Meanwhile the coronation had taken place. It was fixed17 for the 8th of September, and the necessary alterations19 were made in Westminster Abbey for the occasion. On the morning of the appointed day numerous labourers, in scarlet21 jackets and white trousers, were busy completing the arrangements. Forty private gentlemen acted as pages of the Earl Marshal, and devised a novelty in the way of costume, clothing themselves in blue frock coats, white breeches and stockings, a crimson22 silk sash, and a small, ill-shaped hat, with a black ostrich23 feather, each provided with a gilt24 staff. Their duty was to conduct persons provided with tickets to their proper places. Three-fourths of the members of the House of Commons were in military uniform, and a few in Highland25 costume. The equipages produced for the occasion were magnificent, the Lord Chancellor26 rivalling the Lord Mayor in this display; but neither of them came up to the Austrian ambassador in finery. The street procession commenced on Constitution Hill, and attracted thousands of spectators. Their Majesties27' carriage was drawn7 by eight horses, four grooms28 being on each side, two footmen at each door, and a yeoman of the guard at each wheel. The crowds were in good humour with the spectacle, and manifested no disposition29 to dispense30 with royalty31. The presence of the queen offered a contrast to the coronation of George IV. Of the regalia, the ivory rod with the dove was borne by Lord Campbell, the sceptre and the cross by Lord Jersey32, and the crown by the Duke of Beaufort. The queen followed, supported by the Bishops34 of Winchester and Chichester, and attended by five gentleman pensioners35 on each side, the train borne by the Duchess of Gordon, assisted by six daughters of earls. There was no banquet, Government having the fear of the economists36 before their eyes, and the nation having too lively a recollection of the coronation folly37 of George IV.; but the king entertained a large party of the Royal Family and nobility, with the principal officers of his household.
Otherwise the prospect38 was dismal39 enough, and some of the greatest thinkers of the age were profoundly affected40 by the conviction that they were on the eve of a vast convulsion—that the end of the world was at hand, and that the globe was about to emerge into a new state of existence. The unsettled state of society accounts, in some measure, for the prevalence of the delusions43 of Edward Irving—then in the height of his fame; delusions from which such minds as Dr. Arnold's did not wholly escape. In reply to inquiries44 about the gift of tongues, this great man wrote:—"If the thing be real, I should take it merely as a sign of the coming day of the Lord. However, whether this be a real sign or no, I believe the day of the Lord is coming—i.e. the termination of one of the great ages of the human race; whether the final one of all, or not, that, I believe, no created being knows, or can know.... My sense of the evils of the times, and to what purpose I am bringing up my children, is overwhelmingly bitter. All the moral and physical worlds appear so exactly to announce the coming of the great day of the Lord—i.e. a period of fearful visitation, to terminate the existing state of things—whether to terminate the whole existence of the human race, neither man nor angel knows—that no entireness of private happiness can possibly close my mind against the sense of it."
Another cause of the general uneasiness and[344] depression of the public mind was the appearance, in the autumn of this year, of the mysterious visitant, cholera morbus. This disease had been long known in India, but it was only of late years that it began to extend its ravages46 over the rest of the world. Within two years it had carried off nearly a million of people in Asia. It made its first appearance in England at Sunderland, on the 26th of October, 1831. Its name had come before, spreading terror in every direction. It appeared in Edinburgh on February 6th, 1832, at Rotherhithe and Limehouse on February 13th, and in Dublin on March 3rd, 1832. In all these places, and in many others, the mortality was very great. But it was still more severe on the Continent. We know now that cholera could have been in a great measure averted48, and that its mystery lay in our ignorance. We know that it always fell most heavily on the inhabitants of towns, hamlets, or houses where deficient49 drainage and ventilation, accumulations of putrescent matters, intemperance51, and want of personal cleanliness most prevailed. It selected for the scenes of its habitation and its triumphs the usual haunts of typhus fever; and it effected its greatest ravages in the neighbourhoods of rivers and marshes52. In London it was most virulent53 on the level of the Thames, and lost its power in exact arithmetical ratio to the height of the districts above that level. If it attacked a town or an army, and the inhabitants or the soldiers decamped, and scattered54 themselves over the country, in the clear air and pure sunshine, they escaped. It was possible, therefore, to guard against its power by a proper system of drainage and sewage; by proper ventilation; by personal cleanliness, temperance, and regularity55; by the abolition56 of nuisances, stagnant57 pools, and open ditches; and by wholesome58 regimen and regular exercise in the open air. As it was, a general fast was appointed and the Privy59 Council issued stringent60 regulations which were not of much effect.
