraldines—which for seven hundred years formed a great part of the history of Ireland, and who were in past times considered more Irish than the Irish themselves—to put himself at the head of the Liberal party.
THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY. (After the Portrait by Sir Thomas Lawrence.)
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Dr. Curtis, the Roman Catholic Primate462, was an old friend of the Duke of Wellington, whom he had known during the war in the Peninsula, and with whom he had kept up a confidential correspondence on the subject of the Catholic claims, on the state of the country, on the disposition of the Roman Catholics in the army,[290] and other matters of the kind. On the 11th of December the Duke, in answer to a letter urging the prompt settlement of the Catholic question, wrote to Dr. Curtis as follows: "I have received your letter of the 4th instant, and I assure you that you do me justice in believing that I am sincerely anxious to witness the settlement of the Roman Catholic question, which, by benefiting the State, would confer a benefit on every individual belonging to it. But I confess that I see no prospect of such a settlement. Party has been mixed up with the consideration of the question to such a degree, and such violence pervades463 every discussion of it, that it is impossible to expect to prevail upon men to consider it dispassionately. If we could bury it in oblivion for a short time, and employ that time diligently464 in the consideration of its difficulties on all sides (for they are very great), I should not despair of seeing a satisfactory remedy."
After the reports that had gone abroad, to the effect that the Government were about to settle the question, and that they had even prepared a Bill on the subject, this letter from the Prime Minister to the Roman Catholic Primate was most disappointing. Besides, it was absurd to expect that the subject could be buried in oblivion. The Duke, no doubt, had in his mind the difficulty with the king, and the excitement of Protestant feeling in England, which was exasperated by the violence of the debates in the Catholic Association, and the tone of menace and defiance which that body had assumed. This obstacle was not lessened465 by the letter in question, the purport466 of which was communicated to Mr. O'Connell, and also to the Lord-Lieutenant. The latter wrote an admirable letter in reply, which led to serious consequences. On the 22nd of December Dr. Curtis sent him the Duke's letter, and a copy of his own answer to it. He acknowledged that it conveyed information which he had not himself received, though entitled, from his position, to receive it first. He then frankly467 offered his opinion as to the course which it behoved the Catholics to pursue. He was perfectly468 convinced that the final and cordial settlement of the question could alone give peace, harmony, and prosperity to all classes of his Majesty's subjects. He advised that the Duke of Wellington should by every means be propitiated469; for if any man could carry the measure, it was he. All personal and offensive insinuations should therefore be suppressed, and ample allowance should be made for the difficulties of his situation. "Difficult," said Lord Anglesey, "it certainly is; for he has to overcome the very strong prejudices and the interested motives of many persons of the highest influence, as well as allay the real alarm of many of the more ignorant Protestants." As to burying in oblivion the question for a short time, the Viceroy considered the thing utterly470 impossible, and, if possible, not at all desirable. He recommended, on the contrary, that all constitutional means should be used to forward the cause, coupled with the utmost forbearance, and the most submissive obedience to the law. Personality offered no advantage. It offended those who could assist, and confirmed predisposed aversion. "Let the Catholic," said his lordship, "trust to the justice of his cause, and to the growing liberality of mankind. Unfortunately, he has lost some friends, and fortified471 enemies, during the last six months, by unwearied and unnecessary violence. Brute472 force, he should be assured, can effect nothing. It is the legislature that must decide this great question, and my anxiety is that it should be met by the Parliament under the most favourable circumstances, and that the opposers of Catholic Emancipation shall be disarmed473 by the patient forbearance as well as by the unwearied perseverance474 of its advocates."
This letter, though marked "private and confidential," was, like the Duke's letter to the same prelate, made public, and became the subject of comment in the Association and in the press, which tended still more to embarrass the question by irritating the king and the Duke, and furnishing exciting topics to the enemies of the Catholic cause. The Marquis of Anglesey, indeed, from the time he went to Ireland, held the strongest language to the Government as to the necessity of carrying the measure. At a subsequent period he expressed a wish that his opinions should be made fully known to the king and his Ministers, because they could then better judge of his fitness for carrying into effect the measures they might decide upon adopting. On the 31st of July he wrote:—"I will exert myself to keep the country quiet, and put down rebellion under any circumstances; but I will not consent to govern this country much longer under the existing law."
There was a radical476 difference in spirit between the Viceroy and the Premier. The former sympathised warmly with the Roman Catholics in their struggles for civil equality, feeling deeply the justice of their cause. The Duke, on the other hand, yielded only to necessity, and thought of concession not as a matter of principle, but of expediency; he yielded, not because it was right[291] to do so, but because it was preferable to having a civil war. The feeling of Mr. Peel was somewhat similar; it was with him, also, a choice of evils, and he chose the least.
In Ireland the administration of the law was becoming daily more difficult. Mr. Steele and Mr. O'Gorman Mahon were magistrates477, and yet they were actively478 engaged in exciting the people to the very highest pitch, and urging them to defy the constituted authorities. On a day when a riot was expected at Ennis, county Clare, and the high sheriff made preparations to prevent it, both these gentlemen appeared there, decorated with the order of "Liberators," and followed by a mob. Mr. O'Gorman Mahon held very improper479 language to the high sheriff in presence of the troops. All this was certified480 to by sixteen magistrates, and by the commanding officer; yet Lord Anglesey, with the advice of the Lord Chancellor, decided on not depriving them of the commission of the peace. This conduct greatly disappointed the Duke of Wellington, and on the 11th of November he wrote a strong letter to him, in which he said: "I cannot express to you adequately the extent of the difficulties which these and other occurrences in Ireland create in all discussions with his Majesty. He feels that in Ireland the public peace is violated every day with impunity by those whose duty it is to preserve it; that a formidable conspiracy481 exists; and that the supposed conspirators—those whose language and conduct point them out as the principal agitators of the country—are admitted to the presence of his Majesty's representative, and equally well received with the king's most loyal subjects." The Duke also, as we have already observed, strongly censured the conduct of the Viceroy and the Lord Chancellor for visiting Lord Cloncurry, a member of the Association, remarking, "The doubts which are entertained respecting the loyalty482 of the Roman Catholic Association, the language which has been held there respecting the king himself, his Royal Family, the members of his Government, your colleagues in office, and respecting nearly every respectable member of society, and the unanimously expressed detestation of the violence of the Association, might be deemed reasons for omitting to encourage any of its members by the countenance or favour of the king's representative."
Lord Anglesey replied to these sharp rebukes483 with great spirit. "Up to this moment," he said, "I have been left entirely in ignorance, not only as to your intentions with regard to this country, but also as to your sentiments regarding my policy. They are now developed, and I shall know how to act." He then entered into details of all the occurrences alluded to, in order to show "how entirely his Majesty had been misinformed." Having done so, he added, "If those who arraign484 my conduct will obtain information from an uninterested source, I feel the most perfect confidence that I shall obtain the applause of my Sovereign, and the goodwill485 and good opinion of his Majesty's Ministers with whom I serve." He denied that the Government had lost its power, that the Association had usurped486 its functions, or that the laws were set at defiance. He asserted, on the contrary, that the law was in full vigour; and if it authorised, or expediency demanded, the suppression of the Catholic Association and of the Brunswick Clubs, and the disarming487 of the yeomanry at the same time, he would undertake to effect it almost without the loss of a life. But he did not think such a course expedient488, and he deprecated the teasing system of attacking every minor290 offence, of which the issue upon trial would be doubtful, and which would produce irritation without effecting a salutary lesson and permanent good. He had no object, he said, in holding his post but that of pleasing his king and serving his country; and if, in his zealous489 and unwearied efforts to effect the latter object, he had incurred491 the displeasure of the king and lost his Majesty's confidence, he ought not to remain in Ireland. He was therefore ready to depart whenever they found it convenient to recall him. The Duke became testy492 under this resistance and antagonism493. In replying to the last letter he becomes more personal in his accusations494. "I might," said the Premier, "at an earlier period have expressed the pain I felt at the attendance of gentlemen of your household, and even of your family, at the Roman Catholic Association. I could not but feel that such attendance must expose your Government to misconstruction. I was silent because it was painful to mention such things; but I have always felt that if these impressions upon the king's mind should remain—and I must say that recent transactions have given fresh cause for them—I could not avoid mentioning them to you in a private communication, and to let you know the embarrassment which they occasion."
The Viceroy rejoined with unabated spirit, replying to all the fresh matter introduced by the Duke in a lofty tone of self-justification. There is caustic495 irony496 in the following allusion497 to the king, as an apology for his conciliatory policy:—"I[292] have, in fact, been most anxious to imitate, as far as my humble498 faculties499 would permit, the example of his Majesty himself during his visit to Ireland, and have scrupulously500 attended to the king's benign501 and paternal502 admonition, when his Majesty quitted the kingdom, to inculcate good fellowship and cordiality among all classes, and to promote conciliation." It is dangerous to use the argumentum ad hominem with a king—still more so to make his conduct the object of sarcastic503 allusions504; and it was evident that Lord Anglesey could not long remain in the position of a representative of his Majesty. There was certainly an animosity against him in the highest quarters, which appeared in the construction put upon the accidental dropping in of his son and some of his household, from curiosity, to witness, as they thought unnoticed, the debates of the Association—a circumstance which he had long ago explained, and with which he thought it particularly unfair that he should be now upbraided505.
This memorable controversy506 between the Prime Minister and the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, exhibiting a painful conflict of opinion and feeling between the two personages more particularly charged with the government of the country in the midst of a dangerous crisis, was brought to a close by a letter from the Duke of Wellington on the 28th of December. The following is a copy:—
"London, December 28, 1828.
"MY DEAR LORD ANGLESEY,—I have been very sensible, since I received your last letter, that the correspondence which that letter terminated had left us in a relation towards each other which ought not to exist between the Lord-Lieutenant and the king's Minister, and could not continue to exist without great inconvenience and injury to the king's service. I refrained from acting45 upon this feeling till I should be able to consult with my colleagues, and I took the earliest opportunity which the return to town of those who were absent afforded to obtain their opinion, which concurred507 with my own. Under these circumstances, having taken the king's pleasure upon the subject, his Majesty has desired me to inform you that he intends to relieve you from the Government of Ireland. I will shortly notify the arrangements which will become necessary in consequence.
"Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,
(Signed) "WELLINGTON.
"His Excellency the Marquis of
Anglesey, K.G."
The marquis answered that he had received his letter, informing him of the king's intention to release him from the Government of Ireland, and that he held himself in readiness to obey his Majesty's commands the moment he received them. He did receive them, on the 10th of January, in a formal letter of recall from the Home Secretary.
The removal of this popular and "chivalrous" Viceroy caused universal expressions of grief among the Roman Catholic party. In the Association, O'Connell and Sheil spoke in the most glowing terms of his character and his administration. He quitted Ireland on the 19th of January, 1829, followed from the Castle gates to the pier454 at Kingstown by an immense concourse of people. In a letter to Dr. Curtis Lord Anglesey gave an extraordinary parting advice for a chief ruler of Ireland, "Agitate—agitate—agitate!" He was succeeded by the Duke of Northumberland, a man not at all likely to trouble his chief with controversy about anything. His appointment, however, brought back the Conservative aristocracy to the Castle, and had a soothing508 effect on the Protestant mind, while his administration was mild towards the other party.
While these matters were going on in Ireland, Mr. Peel was applying his mind, in the most earnest manner, to the removal of the difficulties that stood in the way of Emancipation.
The chief difficulty was the king. At the commencement of the month of January, 1829, his Majesty had not yet signified his consent that the whole subject of Ireland, including the Catholic question, should be taken into consideration by his confidential servants. In his interview with the Duke of Wellington in the course of the autumn the king had manifested much uneasiness and irritation, and had hitherto shown no disposition to relax the opposition which (of late years, at least) he had manifested to the consideration by his Government of the claims of the Roman Catholics. In all the communications which Mr. Peel had with the king on this subject, his determination to maintain the existing laws was most strongly expressed. In November, 1824, the king wrote, "The sentiments of the king upon Catholic Emancipation are those of his revered509 and excellent father; and from these sentiments the king never can, and never will, deviate510." All subsequent declarations of opinion on his part were to the same effect; and the events which were passing in Ireland, "the systematic agitation, the intemperate511 conduct of some[293] of the Roman Catholic leaders, the violent and abusive speeches of others, the acts of the Association, assuming the functions of government, and, as it appeared to the king, the passiveness and want of energy in the Irish executive, irritated his Majesty, and indisposed him the more to recede128 from his declared resolution to maintain inviolate512 the existing law."
LORD ANGLESEY LEAVING IRELAND: SCENE AT KINGSTOWN. (See p. 292.)
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In the early part of January, 1829, the Duke of Wellington had an interview with the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop9 of London, and the Bishop of Durham, for the purpose of laying before them the state of affairs in Ireland, in the hope of convincing them that the interests of the Church required the settlement of the Catholic question. It was thought that a favourable opinion expressed by them would have had great influence on the mind of the king; but the Duke's arguments utterly failed to convince them. They informed him that they could not lend their sanction to the proposed course of proceeding, but must offer a decided opposition to the removal of Roman Catholic disabilities. On New Year's Day the Bishop of Oxford wrote to Mr. Peel, that he had just returned from Addington, and that he found the three bishops decidedly hostile to all concessions513, refusing to consent to them in any form. He considered that matter, therefore, as settled. Mr. Peel now began to feel that the difficulties in the way of Emancipation were almost insuperable. There was the declared opinion of the king, of the House of Lords, and of the Church, all decidedly hostile to the proposed measure. What the Home Secretary chiefly apprehended at that moment was, that the king, hearing the result of the Duke's conference with the bishops, would make some public and formal declaration of his resolution to maintain, as a matter of conscience and religious obligation, the existing laws; and would then take a position in reference to the Catholic question similar to that in which his father had stood, and which it might be almost impossible for him, however urgent the necessity, afterwards to abandon.
The meeting of Parliament was approaching, and it was necessary to come to some final decision. Sir Robert Peel had a thorough conviction that if the Duke of Wellington should fail in overcoming the king's objections, no other man could succeed. It might have been that the high[294] and established character of Earl Grey, his great abilities, and great political experience, would have enabled him to surmount261 these various difficulties. In addition to these high qualifications, he had the advantage of having been the strenuous514 and consistent advocate of the Roman Catholic cause; the advantage also of having stood aloof515 from the Administrations of Mr. Canning and Lord Ripon, and of having strong claims on the esteem and respect of all parties, without being fettered516 by the trammels of any. Sir Robert Peel had, however, the strongest reasons for the conviction that Lord Grey could not have succeeded in an undertaking which, in the supposed case of his accession to power, would have been abandoned as hopeless by the Duke of Wellington, and abandoned on the ground that the Sovereign would not adopt the advice of his servants. The result of the whole is thus summed up by Sir Robert Peel:—"Being convinced that the Catholic question must be settled, and without delay; being resolved that no act of mine should obstruct517 or retard518 its settlement; impressed with the strongest feelings of attachment235 to the Duke of Wellington, of admiration of his upright conduct and intentions as Prime Minister, of deep interest in the success of an undertaking on which he had entered from the purest motives and the highest sense of public duty, I determined not to insist upon retirement from office, but to make to the Duke the voluntary offer of that official co-operation, should he consider it indispensable, which he scrupled519, from the influence of kind and considerate feelings, to require from me."
The Home Secretary once more submitted his views to the Duke, in a memorandum dated January 12th, that was written with a view to being submitted to the king, in which he put the inevitable alternative of a Cabinet united in the determination to carry Catholic Emancipation, or a Cabinet constructed on exclusively Protestant principles; and he came to the conclusion that no Cabinet so constructed could possibly carry on the general administration of the country. The state of the House of Commons appeared to him to be an insuperable obstacle to the successful issue of that experiment. Since the year 1807 there had been five Parliaments, and in the course of each of these, with one exception, the House of Commons had come to a decision in favour of the consideration of the Catholic question. The present Parliament had decided in the same manner. A dissolution, were it practicable, would not result in an election more favourable to the Protestant interest, if an exclusively Protestant Government were formed. Even should there be an increase of anti-Catholic members in England, it would not compensate520 for the increased excitement in Ireland, and the violent and vexatious opposition that would be given by fifty or sixty Irish members, returned by the Catholic Association and the priests. Then there would be the difficulty about preserving the peace in Ireland. During the last autumn, out of the regular infantry force in the United Kingdom, amounting to about 30,000 men, 25,000 men were stationed either in Ireland or on the west coast of England, with a view to the maintenance of tranquillity in Ireland, Great Britain being then at peace with all the world. What would be the consequence should England be involved in a war with some foreign Power? Various other considerations were urged, upon which Mr. Peel founded his advice to the king, which was—that he should not grant the Catholic claims, or any part of them, precipitately521 and unadvisedly, but that he should, in the first instance, remove the barrier which prevented the consideration of the Catholic question by the Cabinet, and permit his confidential servants to consider it in all its relations, on the same principles on which they considered any other question of public policy, in the hope that some plan of adjustment could be proposed, on the authority and responsibility of a Government likely to command the assent522 of Parliament and to unite in its support a powerful weight of Protestant opinion, from a conviction that it was a settlement equitable523 towards Roman Catholics and safe as it concerned the Protestant Establishment.
The paper was communicated to the king by the Duke of Wellington, who wrote, on the 17th of January, that he entirely concurred in the sentiments and opinions contained in it; and, referring to Mr. Peel's request to be allowed to retire from the Government, the Duke said:—"I tell you fairly, I do not see the smallest chance of getting the better of these difficulties, if you should not continue in office. Even if I should be able to obtain the king's consent to enter upon the course which it will probably be found the wisest to adopt—which it is almost certain that I shall not if I should not have your assistance in office,—the difficulties in Parliament will be augmented524 tenfold in consequence of your secession, while the means of getting the better of them will be diminished in the same proportion. I entreat525 you, then, to reconsider the subject, and to give[295] us and the country the benefit of your advice and assistance in this most difficult and important crisis."
The Duke brought this letter to Mr. Peel, who read it in his presence, and then at once told him that he would not press his retirement, but would remain in office, and would propose, with the king's consent, the measures contemplated by the Government for the settlement of the Catholic question. Immediately after this decision was taken he attended a meeting of the Cabinet and announced his determination to his colleagues. One of these, Lord Ellenborough, could not refrain from writing to express his admiration of his conduct, dictated by true statesmanlike wisdom; adding that he had acted nobly by the Government, and in a manner which no member of it would forget. On the day that the king got the paper, those of the Ministers who had uniformly voted against the Catholic question had each a separate interview with the king, and individually expressed their concurrence in the course Mr. Peel recommended. The Ministers were—the Duke of Wellington, Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Bathurst, Mr. Goulburn, and Mr. Herries. The king, after this interview, intimated his consent that the Cabinet should consider the whole state of Ireland, and submit their views to him, not pledging himself, however, to adopt them, even if they should concur unanimously in the course to be pursued. The king was not convinced by Mr. Peel's arguments. He admitted it to be a good statement, but denied that it was an argumentative one.
Parliament was opened by commission on the 5th of February, 1829. The state of Ireland was the chief topic of the Royal Speech. The existence of the Catholic Association was referred to as inimical to the public peace; and its suppression was recommended, as a necessary preliminary to the consideration of the disabilities affecting the Roman Catholics. This part of the Speech excited much interest, as preluding the great contest of the Session. On the 4th Mr. Peel had written to the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, resigning his seat for the University, which he had won from Canning on the strength of his anti-Catholic principles. He need not have resigned, but he acted the more honourable526 part. Having offered himself for re-election, he was opposed by Sir Robert Inglis, who, after a contest which lasted three days, during which 1,364 votes were polled, was elected by a majority of 146. As one of the most numerous convocations ever held in Oxford had, in the previous year, by a majority of three to one, voted against concession to the Roman Catholics, it was a matter of surprise that the Home Secretary was not defeated by a larger majority. He secured a seat with some difficulty at Westbury. On the 10th, Mr. Peel, while still member for Oxford, introduced the first of the three measures intended for the pacification527 of Ireland—a Bill for the suppression of the Catholic Association. As it was known to be an essential condition of granting Emancipation, there was little opposition to it either in Parliament or in Ireland. By it the Lord-Lieutenant was empowered to disperse528 the meetings of any association he thought dangerous to the public peace. The Bill quickly passed both Houses, and in a few days received the Royal Assent. Anticipating the action of the executive, the Association, on the 12th of February, dissolved itself, with the unanimous concurrence of the bishops, Mr. Sheil stating at the meeting that he was authorised to throw twenty-two mitres into the scale.
In the Royal Speech his Majesty recommended that, when this special object was accomplished, Parliament should take into their deliberate consideration the whole condition of Ireland, and that they should review the laws which imposed disabilities upon Roman Catholics, to see whether their removal could be effected "consistently with the full and permanent security of our establishments in Church and State, with the maintenance of the Reformed religion established by law, and of the rights and privileges of the bishops and of the clergy of this realm, and of the churches committed to their charge."
Great was the excitement when, in pursuance of this recommendation, Mr. Peel introduced the Emancipation Bill on the 5th of March. Everywhere the Protestant press teemed529, and the Protestant pulpit rang, with denunciations of Wellington and Peel as arch-traitors. From the highest pinnacle530 of popularity the Duke fell to the lowest depth of infamy531; the laurels532 won in so many glorious fields were withered533 by the furious breath of popular execration534. Petitions were poured into the House of Commons from all parts of the United Kingdom, and "the pressure from without" was brought to bear against the two Ministers, who were considered the chief delinquents535, with a force and vehemence that would have deterred536 a man of weaker nerves than the Duke of Wellington; but he felt that he had a duty to discharge, and he did not shrink from the consequences. Nor did Mr. Peel. His speech, in introducing the measure, went over the ground[296] he had often traversed in privately537 debating the question with his friends. Matters could not go on as they were. There must be a united Cabinet to carry on the king's Government effectually. It must be united either on the principle of Catholic Emancipation or Catholic exclusion. It must either concede the Catholic claims, or recall existing rights and privileges. This was impossible—no Government could stand that attempted it; and if it were done, civil war would be inevitable. The House of Commons, trembling in the nice balance of opinion, had at length inclined to concession. Ireland had been governed, since the union, almost invariably by coercive Acts. There was always some political organisation antagonistic538 to the British Government. The Catholic Association had just been suppressed; but another would soon spring out of its ashes if the Catholic question were not settled. Mr. O'Connell had boasted that he could drive a coach-and-six through the former Act for its suppression; and Lord Eldon had engaged to drive "the meanest conveyance539, even a donkey cart, through the Act of 1829." The new member for Oxford (Sir Robert Inglis) also stated that twenty-three counties in Ireland were prepared to follow the example of Clare. "What will you do," asked Mr. Peel, "with that power, that tremendous power, which the elective franchise, exercised under the control of religion, at this moment confers upon the Roman Catholics? What will you do with the thirty or forty seats that will be claimed in Ireland by the persevering efforts of the agitators, directed by the Catholic Association, and carried out by the agency of every priest and bishop in Ireland?" Parliament began to recede; there could be no limit to the retrogression. Such a course would produce a reaction, violent in proportion to the hopes that had been excited. Fresh rigours would become necessary; the re-enactment of the penal code would not be sufficient. They must abolish trial by jury, or, at least, incapacitate Catholics from sitting on juries. Two millions of Protestants must have a complete monopoly of power and privilege in a country which contained five millions of Catholics, who were in most of the country four to one—in some districts twenty to one—of the Protestants.
The chief speakers on the other side were Sir Robert Inglis, Mr. Bankes, and Mr. Sadler. They contended that the evils on which the Home Secretary had dwelt—the disturbed state of Ireland, the difficulty of governing the empire with a divided Cabinet, the impossibility of getting on with a House of Commons which left the Administration in a minority—would not be removed or prevented by Emancipation. Ever since the first relaxation540 of the penal code, concession but added fuel to the fire of agitation. What, then, was to be expected from throwing open the portals of the legislature to the Catholic body? What but this—that the advanced work thus gained would become the salient angle from which the fire would be directed on the body of the fortress541; and the work of agitation, having its leaders in both Houses of Parliament, would be carried on with increased vigour, for the purpose of overthrowing542 the Protestant Establishment, the severance475 of the union, and the dismemberment of the empire? The manner of the concession would encourage the policy of aggression. It was not, they asserted, produced by the gradual and quiet growth of public opinion. "It was the victory of force, driving former enemies into desertion by intimidation. It openly told the Catholic agitators that they were too strong for the Government of Great Britain; that whatever they asked would be conceded, even to the giving up of the Constitution, provided only it was asked with sufficient clamour and violence. The solid ground of right had been abandoned for the selfish and tortuous543 path of expediency—expediency, the pretext544 for so many crimes. In France expediency destroyed the church—expediency murdered the king."