EARL GREY STREET, NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE. (From a Photograph by Poulton & Son, Lee.)
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[345]
LORD BROUGHAM.
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As the Government was determined61 to persevere62, and to carry the Reform Bill by means of a large creation of peers, if necessary, some of the leading members of the Opposition in the Upper House began to think seriously of their position, a sort of appeal having been made to them in a letter from the king's private secretary, suggesting the prudence63 of compromise and concession64 in order to save his Majesty65 from the painful alternative of a creation of peers. Accordingly, Lords Wharncliffe and Harrowby put themselves in communication with Lord Grey, and this fact was announced by the former in a letter to the Duke of Wellington, stating that he entertained good hope of being able to arrange such a plan of compromise as would prevent the necessity of a second rejection66 of the Bill by the Lords, and so enable them to alter and amend11 it when it came into committee. The Duke, in reply to this, said that he was glad of a possibility of an arrangement by mutual67 concession on the Reform question; and that, for his part, all that he desired to see, under the new system, was a chance of a Government for this hitherto prosperous, happy, and great country, which should give security to life and property hereafter. "The political unions," he said, "had assumed an organisation68 which any man who could read would pronounce to be for military purposes, and nothing else." In the meantime Lord Wharncliffe had waited by appointment upon the Prime Minister at his house, in Sheen, where he discussed the Reform question with him for two hours, without ever adverting69 to the political unions, and he reported the issue in a long letter to the Duke of Wellington. The result was that Lord Grey made some trifling70 concession in matters of detail, and in return Lord Wharncliffe gave him the assurance that he would do what he could to bring the Opposition lords to take a more favourable71 view of the Ministerial scheme and its probable consequences. This was followed by cordial shaking of hands, and[346] permission was given on each side to communicate with intimate friends and colleagues. The Duke of Wellington, however, declined to take any part in these deliberations. He believed that the Government could be carried on, though with difficulty, under the existing system; but under the system which the Reform Bill would introduce he doubted if the Government could be carried on at all. Nothing came of Lord Wharncliffe's negotiation72 with the Government, which declined to make any material concession. It had the effect, however, of splitting the Conservative party in the Upper House, breaking the phalanx of the Opposition, and thus preparing the way for the triumph of the Government.
So strongly did the latter feel the urgency of the case that Parliament was called together again on the 6th of December. It was opened by the king in person, who, in his Speech, recommended the speedy settlement of the Reform question; referred to the opposition made to the payment of tithes73 in Ireland; announced the conclusion of a convention with France for the suppression of the African slave trade; deplored74 the outrages75 at Bristol; and recommended improvements in the municipal police of the kingdom. On the 12th Lord John Russell introduced the Reform Bill the third time. It is said that his manner, like his proposal, had undergone a striking alteration18. His opening speech was not now a song of triumph, inspired by the joyous76 enthusiasm of the people. He no longer treated the Opposition in a tone of almost contemptuous defiance77. The spirit which had dictated78 the celebrated79 reply to the Birmingham Political union about the voice of the nation and the whisper of a faction80 seemed to have died within him. Lord John Russell proceeded to explain the changes and modifications81 that had been made in the Bill since it was last before the House. As the census82 of 1831 was now available, the census of 1821 was abandoned. But a new element was introduced in order to test the claim of a borough83 to be represented in Parliament. Numbers alone were no longer relied upon. There might be a very populous84 town consisting of mean houses inhabited by poor people. With numbers therefore, the Government took property, ascertained85 by the amount of assessed taxes; and upon the combination of these two elements the franchise3 was based. The calculations needed to determine the standard were worked out by Lieutenant86 Drummond, afterwards Under Secretary for Ireland. Upon the information obtained by the Government as to the limits of each borough, its population, and the amount of assessed taxes it paid, he made out a series of a hundred boroughs88, beginning with the lowest, and taking the number of houses and the amount of their assessed taxes together, as the basis of their relative importance. Thus Schedule A was framed. In the original Bill this schedule contained sixty boroughs; in the present Bill it contained only fifty-six. The consequence of taking Mr. Drummond's report as a basis of disfranchisement was, that some boroughs, which formerly89 escaped as populous and large, were now placed in Schedule A; while others, which were better towns, were taken out of that schedule and placed in Schedule B, which now contained only thirty instead of forty boroughs, as in the former Bill. The diminution90 in this schedule, consisting of boroughs whose members were to be reduced from two to one, was owing to the fact that the Government had given up the point about reducing the number of members in the House of Commons, which was to remain as before, 658. Thus a number of small boroughs escaped which ought to have but one member each—so small that every one of them ought to have been in Schedule A, that their members might be given to new, prosperous, and progressive communities. Twenty-three members were now to be distributed. Ten were given to the largest towns placed in the original Schedule B, one to Chatham, one to the county of Monmouth, and the rest to the large towns, which, by the former Bill, obtained power to return one member only. The new Bill retained the £10 qualification. Every man who occupied a house of the value of £10 a year was to have a vote, provided he was rated for the poor. It was not the rating, however, that determined the value; it did not matter to what amount he was rated, if only at £5 or £1, if the holding was really worth £10 a year.