Leave was given to bring in the Bill by a majority of 188; the numbers being 348 for the motion, and 160 against it. This astounding545 result was the signal for pouring into the House a flood of Protestant petitions, which, in the interval546 between the first and second reading, amounted to nearly 1,000; but an organisation like the Brunswick Clubs could easily get up any number of petitions. Considering the number of parishes in England, it is surprising, not that the number was so great, but that it was not greater. On the 18th the second reading was carried by a majority of 353 to 180; and on the 30th the third reading by a majority of 320 to 142, giving a majority of 178.
The same day it was carried by the Home Secretary to the House of Lords, accompanied by an unusual number of members. In introducing the measure in the Upper House the Duke of Wellington spoke with great force, and with all the directness and simplicity547 for which he was remarkable. One memorable passage deserves to be recorded in this history:—"It has been my fortune," said the Duke, "to have seen much of[297] war—more than most men. I have been constantly engaged in the active duties of the military profession from boyhood until I have grown grey. My life has been passed in familiarity with scenes of death and human suffering. Circumstances have placed me in countries where the war was internal—between opposite parties in the same nation; and rather than a country I loved should be visited with the calamities548 which I have seen—with the unutterable horrors of civil war—I would run any risk, I would make any sacrifice, I would freely lay down my life. There is nothing which destroys property and prosperity as civil war does. By it the hand of man is raised against his neighbour, against his brother, and against his father! The servant betrays his master; and the master ruins his servant. Yet this is the resource to which we must have looked—these are the means which we must have applied549—in order to have put an end to this state of things, if we had not embraced the option of bringing forward the measure for which I hold myself responsible."
APSLEY HOUSE, HYDE PARK CORNER, LONDON.
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The Archbishop of Canterbury moved the rejection of the Bill; and was supported by the Archbishops of York and Armagh, the Bishops of London, Durham, and Salisbury; Lords Winchilsea, Berkeley, Tenterden, and Eldon. The chief defenders550 of the measure were Lords Grey, Lansdowne, Plunket, Goderich, and Lyndhurst. On a division, the second reading was carried by 217 against 112. On the 10th of April the Bill was read a third time, by a majority of 104; the numbers being 213 for it, and 109 against it. The sweeping551 majorities in the Lords were still more astounding than those in the Commons; and they spread the utmost consternation552 through the ranks of the Conservatives, who felt as if the very foundations of society were giving way, and the pillars of the Constitution were falling. The Lords had hitherto thrown out the Emancipation Bills as fast as they came to them, by majorities varying from forty to fifty. Lord Eldon was their prophet, and the old Conservative peers had followed his guidance implicitly553 for a quarter of a century; but during that time a generation of hereditary legislators had grown up, who had as thorough a contempt for the ex-Chancellor's antiquated554 prejudices as he had for their youth and[298] inexperience. Lord Eldon had, however, some compensation for being thus deserted in the House of Peers by many of his followers, and having his authority as a statesman disregarded, as well as for the marked neglect of him by the Ministry, in the sympathy and confidence of the distressed556 king, who was shocked beyond measure at the conduct of the House of Lords. When a reluctant consent was wrung557 from his Majesty to have the measure brought forward by the Cabinet, he felt, after all, that he was doing nothing very rash; he had the strongest assurance that the Bill would never pass the Lords. He told Lord Eldon that, after the Ministers had fatigued558 him by many hours' conversation on the painful subject, he simply said, "Go on." But he also produced copies of letters which he had written, in which he assented559 to their proceeding with the Bill, adding, certainly, very strong expressions of the pain and misery560 the consent cost him. In his perplexity he evidently wished to avail himself of Eldon's casuistry to get out of the difficulty by retracting561; but the latter was constrained562 to tell him "it was impossible to maintain that his assent had not been expressed, or to cure the evils which were consequential563."
The large majorities in the House of Lords were to be ascribed chiefly to the unparalleled influence of the Duke of Wellington. But the public at the time were little aware of the difficulties that great man had to deal with in overcoming the opposition of the king, who was much under the influence of the Duke of Cumberland. When the storm of Conservative violence reached its height, after the rejection of Peel in Oxford, and his return, not without a struggle, for Westbury; and when, on the 3rd of March, he gave notice that he would draw the attention of the House to the clause of the Royal Speech referring to Ireland, the king, greatly excited and alarmed, sent the same evening to desire that the Prime Minister, the Home Secretary, and the Chancellor should wait upon him next day. He had already seen the Chancellor once, and the Duke twice separately. The king received his three Ministers, when they presented themselves at the palace, kindly564 but gravely; he looked anxious and embarrassed while he requested them to make him acquainted with the details of their Bill. It was explained to him that it would relieve Roman Catholics from the necessity of making a declaration against the doctrine565 of transubstantiation; whilst it so far modified in their case the oath of supremacy, as to omit all notice of the king's authority in things spiritual. "What!" he exclaimed, "do you mean to alter the ancient law of supremacy?" It was to no purpose he was shown that the alteration566 applied only to Roman Catholics, who would be dispensed567 from swearing what they could not believe; but he appealed to his own coronation oath, in reference to which he could not recognise the dispensing568 power of his Ministers. The king was condescending569 in the extreme. He seemed deeply grieved at the dilemma570 to which they had been brought. He acknowledged that possibly he had gone too far on former occasions, though he had acted entirely through misapprehension. But now he trusted that they would see, with him, that it had become a point of conscience, and that there was no alternative left him except to withdraw his assent. In the most respectful manner they acquiesced571 in his Majesty's determination, allowing, without a murmur572, that he had a perfect right to act as he proposed. But when he went on further to ask what they intended to do, the Duke's answer was explicit573: they must retire from his Majesty's service, and explain to Parliament that unexpected obstacles had arisen to the accomplishment574 of the policy which they were engaged to pursue. To this Mr. Peel added, that as the Bill for the suppression of the Catholic Association had been carried on the understanding that other and more comprehensive measures would follow, it would be necessary to make Parliament generally aware of the causes which operated to prevent the bringing forward of those measures. The king heard all this to an end, without attempting to interrupt, or argue with, his Ministers. He admitted, on the contrary, that it was impossible for them to take any other course, and then bade them farewell, kissing each of them on both cheeks. They set off from Windsor immediately, and arrived at Lord Bathurst's, where their colleagues were waiting dinner for them. They made a full report of all that had occurred, and announced that the Government was at an end. The party broke up, believing themselves to be out of office; but early next morning, before any decisive steps had been taken, a special messenger arrived at Apsley House with a letter from the king. It was guardedly expressed, for it went no further than to state that his Majesty had found greater difficulties than he expected in forming a new Cabinet, and was therefore desirous that the present Ministry should go on. The moment was critical, and the position of the Government delicate and in some sense insecure. No doubt, his Majesty's letter might be read as[299] implying an abandonment of the objections which he had taken to the policy of his Ministers overnight, but it was certainly capable of a different interpretation575. It appeared, therefore, to the Duke, that before proceeding further it would be necessary to come to a clear understanding with the king as to his Majesty's real intentions, and Mr. Peel concurring576 in this opinion, the Duke was requested to write to the king on the subject. He did so, with all the candour and loyalty which were natural to him; and the result was an unequivocal declaration from the Sovereign that he would accept the measures of his Ministers as his own.
With Lord Eldon, however, he held different language, complaining bitterly of the difficulties in which the Ministers had involved him. He is represented as struggling desperately577 in meshes578 from which he found it impossible to extricate579 himself; and, as usual with weak minds, he threw all the blame of his misery on others. In reference to an interview, Lord Eldon remarks: "I was not sent for afterwards, but went on Thursday, the 9th of April, with more addresses. In the second interview, which began a little before two o'clock, the king repeatedly—and with some minutes intervening between his repeated declarations, musing65 in silence in the interim—expressed his anguish580, pain, and misery that the measure had ever been thought of, and as often declared that he had been most harshly and cruelly treated—that he had been treated as a man whose consent had been asked with a pistol pointed to his breast, or as obliged, if he did not give it, to leap down from a five-pair-of-stairs window. What could he do? What had he to fall back upon?" After relating much more in the same strain, Lord Eldon adds: "Little more passed, except occasional bursts of expression, 'What can I do? What can I now fall back upon? What can I fall back upon? I am miserable, wretched. My situation is dreadful; nobody about me to advise with. If I do give my consent, I will go to the baths after all, and from thence to Hanover. I'll return no more to England. I'll make no Roman Catholic peers; I will not do what this Bill will enable me to do. I'll return no more. Let them get a Catholic king in Clarence! [I think he also mentioned Sussex.] The people will see that I did not wish this.' There were the strongest appearances, certainly, of misery. He more than once stopped my leaving him. When the time came that I was to go, he threw his arms around my neck, and expressed great misery. I left him at about twenty minutes or a quarter before five. I certainly thought when I left him that he would express great difficulty, when the Bill was prepared for the Royal Assent, about giving it." The writer adds, sarcastically:—"I fear that it seemed to be given as a matter of course." Next day, Lord Eldon wrote to his daughter: "The fatal Bill received the Royal Assent yesterday afternoon. After all I had heard in my visits, not a day's delay. God bless us and His Church." At Windsor, on the 13th of April, the king pronounced over the Bill that he so hated the words—"Le Roy le veult."
The number of Catholics in Britain at the time of passing the Relief Bill was estimated by themselves at nearly 1,000,000, scattered, in various proportions, through England, Scotland, and Wales. Of these, 200,000 were resident in London. The most Catholic counties in England were Lancashire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Cheshire, Northumberland, Durham, Norfolk, Suffolk, and Kent. In Ireland the Roman Catholics were estimated at five millions and a half; and the Protestants, of all denominations581, at one million and three-quarters. By the removal of the disabilities eight English Catholic peers were enabled to take their seats by right in the House of Lords. The Catholic baronets in England were then sixteen in number. In Ireland there were eight Roman Catholic peers; in Scotland, two. The system of religious exclusion had lasted 271 years, from the passing of the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity in 1559.
During the excitement that followed the passing of the Emancipation Act incessant582 attacks were made upon the character of the Duke of Wellington. Perhaps the most violent of these was published in the Standard by the Earl of Winchilsea, one of the most ardent of the anti-Catholic peers, who charged the Premier with disgraceful conduct. The offence was contained in a letter addressed by Lord Winchilsea to Mr. Coleridge, secretary to the committee for establishing the King's College, London. He said he felt rather doubtful as to the sincerity of the motives which had actuated some of the prime movers in that undertaking, "when he considered that the noble duke at the head of his Majesty's Government had been induced on this occasion to assume a new character, and to step forward himself as the public advocate of religion and morality." He then proceeded:—"Late political events have convinced me that the whole transaction was intended as a blind to the Protestant and High Church party; that the[300] noble duke, who had, for some time previous to that period, determined upon breaking in upon the Constitution of 1688, might the more effectually, under the cloak of some outward show of zeal490 for the Protestant religion, carry on his insidious583 designs for the infringement584 of our liberties, and the introduction of Popery into every department of the State." The Duke having obtained from Lord Winchilsea an avowal585 of the authorship, demanded a retractation or apology, which was refused. The matter was then referred to friends, and a hostile meeting was agreed upon. "It is," says Mr. Gleig, "a curious feature in this somewhat unfortunate occurrence, that when the moment for action arrived it was found that the Duke did not possess a pair of duelling-pistols. Considering the length of time he had spent in the army, and the habits of military society towards the close of the last century, that fact bore incontestable evidence to the conciliatory temper and great discretion of the Duke. Sir Henry Hardinge, therefore, who acted as his friend, was forced to look for pistols elsewhere, and borrowed them at last—he himself being as unprovided as his principal—from Dr. Hume, the medical man who accompanied them to the ground. The combatants met in Battersea Fields, now Battersea Park. Lord Winchilsea, attended by the Earl of Falmouth, having received the Duke's fire, discharged his pistol in the air. A written explanation was then produced, which the Duke declined to receive unless the word 'apology' was inserted; and this point being yielded, they separated as they had met, with cold civility."