The second reading was moved on the 14th by Lord Althorp, the Chancellor of the Exchequer91. Lord Porchester moved that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. His motion was supported by Sir Edward Sugden. Sir Robert Peel had taunted92 the Government with inconsistency in adopting alterations, every one of which they had resisted when proposed by the Opposition. Mr. Macaulay retaliated93 with powerful effect, with respect to the conduct of the Tories on the question of Catholic Emancipation. On a division the numbers were, for the second reading, 324; against it, 162—majority, 162. The House of Commons having thus carried the Reform[347] measure a third time by an increased majority, which was now two to one, the House was adjourned94 to the 17th of January, when it resumed its sittings. On the 19th of that month the Irish Reform Bill was brought in by Mr. Stanley, and the Scottish Bill by the Lord Advocate. On the 20th the House resolved itself into a committee on the English Bill, and continued to discuss it daily, clause by clause, and word by word, pertinaciously95 and bitterly wrangling96 over each, till the 10th of March, when the committee reported. The third reading was moved on the 19th, when the last, and not the least violent, of the debates took place. The Bill was passed on the 23rd by a majority of 116, the numbers being 355 and 239.
The Bill having passed, amidst the enthusiastic cheers of the Reformers, Lord John Russell and Lord Althorp were ordered to carry it in to the Lords, and "to request the concurrence97 of their Lordships in the same." They did so on Monday, the 26th, followed by a large number of members. It was read by the Lords the first time, and the debate on the second reading commenced on the 9th of April. On that day the Duke of Buckingham gave notice that—in the event of the Bill being rejected, a result which he fully98 anticipated—he would bring in a Reform Bill, of which the principal provisions would be to give members to large and important towns, to unite and consolidate99 certain boroughs, and to extend the elective franchise. Lord Grey then rose to move the second reading of the Reform Bill. The principle of the Bill, he remarked, was now universally conceded. It was admitted in the Duke of Buckingham's motion. Even the Duke of Wellington did not declare against all reform. They differed with the Opposition then only as to the extent to which reform should be carried. He adverted100 to the modifications that had been made in the Bill, and to the unmistakable determination of the people. At this moment the public mind was tranquil101, clamour had ceased—all was anxious suspense102 and silent expectation. Lord Grey disclaimed103 any wish to intimidate105 their lordships, but he cautioned them not to misapprehend the awful silence of the people. "Though the people are silent," he said, "they are looking at our proceedings106 this night no less intently than they have looked ever since the question was first agitated108. I know it is pretended by many that the nation has no confidence in the Peers, because there is an opinion out of doors that the interests of the aristocracy are separated from those of the people. On the part of this House, however, I disclaim104 all such separation of interests; and therefore I am willing to believe that the silence of which I have spoken is the fruit of a latent hope still existing in their bosoms110." The Duke was severe upon the "waverers," Lords Wharncliffe and Harrowby, who defended themselves on the ground that the Bill must be carried, if not by the consent of the Opposition, against their will, by a creation of peers that would swamp them. The Earl of Winchilsea, on the third day, expressed unbounded indignation at the proposed peer-making. If such a measure were adopted he would no longer sit in the House thus insulted and outraged111; but would bide113 his time till the return of those good days which would enable him to vindicate114 the insulted laws of his country by bringing an unconstitutional Minister before the bar of his peers. The Duke of Buckingham would prefer cholera to the pestilence115 with which this Bill would contaminate the Constitution. This day the Bill found two defenders116 on the episcopal bench, the Bishops of London and Llandaff. The Bishop33 of Exeter, in the course of the debate, made remarks which called forth117 a powerful and scathing118 oration119 from Lord Durham. The Bill was defended by Lord Goderich, and Lord Grey rose to reply at five o'clock on Friday morning. Referring to the attack of the Bishop of Exeter, he said, "The right reverend prelate threw out insinuations about my ambition: let me tell him calmly that the pulses of ambition may beat as strongly under sleeves of lawn as under an ordinary habit." He concluded by referring to the proposed creation of peers, which he contended was justified120 by the best constitutional writers, in extraordinary circumstances, and was in accordance with the acknowledged principles of the Constitution. The House at length divided at seven o'clock on the morning of the 13th, when the second reading was carried by a majority of nine; the numbers being—contents present, 128; proxies121, 56-184; non-contents present, 126; proxies, 49-175. The Duke of Wellington entered an elaborate protest on the journals of the House against the Bill, to which protest 73 peers attached their signatures.
This result was due to important negotiations122 behind the scenes. For many months the more extreme section of the Cabinet had urged Lord Grey to recommend the king to swamp the hostile majority by a creation of peers. Both he and Althorp objected to this course, and fresh overtures123 were made to the waverers, while the king undertook to convert the Bishops. Both attempts[348] failed, and then the Cabinet was nearly rent in twain. Lord Durham attacked his father-in-law in language which Althorp declared to be "brutal," and for which, said Lord Melbourne, he deserved to be knocked down. At last the king resolved to agree to a creation of peers on condition that the new creations should not exceed the number of 24. This alarmed the waverers, and with the aid of Charles Greville they came to terms with the Government. Lord Harrowby and Lord Wharncliffe secured a majority on the second reading, on condition that no new peers should be created.
The House then adjourned for the Easter holidays, till the 7th of May. The interval124 was one of the greatest possible public excitement. The narrowness of the majority made the Reformers tremble for the fate of the Bill in committee. The awful silence was now broken, and the voice of the nation was heard like peals125 of thunder. The political unions which had been resting on their arms, as if watching intently the movements of armies at a distance, now started to their feet, and prepared themselves for battle. At Leeds, at Birmingham, Manchester, Sheffield, Liverpool, Glasgow, Edinburgh, meetings were held, strong resolutions passed, and imperative126 petitions adopted. At Birmingham an aggregate127 meeting of the political unions of the surrounding districts was held on the 7th of May at the foot of New Hall Hill. Of this vast and formidable assembly, the northern division alone was estimated at 100,000 men, who marched with 150 banners and eleven bands of music, their processions extending over four miles. The total number of bands in attendance at the meeting was 200, and the number of banners 700. The commencement of the proceedings was announced by sound of bugle128. A number of energetic and determined speeches was delivered, and a petition to the Lords was adopted, imploring129 them not to drive to despair a high-minded, generous, and fearless people, nor to urge them on by a rejection of their claims to demands of a much more extensive nature; but rather to pass the Reform Bill into law, unimpaired in any of its great parts and provisions, more especially uninjured in the clauses relating to the ten-pound franchise. The council of the Birmingham union declared its sitting permanent, and the vast organisation throughout the United Kingdom assumed an attitude of resolution and menace truly alarming.
[349]
CORONATION OF WILLIAM IV.: THE ROYAL PROCESSION. (See p. 343.)