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S DUEL WITH LORD WINCHILSEA. (See p. 300.)
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[301]
LORD ELDON. (After the Portrait by Sir Thomas Lawrence.)
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A third Bill yet remained to be carried, in order to complete the Ministerial scheme of Emancipation, and supply the security necessary for its satisfactory working. This was the Bill for disfranchising the forty-shilling freeholders, by whose instrumentality, it may be said, Emancipation was effected. It was they that returned Mr. O'Connell for Clare; it was they that would have returned the members for twenty-three other counties, pledged to support his policy. It is true that this class of voters was generally dependent upon the landlords, unless under the influence of violent excitement, when they were wrested586 like weapons from their hands by the priests, and used with a vengeance for the punishment of those by whom they had been created. In neither case did they exercise the franchise in fulfilment of the purpose for which it was given. In both cases those voters were the instruments of a power which availed itself of the forms of the Constitution, but was directly opposed to its spirit. Disfranchisement, however, in any circumstances, was distasteful to both Conservative and Liberal statesmen. Mr. Brougham said he consented to it in this case "as the price—almost the extravagant587 price"—of Emancipation; and Sir James Mackintosh remarked that it was one of those "tough morsels588" which he had been scarcely able to swallow. The measure was opposed by Mr. Huskisson, Lord Palmerston, and Lord Duncannon, as not requisite, and not calculated to accomplish its object. But although Mr. O'Connell had repeatedly declared that he would not accept Emancipation if the faithful "forties" were to be sacrificed, that he would rather die on the scaffold than submit to any such measure, though Mr. Sheil had denounced it in language the most vehement589, yet the measure was allowed to pass through both Houses of Parliament without any opposition worth naming; only seventeen members voting against the second reading in the Commons, and there being no division against it in the Lords. Ireland beheld the sacrifice in silence. Mr. O'Connell forgot his solemn vows590, so recently registered, and, what was more strange, the priests did not remind him of his obligation. Perhaps they were not sorry to witness the annihilation of a power which landlords might use against them[302] and which agitators might wield in a way that they could not at all times control. There had been always an uneasy feeling among the prelates and the higher clergy at the influence which Mr. O'Connell and the other lay agitators had acquired, because it tended to raise in the people a spirit of independence which rendered them sometimes refractory591 as members of the Church, and suggested the idea of combination against their own pastors592, if they declined to become their leaders in any popular movement. The popular leaders in Ireland, however, consoling themselves with the assurance that many of the class of "bold peasantry" which they had glorified593 would still enjoy the franchise as ten-pound freeholders, consented, reluctantly of course, to the extinction of 300,000 "forties." They considered the danger of delay, and the probability that if this opportunity were missed, another might not occur for years of striking off the shackles594 which the upper classes of Roman Catholics especially felt to be so galling595.
When Emancipation was carried, the Catholics did not forget the claims of Mr. O'Connell, who had laboured so hard during a quarter of a century for its accomplishment. A testimonial was soon afterwards got up to reward him for his services. Mr. C. O'Laughlin, of Dublin, subscribed ￡500; the Earl of Shrewsbury 1,000 guineas, and the less grateful Duke of Norfolk the sum of ￡100. The collection of the testimonial was organised in every district throughout Ireland, and a sum of ￡50,000 sterling596 was collected. Mr. O'Connell did not love money for its own sake. The immense sums that were poured into the coffers of the Catholic Association were spent freely in carrying on the agitation, and the large annuity597 which he himself received was mainly devoted to the same object. One means, which had no small effect in accomplishing the object, was the extremely liberal hospitality which was kept up, not only at Derrynane Abbey, but at his town residence in Merrion Square; and he had, besides, a host of retainers more or less dependent upon his bounty598.
There was one irritating circumstance connected with the Emancipation Act: the words, "thereafter to be elected," were introduced for the purpose of preventing O'Connell from taking his seat in virtue599 of the election of 1828. The Irish Roman Catholics considered this legislating600 against an individual an act unworthy of the British Senate—and, as against the great Catholic advocate, a mean, vindictive601, and discreditable deed. But it was admitted that Wellington and Peel were not to blame for it; that on their part it was a pacificatory602 concession to dogged bigotry603 in high places. Mr. Fagan states that Mr. O'Connell was willing to give up the county of Clare to Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, and to go into Parliament himself for a borough, adding that he had absolutely offered 3,000 guineas to Sir Edward Denny for the borough of Tralee, which had always been regularly sold, and was, in point of fact, assigned as a fortune under a marriage settlement. Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, however, rather scornfully rejected the offer, and Mr. O'Connell himself appeared in the House of Commons on the 15th of May, to try whether he would be permitted to take his seat. In the course of an hour, we are told, the heads of his speech were arranged, and written on a small card. The event was expected, and the House was crowded to excess. At five o'clock the Speaker called on any new member desiring to be sworn to come to the table. O'Connell accordingly presented himself, introduced by Lords Ebrington and Duncannon. He remained for some time standing at the table, pointing out the oaths he was willing to take, namely, those required by the new Act, and handing in the certificate of his return and qualifications. His refusal to take the oaths of supremacy and abjuration604 having been reported to the Speaker, he was directed to withdraw, when Mr. Brougham moved that he should be heard at the bar, to account for his refusal. But on the motion of Mr. Peel, after a long discussion, the consideration of the question was deferred till the 18th. The Times of the next day stated that the narrative605 of the proceeding could convey but an imperfect idea of the silent, the almost breathless attention with which he was received in the House, advancing to and retiring from the table. The benches were filled in an unusual degree with members, and there was no recollection of so large a number of peers brought by curiosity into the House of Commons. The Speaker's expression of countenance and manner towards the honourable gentleman were extremely courteous606, and his declaration that he "must withdraw," firm and authoritative. Mr. O'Connell, for a moment, looked round as one who had reason to expect support, and this failing, he bowed most respectfully, and withdrew.
On Monday, the 18th of May, O'Connell took his seat under the gallery. Seldom, if ever before, were there in the House so many strangers, peers, or members. The adjourned607 debate was resumed, and it was resolved that he should be heard at[303] the bar. To the bar he then advanced, accompanied by his solicitor, Mr. Pierce Mahony, who supplied him with the books and documents, which had been arranged and marked to facilitate reference. His speech on that occasion is said to have been one of the most remarkable for ability and argument he ever delivered. It should be observed that his claim to enter the House without taking the oaths was supported from the first by the opinion of Mr. Charles Butler, an eminent608 English barrister, and a Roman Catholic; but law and precedent609 were against him, and he could not be admitted. The House ordered the Speaker to make out a new writ for Clare.
Thus baffled, he returned to Dublin, where he met with an enthusiastic reception. A meeting was held the next day to make arrangements for insuring his return for Clare. On the 1st of June O'Connell started for Ennis. All the towns he passed through turned out to cheer him on, with green boughs and banners suspended from the windows. He arrived at Nenagh in the night, and the town was quickly illuminated. Having travelled all night, he retired to rest at Limerick; and while he slept the streets were thronged610 with people anxious to get a glance at their "Liberator." A large tree of Liberty was planted before the hotel, with musicians perched on the branches playing national airs. The Limerick trades accompanied him in his progress towards Ennis, where his arrival was hailed with boundless611 enthusiasm, and where a triumphal car was prepared for him. Thus terminated a progress, during which he made twenty speeches, to nearly a million of persons. On the 30th of July O'Connell was a second time returned for Clare, on this occasion without opposition, and the event was celebrated with the usual demonstrations of joy and triumph.
Thus was O'Connell driven into a new course of agitation. He did not conceal166, even in the hour of his triumph, that he regarded Catholic Emancipation as little more than a vantage ground on which he was to plant his artillery for the abolition612 of the Legislative613 union. After the passing of the Emancipation Act he appealed as strongly as ever to the feelings of the people. "At Ennis," he said, "I promised you religious freedom, and I kept my word. The Catholics are now free, and the Brunswickers are no longer their masters; and a paltry614 set they were to be our masters. They would turn up the white of their eyes to heaven, and at the same time slily put their hands into your pockets.... What good did any member ever before in Parliament do for the county of Clare, except to get places for their nephews, cousins, etc.? What did I do? I procured615 for you Emancipation." "The election for Clare," he said, "is admitted to have been the immediate and irresistible cause of producing the Catholic Relief Bill. You have achieved the religious liberty of Ireland. Another such victory in Clare, and we shall attain the political freedom of our beloved country. That victory is still necessary to prevent Catholic rights and liberties from being sapped and undermined by the insidious policy of those men who, false to their own party, can never be true to us, and who have yielded not to reason, but to necessity, in granting us freedom of conscience. A sober, moral, and religious people cannot continue slaves—they become too powerful for their oppressors—their moral strength exceeds their physical powers—and their progress towards prosperity is in vain opposed by the Peels and Wellingtons of society. These poor strugglers for ancient abuses yield to a necessity which violates no law, and commits no crime; and having once already succeeded by these means, our next success is equally certain, if we adopt the same virtuous616 and irresistible means." His new programme embraced not only the Repeal of the union, but the restoration of the franchise to the "forties."
The Roman Catholic prelates, however, seem to have been satisfied with the achievement of Emancipation, and to have received the boon617 in a very good spirit. There was one of their number who, more than all the rest, had contributed to the success of the work. This was Dr. Doyle, so well known as "J.K.L.," unquestionably the most accomplished polemical writer of his time. In January, 1830, the Catholic bishops assembled in Dublin, to deliberate, according to annual custom, on their own duties and the interests of their Church. Dr. Doyle, at the close of these deliberations, drew up a pastoral, to which all the prelates affixed618 their signatures. It gave thanks to God that the Irish people not only continued to be of one mind, labouring together in the faith of the Gospel, but also that their faith was daily becoming stronger, and signally fructifying619 among them. Having drawn a picture of the discord620 that had prevailed in Ireland before Emancipation, the pastoral went on to say that the great boon "became the more acceptable to this country, because among the counsellors of his Majesty there appeared conspicuous the most distinguished of Ireland's own sons, a hero and a legislator—a man selected by the Almighty621 to break the rod[304] which had scourged622 Europe—a man raised by Providence623 to confirm thrones, to re-establish altars, to direct the councils of England at a crisis the most difficult; to stanch624 the blood and heal the wounds of the country that gave him birth." The pastoral besought625 the people to promote the end which the legislature contemplated in passing the Relief Bill—the pacification and improvement of Ireland. It recommended that rash and unjust oaths should not be even named among them, and deprecated any attempt to trouble their repose27 by "sowers of discord or sedition626." The bishops rejoiced at the recent result of the protracted struggle, not more on public grounds than because they found themselves discharged from a duty which necessity alone allied188 to their ministry—"a duty imposed on us by a state of times which has passed, but a duty which we have gladly relinquished627, in the fervent628 hope that by us or our successors it may not be resumed."
The success of the Duke of Wellington in carrying Emancipation was fatal to his Government. Almost to a man the Tories fell from him, and he found no compensation in the adhesion of the Whigs. The latter were glad that their opponents had been induced to settle the question, a result which they had long desired, but had not the power to accomplish. Their gratitude, however, for this great service to the public was not sufficiently warm to induce them to enlist under the banner of the Duke of Wellington, though they were ready to come to his assistance, to protect his Government for a time against the violent assaults of the party whose feelings and prejudices he had so grievously outraged630. All parties seem, indeed, to have been exhausted631 by the violence of the struggle, and there was no desire to attempt anything important in the way of legislation during the remainder of the Session. There was nothing extraordinary in the Budget, and it was accepted without much objection. The subject of distress555 among the operatives gave rise to a debate which occupied two days, and a motion for inquiry632 into its causes was rejected. The trade which suffered most at the time was the silk trade. It was stated that, in 1824, there were 17,000 looms633 employed in Spitalfields; now there were only 9,000. At the former period wages averaged seventeen shillings a week, now the average was reduced to nine shillings. By the manufacturers this depression was ascribed to the relaxation of the prohibitory system, and the admission of foreign silks into the home market. On the other hand, Ministers, and the advocates of Free Trade, ascribed the depression to the increase of production, and the rivalry634 of the provincial towns of Congleton, Macclesfield, and Manchester. That the general trade had increased was shown by the vast increase in the quantity of raw silk imported, and in the number of spindles employed in the silk manufacture. The Government was firm in its hostility to the prohibitory system, and would not listen to any suggestion for relief, except a reduction in the duties on the importation of raw silk, by which the demand for the manufactured article might be augmented. While these discussions were going on in Parliament the silk-weavers635 were in a state of violent agitation, and their discontent broke forth in acts of lawlessness and destructive outrage629. They were undoubtedly636 in a very miserable condition. It was ascertained637 that there were at Huddersfield 13,000 persons, occupied in a fancy trade, whose average earnings638 did not exceed twopence-halfpenny a day, out of which they had to meet the wear and tear of looms, etc. The artisans ascribed this reduction to the avarice639 of their employers, and they avenged640 themselves, as was usual in those times, by combination, strikes, and destruction of property. In Spitalfields bands of weavers entered the workshops and cut up the materials belonging to refractory masters. The webs in thirty or forty looms were sometimes thus destroyed in a single night. The same course was pursued at Macclesfield, Coventry, Nuneaton, and Bedworth, in which towns power-looms had been introduced which enabled one man to do the work of four. The reign318 of terror extended to Yorkshire, and in several places the masters were compelled to succumb641, and to accept a list of prices imposed by the operatives. In this way the distress was greatly aggravated642 by their ignorance. What they demanded was a restrictive system, which it was impossible to restore. The result obtained was simply a reduction of the duties on raw silk.
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CAPTAIN WALPOLE INTERCEPTING644 THE DUKE OF SALDANHA'S SHIPS. (See p. 306.)
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An attempt was made during the Session to mitigate the evils of the Game Laws, and a Bill for legalising the sale of game passed the Commons with extraordinary unanimity645. In the House of Lords the Bill met with determined opposition. In vain Lord Wharncliffe demonstrated the demoralising and disorganising effects of the Game Laws. Lord Westmoreland was shocked at a measure which he declared would depopulate the country of gentlemen. He could not endure such a gross violation of the liberty of the aristocratic portion of the king's subjects; and he thought the guardians646 of the Constitution in the House[306] of Commons must have been asleep when they allowed such a measure to pass. Lord Eldon, too, who was passionately363 fond of shooting, had his Conservative instincts aroused almost as much by the proposal to abolish the monopoly of killing647 hares and pheasants, as by the measure for admitting Roman Catholics into Parliament. The Bill was read a second time, by a majority of ten; but more strenuous exertions were called forth by the division, and the third reading of this Bill to mitigate an iniquitous648 system was rejected by a majority of two. Lord Eldon's familiarity with the principles of equity649 did not enable him to see the wrong of inflicting651 damage to the amount of ￡500,000 a year on the tenant57 farmers of the country, by the depredations652 of wild animals, which they were not permitted to kill, and for the destruction caused by which they received no compensation.
On the 24th of June Parliament was prorogued653 by commission. The Royal Speech expressed thanks for the attention that had been given to the affairs of Ireland, and the settlement of the Catholic question, which the king hoped would tend to the permanent tranquillity of that country, and to draw closer the bonds of union between it and the rest of the empire. It was announced that diplomatic relations had been renewed with the Porte, for which ambassadors from England and France had taken their departure. But it was with increased regret that his Majesty again adverted654 to the condition of the Portuguese655 monarchy657. He repeated his determination to use every effort to reconcile conflicting interests, and to remove the evils which pressed so heavily on a country the prosperity of which must ever be an object of his solicitude658. The condition of that country was, indeed, most deplorable under the lawless despotism of Dom Miguel, who, on the abdication659 of his brother Dom Pedro in favour of Do?a Maria da Gloria, had been appointed regent, but had subsequently assumed the royal title, and driven his niece from the country. He overruled the decisions of the courts of justice regarding political prisoners, and inflicted660 the punishment of death by his own mere arbitrary order, when only transportation had been decreed by the judges. He crowded the prisons with the most distinguished supporters of constitutional government, confiscated661 their property, and appropriated it to his own use. Yet this monster would have been acknowledged by the Duke of Wellington. Had the Duke been free to follow the dictates662 of his own judgment, he would have at once resumed the diplomatic relations which had been broken off between the two states. But Britain was committed to the young queen by the policy of the preceding Administration; and the Duke, though he believed that policy to be unwise, could not break through it in a moment. It was not without difficulty, however, that Britain maintained her neutrality between the contending parties. The Portuguese refugees endeavoured, under various false pretences663, to avail themselves of British hospitality, for the purpose of conveying arms and ammunition664, and bodies of troops into Portugal, to restore the queen. They asserted that they were sending them to Brazil, but really conveyed them to Terceira, one of the Azores, where Do?a Maria had been proclaimed. The consequence was that 4,000 Portuguese troops, which were lying at Plymouth, were ordered to disband, and Captain Walpole, with a squadron, was sent to watch the Portuguese ships in the Atlantic, in order to avoid the imputation665 of violating the neutrality. His orders were to proceed to the Azores, to intercept643 any vessels666 arriving at those islands, and "should they persist, notwithstanding, in hovering667 about or making any attempt to effect a landing, you are then to use force to drive them away from the neighbourhood." Walpole intercepted668 four vessels, containing a force of 650 men under the command of the Duke of Saldanha. They declined to bring-to, whereupon he fired a shot which killed one man and wounded another. Saldanha thereupon declared that he considered himself Walpole's prisoner, and turned his vessels towards Europe. Walpole, in great perplexity, followed him, until he was within 500 miles of Scilly, when they parted company and Saldanha went to Havre. These proceedings were regarded with indignation in Great Britain, the enemies of the Government asserting that, in spite of their declarations of neutrality, they had proved themselves partisans of Dom Miguel. Debates were raised in both Houses, Lord Palmerston in the Commons making his first great speech in condemnation669 of the Duke's foreign policy. It is significant that Wellington should have written to Lord Aberdeen in a private letter: "In respect to Portugal you may tell Prince Polignac that we are determined that there shall be no revolutionary movement from England or any part of the world."
Parliament having been prorogued, the members retired to their respective counties and boroughs, many of them out of humour with themselves and with the Government which they had heretofore[307] supported, and meditating670 revenge. An endeavour was made in the course of the summer to renew the political connection between the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Huskisson. The friends of the existing Administration felt the weakness of their position, deprived of their natural support, and liable to be outvoted at any time. The Tories had become perfectly rabid in their indignation, vehemently671 charging the Duke with violation of public faith, with want of statesmanship, with indifference672 to the wishes and necessities of the people, and with a determination to govern the country as if he were commanding an army. Their feelings were so excited that they joined in the Whig cry of Parliamentary Reform, and spoke of turning the bishops out of the House of Lords. It was to enable the Premier to brave this storm that he was induced by his friends to receive Mr. Huskisson at his country house. The Duke was personally civil, and even kind, to his visitor; but his recollections of the past were too strong to permit of his going farther. In the following Session negotiations were made with the other Canningites, but without success, as they had thrown in their lot with the Whigs.
The year 1829 was distinguished by disturbances673 in Ireland, as well as distress in England. The 12th of July, the anniversary of the battle of the Boyne, was celebrated with unusual manifestations674 of defiance by the Orangemen. The country seemed armed for civil war. In the county Clare there was a conflict between the Protestants and Catholics, in which one man was killed, and seven or eight wounded on each side. In Armagh there was a fight, in which ten men lost their lives. In the county Fermanagh 800 Roman Catholics, armed with scythes675 and pitchforks, turned out and attacked the Protestants, killing four persons and wounding seven. The same party rose in Cavan, Monaghan, and Leitrim, threatening something like civil war. In Tipperary society was so convulsed that the magistrates met, and called upon the Government for a renewal of the Insurrection Act, and for the passing of a law rendering the possession of fire-arms a transportable offence.
Such was the state of affairs at home and abroad during the recess676 of 1829. The Government hoped that by the mollifying influence of time the rancour of the Tory party would be mitigated677, and that by the proposal of useful measures the Whig leaders would be induced to give them their support, without being admitted to a partnership678 in power and the emoluments679 of office. But in both respects they miscalculated. The Duke met Parliament again on the 4th of February, 1830. It was obvious from the first that neither was Tory rancour appeased680 nor Whig support effectually secured. The Speech from the Throne, which was delivered by commission, was unusually curt6 and vague. It admitted the prevalence of general distress. It was true that the exports in the last year of British produce and manufacture exceeded those of any former year; but, notwithstanding this indication of an active commerce, both the agricultural and the manufacturing classes were suffering severely in "some parts" of the United Kingdom. There was no question about the existence of distress; the only difference was as to whether it was general or only partial. In the House of Lords the Government was attacked by Earl Stanhope, who moved an amendment681 to the Address. He asked in what part of the country was it that the Ministers did not find distress prevailing682? He contended that the kingdom was in a state of universal distress, likely to be unequalled in its duration. All the great interests—agriculture, manufactures, trade, and commerce—had never at one time, he said, been at so low an ebb683. The Speech ascribed the distress to a bad harvest. But could a bad harvest make corn cheap? It was the excessive reduction of prices which was felt to be the great evil. If they cast their eyes around they would see the counties pouring on them spontaneously every kind of solicitation684 for relief; while in towns, stocks of every kind had sunk in value forty per cent. The depression, he contended, had been continuous and universal ever since the Bank Restriction685 Act passed, and especially since the suppression of small notes took effect in the beginning of the previous year. Such a universal and continued depression could be ascribed only to some cause pressing alike upon all branches of industry, and that cause was to be found in the enormous contraction686 of the currency, the Bank of England notes in circulation having been reduced from thirty to twenty millions, and the country bankers' notes in still greater proportion. The Duke of Wellington, in reply, denied that the Bank circulation was less than it had been during the war. In the former period it was sixty-four millions, including gold and silver as well as paper. In 1830 it was sixty-five millions. It was an unlimited687 circulation, he said, that the Opposition required; in other words, it was wished to give certain individuals, not the Crown, the power of coining in the shape of paper, and of producing a fictitious688 capital. Capital was always forthcoming[308] when it was wanted. He referred to the high rents paid for shops in towns, which were everywhere enlarged or improved, to "the elegant streets and villas689 which were springing up around the metropolis, and all our great towns, to show that the country was not falling, but improving." After the Duke had replied, the supporters of the amendment could not muster197, on a division, a larger minority than nine. In the House of Commons the discussion was more spirited, and the division more ominous of the fate of the Ministry. The majority for Ministers was only fifty-three, the numbers being 158 to 105. In the minority were found ultra-Tories, such as Sir Edward Knatchbull, who had proposed an amendment lamenting690 the general distress, Mr. Bankes, Mr. Sadler, and General Gascoigne, who went into the same lobby with Sir Francis Burdett, Lord John Russell, Mr. Brougham, Mr. Hume, and Lord Althorp, representing the Whigs and Radicals691; while Lord Palmerston, Mr. Huskisson, Mr. Charles Grant, and Sir Stratford Canning represented the Canning party. No such jumble692 of factions had been known in any division for many years.
The Liberals seem to have been strongly inclined to the opinion that the Duke of Wellington, having won the great victory of Emancipation, should retire from the field—that he was not fit to lead the van of progress in Parliament. "The Prime Minister of England," exclaimed Sir Francis Burdett, "is shamefully693 insensible to the suffering and distress which are painfully apparent throughout the land. When, instead of meeting such an overwhelming pressure of necessity with some measure of relief, or some attempt at relief, he seeks to stifle694 every important inquiry—when he calls that a partial and temporary evil which is both long-lived and universal,—I cannot look on such a mournful crisis, in which the public misfortune is insulted by Ministerial apathy695, without hailing any prospect of change in the system which has produced it. What shall we say to the ignorance which can attribute our distress to the introduction of machinery and the application of steam, that noble improvement in the inventions of man to which men of science and intelligence mainly ascribe our prosperity? I feel a high and unfeigned respect for that illustrious person's abilities in the field, but I cannot help thinking that he did himself no less than justice when he said, a few months before he accepted office, that he should be a fit inmate696 for an asylum697 of a peculiar nature if he ever were induced to take such a burden upon his shoulders." On the other hand the Opposition was nearly as disorganised as the Government, until Lord Althorp was selected to lead it in the Commons.
On the 12th of February Sir James Graham moved for the reduction of the salaries of all persons holding offices under Government, in proportion to the enhanced value of money produced by the Bank Restriction Act, which added to the weight of all fixed payments while it lowered wages and the price of provisions. "Hence," he said, "the miserable state to which the people of this country were now reduced, and the necessity for rigid698, unsparing economy; and in that system of economy one great source of retrenchment20 must be the reduction of the salaries of those who had their hands in the public purse. Justice requires, necessity demands it." Ministers did not dare to resist this motion openly. They evaded it by an amendment, which was unanimously adopted, for an Address to the king, requesting him to order an inquiry to be made into all the departments of the Civil Government, with a view of reducing the number of persons employed in the various Services, and the amount of their salaries. On the 15th Mr. Hume attempted to carry retrenchment into the Army and Navy, moving a resolution to the effect that the former should be reduced by 20,000 men, and the latter by the sum of a million and a half. All the reductions he proposed would have effected a saving of eight millions annually. But neither the Whigs nor the Canning party were disposed to go such lengths. The motion was, therefore, defeated, the minority consisting solely699 of Radical reformers, who mustered fifty-seven on the division. Another assault on the Government was led on by Mr. Poulett Thompson, who moved for the appointment of a Committee for a Revision of the system of Taxation700 with a view to saving expense in the mode of collecting the revenue. The motion was resisted by Mr Peel on the ground that such important duties should not be delegated to a fraction of the members of the House. The motion was rejected by a large majority. A few days later, however, Ministers sustained a damaging defeat in the Committee of Supply on the Navy estimates. Two young men, who had been public servants for a few months only, Mr. R. Dundas and Mr. W. S. Bathurst, Junior Commissioners701 of the Navy, had been pensioned off on the reduction of their offices, the one with ￡400 and the other with ￡500 a year. The arrangement was attacked as a gross job and defended upon principle, and Ministers after[309] mustering702 all their strength were beaten by a majority of 139 to 121, on the motion that those pensions should be struck off. Several other motions, brought forward with a view of effecting retrenchments, were rejected by the House. This movement in the direction of financial reform, no doubt, received an impulse from the resentment703 of the leading Whigs, whose claims to take part in the Government were ignored by the Duke. But this remark does not apply to the efforts of Mr. Attwood and Mr. Baring, who moved that instead of a gold standard there should be a gold and silver standard, and that the Act for prohibiting the issue of small notes should be repealed704. They strengthened their case by an appeal to the facts of the existing distress and commercial depression arising from a restricted currency. On the part of the Government, however, it was argued that a double standard of gold and silver would cause a loss of five per cent, to creditors705 if debtors706 were to pay in the silver standard—that the whole country would be a scene of confusion and ruin—that silver never was in practice the standard of the country, and that it never had been actually in a state to be used as a legal tender. Latterly the law had enacted707 that it should not be a legal tender beyond twenty-five pounds. By weight, indeed, it was a legal tender to any amount, but practically it had become so depreciated708 that there was no such thing as a standard by weight. Mr. Attwood's resolutions on the currency were negatived without a division.
MR. ALEXANDER'S LEVES IN KING'S BENCH PRISON. (See p. 310.)
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Though the Duke of Wellington defended him-self against the persevering attacks of the financial reformers, he was busy making retrenchments in every department of the Public Service. So effectually did he employ the pruning-hook, that although the income of the previous year had fallen short of the estimate of the Chancellor of the Exchequer by ￡560,000, he was able to present to the House this year a surplus of ￡3,400,000 available for the reduction of taxation, still leaving an excess of income over expenditure709 of ￡2,667,000 applicable to the reduction of debt. There was, consequently, a large remission of taxation, the principal item of which was the beer duty, estimated[310] at ￡3,000,000. At the same time, in order to enable the Chancellor of the Exchequer to meet these reductions, an addition of one shilling a gallon was made to the duty on English spirits and of twopence on Irish and Scottish spirits. This Budget helped to clear the political atmosphere and brought a brief gleam of popularity to the Government. The Duke got full credit for an earnest desire to economise, and it was acknowledged by the Liberal party that he had given the most important financial relief that the nation had experienced since the establishment of peace. Notwithstanding, however, the general satisfaction, and the loud popular applause, the pressure of distress was not sensibly alleviated710. The burden indeed was somewhat lightened, but what the nation wanted was greater strength to bear financial burdens, a revival711 of its industrial energies, and facilities for putting them forth with profit to themselves and to the country. Remissions of taxation were but the weight of a feather, compared to the losses sustained by the action of the currency. For while the reductions only relieved the nation to the extent of three or four millions, it was estimated that the monetary712 laws, by cutting off at least fifty per cent. from the remuneration of all branches of industry, commercial and agricultural, had reduced the incomes of the industrial classes to the extent of a hundred and fifty millions yearly.
Among the other causes which contributed to the unpopularity of the Duke of Wellington and the weakness of his Administration was the prosecution by the Attorney-General of Mr. Alexander, the editor of the Morning Journal. A series of articles had appeared in that paper, which were considered so virulent713 and libellous, so far surpassing the bounds of fair discussion, that the Duke felt under the same necessity of ordering a prosecution that he had felt to fight the duel with Lord Winchilsea. It was regarded as an inevitable incident of his position, one of the things required to enable him to carry on the king's Government. He obtained a victory, but it cost him dear: a sentence of fine and imprisonment714 was inflicted upon his opponent, and the Morning Journal was extinguished; but, in the temper of the times, the public were by no means disposed to sympathise with the victor in such a contest. On the contrary, the victory covered him with odium, and placed upon the head of the convicted the crown of martyrdom. Mr. Alexander was visited daily in the King's Bench prison by leading politicians, and a motion was made in the House of Commons with a view to incriminate the Government who ordered the prosecution. In another instance also, but of a nature less damaging, the Government received a warning of its approaching downfall. Mr. Peel, anxious to mitigate the severity of the criminal code, and to render it less bloody, proposed to inflict650 the penalty of death only on persons committing such forgeries715 as could not by proper precautions be guarded against. It was a step in the right direction, but one too hesitating, and stopping short of the firm ground of sound policy. Sir James Mackintosh, therefore, on the third reading of the Bill, moved a clause for the abolition of the penalty of death in all cases of forgery716, which was carried by a majority of 151 against 138. Thus the Session wore on, in a sort of tantalising Parliamentary warfare717, with no decisive advantages on either side till the attention and interest of Parliament and the nation were absorbed by the approaching dissolution of George IV. and the dawning light of a new reign.
For many years the king had been scarcely ever free from gout, but its attacks had been resisted by the uncommon718 strength of his constitution. Partly in consequence of the state of his health, and partly from his habits of self-indulgence, he had for some time led a life of great seclusion719. He became growingly averse433 from all public displays and ceremonials, and was impatient of any intrusions upon his privacy. During the spring of 1829 he resided at St. James's Palace, where he gave a ball to the juvenile720 branches of the nobility, to which the Princess Victoria and the young Queen of Portugal were invited. His time was mostly spent within the royal domain721 at Windsor, where his outdoor amusements were sailing and fishing on Virginia Water, or driving rapidly in a pony722 phaeton through the forest. He was occasionally afflicted723 with pains in the eyes and defective724 vision. The gout attacked him in the hands as well as in the feet, and towards the end, dropsy—a disease which had been fatal to the Duke of York, and to his sister, the Queen of Würtemberg—was added to his other maladies. In April the disease assumed a decisive character; and bulletins began to be issued. The Duke of Clarence was at Windsor, and warmly expressed his sympathy with the royal sufferer. The Duke of Cumberland, and nearly all the Royal Family, expressed to Sir William Knighton their anxiety and fears as to the issue. This devoted servant was constantly by the side of his master. On the 27th of May Sir William wrote to Lady Knighton: "The king is particularly affectionate[311] to me. His Majesty is gradually breaking down; but the time required, if it does not happen suddenly, to destroy his originally fine constitution, no one can calculate upon." We are assured that Sir William took every opportunity of calling his Majesty's attention to religious subjects, and had even placed unordered a quarto Bible, of large type, on the dressing-table, with which act of attention the king was much pleased, and frequently referred to the sacred volume. A prayer was appointed for public use during his Majesty's indisposition, which the Bishop of Chichester read to him. "With the king's permission," wrote this learned prelate, "I repeated it on my knees at his bedside. At the close, his Majesty having listened to it with the utmost attention, three times repeated 'Amen,' with the greatest fervour and devotion. He expressed himself highly gratified with it, and desired me to convey his approbation of it to the Archbishop of Canterbury."
About a week before the king died the physician delicately announced to him the inevitable catastrophe725, when he said, "God's will be done." His sufferings were very great, and during the paroxysms of pain his moans were heard even by the sentinels in the quadrangle. On the night of the 25th of June his difficulty of breathing was unusually painful, and he motioned to his page to alter his position on the couch. Towards three o'clock he felt a sudden attack of faintness, accompanied by a violent discharge of blood. At this moment he attempted to raise his hand to his breast, and ejaculated, "O God, I am dying!" Two or three seconds afterwards he said, "This is death." The physicians were instantly called, but before they arrived the breath of life was gone. A post mortem examination showed ossification726 of the heart, which was greatly enlarged, and adhering to the neighbouring parts. The liver was not diseased; but the lungs were ulcerated, and there were dropsical symptoms on the skin, on various parts of the body. The king was an unusually large and, at one time, well-proportioned man; but he afterwards became very corpulent. He died on the 26th of June, in the sixty-eighth year of his age and the eleventh of his reign, having been Prince Regent for ten years. During his last illness the bulletins had been unusually deceptive727. The king was anxious to put away the idea of dissolution from his own mind, and unwilling728 that the public should know that his infirmities were so great; and it was said that he required to see the bulletins and to have them altered, so that he was continually announced as being better till the day of his death. His message to both Houses on the 24th of May, however, put an end to all delusion on the subject. He wished to be relieved from the pain and trouble of signing Bills and documents with his own hand. A Bill was therefore passed to enable him to give his assent verbally, but it was jealously guarded against being made a dangerous precedent. The stamp was to be affixed in the king's presence, by his immediate order given by word of mouth. A memorandum of the circumstances must accompany the stamp, and the document stamped must be previously endorsed729 by three members of the Privy730 Council; the operation of the Act was limited to the existing Session. The three Commissioners appointed for affixing731 his Majesty's signature were Lord Farnborough, General Sir W. Keppel, and Major-General A. F. Barnard.
Mr. Walpole has summed up the character of George IV. in words alike of terrible conciseness732 and of unmitigating truth—" He was a bad son, a bad husband, a bad father, a bad subject, a bad monarch656, and a bad friend."
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1
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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2
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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curt
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| adj.简短的，草率的 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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8
censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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retrenchment
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| n.节省，删除 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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err
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| vi.犯错误，出差错 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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reciprocated
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| v.报答，酬答( reciprocate的过去式和过去分词 )；（机器的部件）直线往复运动 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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37
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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38
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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asperities
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| n.粗暴( asperity的名词复数 )；（表面的）粗糙；（环境的）艰苦；严寒的天气 | |
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40
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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41
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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44
dwindle
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| v.逐渐变小（或减少） | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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evasions
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| 逃避( evasion的名词复数 )； 回避； 遁辞； 借口 | |
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47
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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50
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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51
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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52
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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53
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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54
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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55
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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56
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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57
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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58
impost
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| n.进口税，关税 | |
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59
onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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60
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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61
queries
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| n.问题( query的名词复数 )；疑问；询问；问号v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 )；询问 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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63
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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64
rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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65
musing
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| n. 沉思，冥想 adj. 沉思的, 冥想的 动词muse的现在分词形式 | |
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66
convening
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| 召开( convene的现在分词 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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67
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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70
conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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72
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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76
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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80
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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81
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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82
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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83
versus
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| prep.以…为对手，对；与…相比之下 | |
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84
forensic
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| adj.法庭的，雄辩的 | |
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85
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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86
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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87
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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88
harangues
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| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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89
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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solicitor
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| n.初级律师，事务律师 | |
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articulation
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| n.（清楚的）发音；清晰度，咬合 | |
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92
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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blandness
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| n.温柔，爽快 | |
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vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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attenuated
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| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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99
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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100
instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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101
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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102
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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103
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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104
venting
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| 消除； 泄去； 排去； 通风 | |
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105
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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106
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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107
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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108
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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109
outstripped
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| v.做得比…更好，（在赛跑等中）超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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111
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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112
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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113
suffrages
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| （政治性选举的）选举权，投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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114
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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115
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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116
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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117
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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118
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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119
recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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121
outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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122
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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124
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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125
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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126
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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127
hustings
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| n.竞选活动 | |
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128
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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129
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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130
agitator
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| n.鼓动者；搅拌器 | |
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131
jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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132
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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133
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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134
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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135
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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136
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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137
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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138
agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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139
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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140
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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141
haranguing
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的现在分词 ) | |
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142
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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143
congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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145
graphic
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| adj.生动的，形象的，绘画的，文字的，图表的 | |
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146
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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147
illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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148
lank
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| adj.瘦削的；稀疏的 | |
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149
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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150
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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151
desolate
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|
| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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152
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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153
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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154
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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155
recreant
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| n.懦夫；adj.胆怯的 | |
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156
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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157
inflamed
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|
| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
foam
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| v./n.泡沫，起泡沫 | |
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159
irresistible
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|
| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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160
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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161
wig
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| n.假发 | |
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162
deserted
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|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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163
celebrated
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|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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164
ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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165
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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166
conceal
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|
| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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167
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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168
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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169
exulting
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| vi. 欢欣鼓舞，狂喜 | |
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170
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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171
holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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172
dexterous
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|
| adj.灵敏的；灵巧的 | |
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173
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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174
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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175
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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176
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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177
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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178
exigency
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| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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179
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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180
odious
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|
| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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181
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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182
gore
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| n.凝血，血污；v.（动物）用角撞伤，用牙刺破；缝以补裆；顶 | |
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183
lauded
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|
| v.称赞，赞美( laud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
detest
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| vt.痛恨，憎恶 | |
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185
metaphors
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| 隐喻( metaphor的名词复数 ) | |
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186
assailed
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|
| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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187
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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188
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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189
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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190
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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191
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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192
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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193
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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194
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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195
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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196
mustered
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|
| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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197
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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198
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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199
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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200
forsaking
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| 放弃( forsake的现在分词 )； 弃绝； 抛弃； 摒弃 | |
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201
hurrah
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| int.好哇，万岁，乌拉 | |
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202
impel
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| v.推动；激励，迫使 | |
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203
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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204
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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205
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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206
attentive
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|
| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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207
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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208
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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209
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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210
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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211
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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212
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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213
melancholy
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|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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214
heralds
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| n.使者( herald的名词复数 )；预报者；预兆；传令官v.预示( herald的第三人称单数 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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215
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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216
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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217
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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218
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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219
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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220
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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221
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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222
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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223
rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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224
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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225
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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226
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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227
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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228
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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229
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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230
preponderated
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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231
delusive
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| adj.欺骗的，妄想的 | |
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232
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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233
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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234
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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235
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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236
attachments
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| n.（用电子邮件发送的）附件( attachment的名词复数 )；附着；连接；附属物 | |
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237
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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238
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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239
provident
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| adj.为将来做准备的，有先见之明的 | |
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240
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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241
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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242
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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243
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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244
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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245
vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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246
remodel
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| v.改造，改型，改变 | |
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247
improvident
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| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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248
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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249
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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250
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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251
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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252
adverting
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| 引起注意（advert的现在分词形式） | |
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253
conclusive
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|
| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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254
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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255
organise
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| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
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256
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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257
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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258
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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259
defer
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|
| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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260
surmounted
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|
| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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261
surmount
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| vt.克服；置于…顶上 | |
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262
franchises
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|
| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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263
systematic
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|
| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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264
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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265
strictly
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|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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266
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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267
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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268
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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269
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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270
repeal
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|
| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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271
borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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272
penal
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|
| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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273
agitations
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|
| （液体等的）摇动( agitation的名词复数 )； 鼓动； 激烈争论； （情绪等的）纷乱 | |
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274
deferred
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|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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275
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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276
malice
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|
| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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277
deliberately
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|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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278
bosom
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|
| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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279
contagion
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|
| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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280
feverish
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|
| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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281
civilian
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|
| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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282
prone
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|
| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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283
ornament
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|
| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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284
fidelity
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|
| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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285
confidentially
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|
| ad.秘密地，悄悄地 | |
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286
implicit
|
|
| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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287
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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288
factions
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|
| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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289
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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290
minor
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|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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291
prospects
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|
| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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292
prospect
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|
| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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293
embarrassment
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|
| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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294
preclude
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|
| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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295
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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296
protracted
|
|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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297
abhor
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|
| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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298
abhorrence
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|
| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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299
ardent
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|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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300
exclusion
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|
| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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301
tranquillity
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|
| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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302
intimidation
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|
| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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303
inevitable
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|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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304
impoverished
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|
| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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305
entailed
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|
| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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306
smoothly
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|
| adv.平滑地，顺利地，流利地，流畅地 | |
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307
insolence
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|
| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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308
proceeding
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|
| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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309
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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310
martial
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|
| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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311
propitious
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|
| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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312
conciliation
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|
| n.调解，调停 | |
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313
conscientiously
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|
| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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314
partisan
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|
| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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315
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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316
apprehension
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|
| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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317
quell
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|
| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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318
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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319
disaffected
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|
| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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320
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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321
partially
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|
| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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322
secreted
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|
| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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323
intercourse
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|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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324
prosecuting
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|
| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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325
stimulants
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|
| n.兴奋剂( stimulant的名词复数 )；含兴奋剂的饮料；刺激物；激励物 | |
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326
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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327
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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328
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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329
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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330
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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331
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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332
boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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333
permanently
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|
| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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334
swerved
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| v.（使）改变方向，改变目的( swerve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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335
corruption
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|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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336
avowed
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|
| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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337
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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338
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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339
reverting
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|
| 恢复( revert的现在分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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340
withheld
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|
| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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341
thereby
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|
| adv.因此，从而 | |
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342
acquiescing
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|
| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的现在分词 ) | |
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343
abet
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| v.教唆，鼓励帮助 | |
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344
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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345
rabble
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|
| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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346
obligatory
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|
| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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347
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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348
consistency
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|
| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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349
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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350
postponing
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|
| v.延期，推迟( postpone的现在分词 ) | |
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351
severely
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|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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352
censured
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|
| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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353
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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354
testimony
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|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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355
sincerity
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|
| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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356
foresight
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|
| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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357
alienation
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|
| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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358
condescend
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|
| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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359
incapable
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|
| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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360
motives
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|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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361
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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362
impartial
|
|
| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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363
passionately
|
|
| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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364
emphatic
|
|
| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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365
condemned
|
|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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366
treacherously
|
|
| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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367
precluded
|
|
| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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368
annually
|
|
| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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369
authoritative
|
|
| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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370
prorogation
|
|
| n.休会，闭会 | |
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371
demonstrations
|
|
| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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372
ominous
|
|
| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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373
northward
|
|
| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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374
apprised
|
|
| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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375
invaders
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|
| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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376
galloped
|
|
| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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377
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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378
oratory
|
|
| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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379
condemnatory
|
|
| adj. 非难的，处罚的 | |
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380
imperative
|
|
| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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381
alleged
|
|
| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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382
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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383
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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384
pretensions
|
|
| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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385
aggression
|
|
| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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386
creed
|
|
| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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387
evading
|
|
| 逃避( evade的现在分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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388
verge
|
|
| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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389
propriety
|
|
| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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390
repression
|
|
| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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391
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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392
imperatively
|
|
| adv.命令式地 | |
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393
proceedings
|
|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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394
dispersing
|
|
| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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395
sufficiently
|
|
| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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396
justify
|
|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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397
discretion
|
|
| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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398
countenance
|
|
| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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399
dealing
|
|
| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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400
partisans
|
|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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401
contemplated
|
|
| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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402
persevered
|
|
| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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403
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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404
tautology
|
|
| n.无谓的重复；恒真命题 | |
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405
hereditary
|
|
| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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406
supplanting
|
|
| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的现在分词 ) | |
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407
slumbered
|
|
| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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408
mighty
|
|
| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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409
invoking
|
|
| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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410
phantom
|
|
| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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411
invoke
|
|
| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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412
aristocrat
|
|
| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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413
stagnant
|
|
| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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414
veins
|
|
| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
参考例句： |
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415
needy
|
|
| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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416
humility
|
|
| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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417
coxcomb
|
|
| n.花花公子 | |
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418
impunity
|
|
| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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419
affront
|
|
| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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420
stigma
|
|
| n.耻辱，污名；(花的)柱头 | |
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421
grievances
|
|
| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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422
beheld
|
|
| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
参考例句： |
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423
reviled
|
|
| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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424
previously
|
|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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425
brotherhood
|
|
| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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426
feuds
|
|
| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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427
vengeance
|
|
| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
参考例句： |
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428
registration
|
|
| n.登记，注册，挂号 | |
参考例句： |
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429
disinterested
|
|
| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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430
persecution
|
|
| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
参考例句： |
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431
exultation
|
|
| n.狂喜，得意 | |
参考例句： |
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432
fickle
|
|
| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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433
averse
|
|
| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
参考例句： |
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434
systematically
|
|
| adv.有系统地 | |
参考例句： |
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435
wrought
|
|
| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
参考例句： |
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436
defiance
|
|
| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
参考例句： |
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437
eloquent
|
|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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438
victorious
|
|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
参考例句： |
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439
pious
|
|
| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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440
immortal
|
|
| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
参考例句： |
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441
execrated
|
|
| v.憎恶( execrate的过去式和过去分词 )；厌恶；诅咒；咒骂 | |
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442
effigy
|
|
| n.肖像 | |
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443
traitor
|
|
| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
参考例句： |
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444
persuasion
|
|
| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
参考例句： |
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445
thoroughly
|
|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
参考例句： |
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446
exasperation
|
|
| n.愤慨 | |
参考例句： |
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447
counteract
|
|
| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
参考例句： |
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448
extemporaneous
|
|
| adj.即席的，一时的 | |
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449
oration
|
|
| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
参考例句： |
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450
uproar
|
|
| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
参考例句： |
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451
eliciting
|
|
| n. 诱发, 引出 动词elicit的现在分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
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452
persecute
|
|
| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
参考例句： |
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453
provincial
|
|
| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
参考例句： |
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454
pier
|
|
| n.码头；桥墩，桥柱；[建]窗间壁，支柱 | |
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455
paramount
|
|
| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
参考例句： |
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456
portentous
|
|
| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
参考例句： |
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457
precipice
|
|
| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
参考例句： |
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458
lieutenants
|
|
| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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459
avert
|
|
| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
参考例句： |
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460
disastrous
|
|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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461
destined
|
|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
参考例句： |
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462
primate
|
|
| n.灵长类（目）动物，首席主教；adj.首要的 | |
参考例句： |
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463
pervades
|
|
| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
464
diligently
|
|
| ad.industriously;carefully | |
参考例句： |
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465
lessened
|
|
| 减少的，减弱的 | |
参考例句： |
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466
purport
|
|
| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
参考例句： |
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|
467
frankly
|
|
| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
参考例句： |
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|
468
perfectly
|
|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
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|
469
propitiated
|
|
| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
470
utterly
|
|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
参考例句： |
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471
fortified
|
|
| adj. 加强的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
472
brute
|
|
| n.野兽，兽性 | |
参考例句： |
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473
disarmed
|
|
| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
参考例句： |
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474
perseverance
|
|
| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
参考例句： |
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475
severance
|
|
| n.离职金；切断 | |
参考例句： |
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|
476
radical
|
|
| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
477
magistrates
|
|
| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
478
actively
|
|
| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
参考例句： |
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|
479
improper
|
|
| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
480
certified
|
|
| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
481
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
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|
482
loyalty
|
|
| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
参考例句： |
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|
483
rebukes
|
|
| 责难或指责( rebuke的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
484
arraign
|
|
| v.提讯；控告 | |
参考例句： |
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|
485
goodwill
|
|
| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
参考例句： |
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486
usurped
|
|
| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
参考例句： |
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|
487
disarming
|
|
| adj.消除敌意的，使人消气的v.裁军( disarm的现在分词 )；使息怒 | |
参考例句： |
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|
488
expedient
|
|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
参考例句： |
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|
489
zealous
|
|
| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
490
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
491
incurred
|
|
| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
492
testy
|
|
| adj.易怒的；暴躁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
493
antagonism
|
|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
494
accusations
|
|
| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
495
caustic
|
|
| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
496
irony
|
|
| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
497
allusion
|
|
| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
498
humble
|
|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
499
faculties
|
|
| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
500
scrupulously
|
|
| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
501
benign
|
|
| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
502
paternal
|
|
| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
503
sarcastic
|
|
| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
504
allusions
|
|
| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
505
upbraided
|
|
| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
506
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
507
concurred
|
|
| 同意（concur的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
508
soothing
|
|
| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
509
revered
|
|
| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
510
deviate
|
|
| v.(from)背离，偏离 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
511
intemperate
|
|
| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
512
inviolate
|
|
| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
513
concessions
|
|
| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
514
strenuous
|
|
| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
515
aloof
|
|
| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
516
fettered
|
|
| v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
517
obstruct
|
|
| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
518
retard
|
|
| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
519
scrupled
|
|
| v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
520
compensate
|
|
| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
521
precipitately
|
|
| adv.猛进地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
522
assent
|
|
| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
523
equitable
|
|
| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
524
Augmented
|
|
| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
525
entreat
|
|
| v.恳求，恳请 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
526
honourable
|
|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
527
pacification
|
|
| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
528
disperse
|
|
| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
529
teemed
|
|
| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
530
pinnacle
|
|
| n.尖塔，尖顶，山峰；(喻)顶峰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
531
infamy
|
|
| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
532
laurels
|
|
| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
533
withered
|
|
| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
534
execration
|
|
| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
535
delinquents
|
|
| n.（尤指青少年）有过失的人，违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
536
deterred
|
|
| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
537
privately
|
|
| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
538
antagonistic
|
|
| adj.敌对的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
539
conveyance
|
|
| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
540
relaxation
|
|
| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
541
fortress
|
|
| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
542
overthrowing
|
|
| v.打倒，推翻( overthrow的现在分词 )；使终止 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
543
tortuous
|
|
| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
544
pretext
|
|
| n.借口，托词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
545
astounding
|
|
| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
546
interval
|
|
| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
547
simplicity
|
|
| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
548
calamities
|
|
| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
549
applied
|
|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
550
defenders
|
|
| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
551
sweeping
|
|
| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
552
consternation
|
|
| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
553
implicitly
|
|
| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
554
antiquated
|
|
| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
555
distress
|
|
| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
556
distressed
|
|
| 痛苦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
557
wrung
|
|
| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
558
fatigued
|
|
| adj. 疲乏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
559
assented
|
|
| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
560
misery
|
|
| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
561
retracting
|
|
| v.撤回或撤消( retract的现在分词 )；拒绝执行或遵守；缩回；拉回 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
562
constrained
|
|
| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
563
consequential
|
|
| adj.作为结果的，间接的；重要的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
564
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
565
doctrine
|
|
| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
566
alteration
|
|
| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
567
dispensed
|
|
| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
568
dispensing
|
|
| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
569
condescending
|
|
| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
570
dilemma
|
|
| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
571
acquiesced
|
|
| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
572
murmur
|
|
| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
573
explicit
|
|
| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
574
accomplishment
|
|
| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
575
interpretation
|
|
| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
576
concurring
|
|
| 同时发生的，并发的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
577
desperately
|
|
| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
578
meshes
|
|
| 网孔( mesh的名词复数 )； 网状物； 陷阱； 困境 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
579
extricate
|
|
| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
580
anguish
|
|
| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
581
denominations
|
|
| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
582
incessant
|
|
| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
583
insidious
|
|
| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
584
infringement
|
|
| n.违反；侵权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
585
avowal
|
|
| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
586
wrested
|
|
| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
587
extravagant
|
|
| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
588
morsels
|
|
| n.一口( morsel的名词复数 )；（尤指食物）小块，碎屑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
589
vehement
|
|
| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
590
vows
|
|
| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
591
refractory
|
|
| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
592
pastors
|
|
| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
593
glorified
|
|
| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
594
shackles
|
|
| 手铐( shackle的名词复数 )； 脚镣； 束缚； 羁绊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
595
galling
|
|
| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
596
sterling
|
|
| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
597
annuity
|
|
| n.年金；养老金 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
598
bounty
|
|
| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
599
virtue
|
|
| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
600
legislating
|
|
| v.立法，制定法律( legislate的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
601
vindictive
|
|
| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
602
pacificatory
|
|
| 和解的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
603
bigotry
|
|
| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
604
abjuration
|
|
| n.发誓弃绝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
605
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
606
courteous
|
|
| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
607
adjourned
|
|
| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
608
eminent
|
|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
609
precedent
|
|
| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
610
thronged
|
|
| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
611
boundless
|
|
| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
612
abolition
|
|
| n.废除，取消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
613
legislative
|
|
| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
614
paltry
|
|
| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
615
procured
|
|
| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
616
virtuous
|
|
| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
617
boon
|
|
| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
618
affixed
|
|
| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
参考例句： |
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619
fructifying
|
|
| v.结果实( fructify的现在分词 )；使结果实，使多产，使土地肥沃 | |
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620
discord
|
|
| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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621
almighty
|
|
| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
参考例句： |
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622
scourged
|
|
| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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623
providence
|
|
| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
参考例句： |
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624
stanch
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|
| v.止住（血等）；adj.坚固的；坚定的 | |
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625
besought
|
|
| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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626
sedition
|
|
| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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627
relinquished
|
|
| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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628
fervent
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|
| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
参考例句： |
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629
outrage
|
|
| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
参考例句： |
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630
outraged
|
|
| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
参考例句： |
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631
exhausted
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|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
参考例句： |
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632
inquiry
|
|
| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
参考例句： |
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633
looms
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|
| n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
参考例句： |
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634
rivalry
|
|
| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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635
weavers
|
|
| 织工，编织者( weaver的名词复数 ) | |
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636
undoubtedly
|
|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
参考例句： |
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637
ascertained
|
|
| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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638
earnings
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|
| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
参考例句： |
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639
avarice
|
|
| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
参考例句： |
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640
avenged
|
|
| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
参考例句： |
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641
succumb
|
|
| v.屈服，屈从；死 | |
参考例句： |
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642
aggravated
|
|
| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
参考例句： |
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643
intercept
|
|
| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
参考例句： |
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644
intercepting
|
|
| 截取（技术），截接 | |
参考例句： |
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645
unanimity
|
|
| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
参考例句： |
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646
guardians
|
|
| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
参考例句： |
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647
killing
|
|
| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
参考例句： |
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648
iniquitous
|
|
| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
参考例句： |
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649
equity
|
|
| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
参考例句： |
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650
inflict
|
|
| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
参考例句： |
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651
inflicting
|
|
| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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652
depredations
|
|
| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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653
prorogued
|
|
| v.使（议会）休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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654
adverted
|
|
| 引起注意（advert的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
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655
Portuguese
|
|
| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
参考例句： |
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656
monarch
|
|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
参考例句： |
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657
monarchy
|
|
| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
参考例句： |
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658
solicitude
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|
| n.焦虑 | |
参考例句： |
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659
abdication
|
|
| n.辞职；退位 | |
参考例句： |
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660
inflicted
|
|
| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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661
confiscated
|
|
| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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662
dictates
|
|
| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
参考例句： |
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663
pretences
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|
| n.假装( pretence的名词复数 )；作假；自命；自称 | |
参考例句： |
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664
ammunition
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|
| n.军火，弹药 | |
参考例句： |
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665
imputation
|
|
| n.归罪，责难 | |
参考例句： |
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666
vessels
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|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
参考例句： |
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667
hovering
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|
| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
参考例句： |
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668
intercepted
|
|
| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
参考例句： |
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669
condemnation
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|
| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
参考例句： |
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670
meditating
|
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
参考例句： |
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671
vehemently
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|
| adv. 热烈地 | |
参考例句： |
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672
indifference
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|
| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
参考例句： |
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673
disturbances
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|
| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
参考例句： |
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674
manifestations
|
|
| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
参考例句： |
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675
scythes
|
|
| n.（长柄）大镰刀( scythe的名词复数 )v.（长柄）大镰刀( scythe的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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676
recess
|
|
| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
参考例句： |
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677
mitigated
|
|
| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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678
partnership
|
|
| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
参考例句： |
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679
emoluments
|
|
| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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680
appeased
|
|
| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
参考例句： |
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681
amendment
|
|
| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
参考例句： |
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682
prevailing
|
|
| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
参考例句： |
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683
ebb
|
|
| vi.衰退，减退；n.处于低潮，处于衰退状态 | |
参考例句： |
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684
solicitation
|
|
| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
参考例句： |
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685
restriction
|
|
| n.限制，约束 | |
参考例句： |
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686
contraction
|
|
| n.缩略词，缩写式，害病 | |
参考例句： |
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687
unlimited
|
|
| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
参考例句： |
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688
fictitious
|
|
| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
参考例句： |
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689
villas
|
|
| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
参考例句： |
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690
lamenting
|
|
| adj.悲伤的，悲哀的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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691
radicals
|
|
| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
参考例句： |
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692
jumble
|
|
| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
参考例句： |
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693
shamefully
|
|
| 可耻地； 丢脸地； 不体面地； 羞耻地 | |
参考例句： |
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694
stifle
|
|
| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
参考例句： |
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695
apathy
|
|
| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
参考例句： |
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696
inmate
|
|
| n.被收容者；(房屋等的)居住人；住院人 | |
参考例句： |
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|
697
asylum
|
|
| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
参考例句： |
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698
rigid
|
|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
699
solely
|
|
| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
参考例句： |
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|
700
taxation
|
|
| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
参考例句： |
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701
commissioners
|
|
| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
参考例句： |
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702
mustering
|
|
| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
参考例句： |
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703
resentment
|
|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
参考例句： |
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704
repealed
|
|
| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
705
creditors
|
|
| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
706
debtors
|
|
| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
707
enacted
|
|
| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
708
depreciated
|
|
| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
参考例句： |
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709
expenditure
|
|
| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
参考例句： |
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710
alleviated
|
|
| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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711
revival
|
|
| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
参考例句： |
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712
monetary
|
|
| adj.货币的，钱的；通货的；金融的；财政的 | |
参考例句： |
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713
virulent
|
|
| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
714
imprisonment
|
|
| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
参考例句： |
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715
forgeries
|
|
| 伪造( forgery的名词复数 )； 伪造的文件、签名等 | |
参考例句： |
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716
forgery
|
|
| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
参考例句： |
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|
717
warfare
|
|
| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
参考例句： |
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|
718
uncommon
|
|
| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
719
seclusion
|
|
| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
参考例句： |
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720
juvenile
|
|
| n.青少年，少年读物；adj.青少年的，幼稚的 | |
参考例句： |
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721
domain
|
|
| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
参考例句： |
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722
pony
|
|
| adj.小型的；n.小马 | |
参考例句： |
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|
723
afflicted
|
|
| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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|
724
defective
|
|
| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
725
catastrophe
|
|
| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
参考例句： |
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|
726
ossification
|
|
| n.骨化，（思想等的）僵化 | |
参考例句： |
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|
727
deceptive
|
|
| adj.骗人的，造成假象的，靠不住的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
728
unwilling
|
|
| adj.不情愿的 | |
参考例句： |
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729
endorsed
|
|
| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
参考例句： |
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730
privy
|
|
| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
参考例句： |
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|
731
affixing
|
|
| v.附加( affix的现在分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
参考例句： |
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|
732
conciseness
|
|
| n.简洁，简短 | |
参考例句： |
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