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When the Peers assembled on the 7th it became quite evident that in allowing the Bill to go into committee they were only practising a man?uvre. In the first place they wished to prevent the creation of peers, and in the second they were resolved to mutilate the Bill in committee. They were aware that they had the sympathy of the king in this plot, and that he would have been glad of their success, irritated as he was by the coercion and pressure put upon him by his Ministers. The first step was taken by Lord Lyndhurst, who proposed in committee to defer130 the consideration of the disfranchising clauses till the enfranchising131 clauses had been considered. "Begin," he said, "by conferring rights and privileges, by granting boons132 and favours, and not by depriving a portion of the community of the privileges which they at present enjoy." This ostentatious preference of boons and favours for the people, postponing133 disfranchisement to enfranchisement134, ringing changes on the words, was a mere45 artifice135, but it was at once seen through by the indignant people. Lord Grey and Lord Brougham promptly136 exposed the attempted imposition; the former hoped the noble lords would not deceive themselves. He would not say that the proposal was insidious137, but its object was utterly138 to defeat the Bill. He declared that if the motion were successful it would be fatal to the whole measure. It would then be necessary for him to consider what course he should take. He dreaded139 the effect of the House of Lords opposing itself, as an insurmountable barrier, to what the people thought necessary for the good government of the country. The noble earl's warning was on this occasion disregarded. The House being in committee proxies could not be counted, and the amendment of Lord Lyndhurst was carried after an angry debate—contents, 151; non-contents, 116; majority, 35. This division put a sudden stop to the proceedings in committee. Lord Grey at once proposed that the chairman should report progress, and asked leave to sit again on the 10th. Lord Ellenborough endeavoured to dissuade140 him from this course, and proceeded to give a description of the measure which he was prepared to substitute for the Ministerial Bill, and which he presumed to hope would be satisfactory to the country. This was a critical moment in the destiny of England, and the awful nature of the crisis seemed to be felt by all present, except those who were blinded by faction. Lord Grey had now but one alternative, a large creation of peers or resignation. With a majority against him in the Lords so refractory141, nothing could be done; but the king declined to create the fifty peerages which the Ministry demanded. Accordingly, on Wednesday,[350] the 9th of May, the resignation of the Ministers (and the king's acceptance of it) was formally announced by Lord Grey in the House of Lords, and by Lord Althorp in the House of Commons. Lord Ebrington immediately rose, and gave notice that he would next day move a call of the House, and then an Address to his Majesty on the present state of public affairs. In the course of the debate which ensued, attempts were made by Mr. Baring and Sir Robert Peel to excite sympathy for the Lords, as taking a noble stand against the unconstitutional pressure upon the king for the creation of peers, but in vain. Neither the House of Commons nor the country could be got to give them credit for any but the most selfish motives143. They considered their obstinacy144 to be nothing better than the tenacity145 of the monopolists in power. Mr. Macaulay indignantly denounced their inconsistency in pretending that they wished to carry a measure of Reform. The influence of the Crown, always powerful, was visible in the division on Lord Ebrington's motion. The "ayes" were only 288 instead of the 355 that carried the third reading of the Reform Bill. There were evidently many defaulters; but woe146 to them at the next general election! Rigid147 scrutiny148 was instituted, and a black list made out of those who had deserted149 their constituents150 on this momentous151 question. In the meantime the most angry remonstrances152 came to absent members from their constituents. The motion, however, was carried by a majority of 80. It was evidently a relief to the king to get rid of the Whigs; and he knew so little of the state of public feeling as to suppose that a modified Reform measure, a mere pretence153 of Reform, would satisfy the country. He therefore sent for Lord Lyndhurst in order to consult him, assigning the reason, that being now Chief Baron, he was removed from the vortex of politics, although he had led the Opposition in their successful attack upon the Ministerial measure. The first thing Lord Lyndhurst did was to wait upon the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, to both of whom he stated the views of the king. His Majesty insisted that some extensive measures of Reform should be carried. "My advice to the king," said the Duke, "was not to reappoint his late Ministry, nor was it to appoint myself. I did not look to any objects of ambition. I advised him to seek the assistance of other persons well qualified155 to fill the high situations of the State, expressing myself willing to give his Majesty every assistance, whether in office or out, to enable him to resist the advice which had been given him." The Premiership was offered to Sir Robert Peel, but he peremptorily157 declined to take such a perilous158 position, declaring that "no authority nor example of any man, nor any number of men, could shake his determination not to accept office, under existing circumstances, upon such conditions." On the 12th of May the Duke undertook to form an Administration, taking the post of Prime Minister himself. Mr. Manners Sutton was to be leader of the Commons, Lord Lyndhurst Chancellor, and Mr. Baring Chancellor of the Exchequer. For five days the courageous159 Duke was engaged in a desperate effort to form a Cabinet. But no sooner was it known throughout the country than a terrific storm of popular fury burst forth, which threatened to blow down the House of Peers and sweep away the Throne. The king, from being the popular idol160, became suddenly an object of popular execration161. The queen, who had also been a great favourite with the people, attracted a large share of the odium excited against the Court. It was understood that her influence had much to do in causing the king to desert Lord Grey, and to break faith with him with regard to the creation of peers. The king and queen were groaned162 at and hissed163, and pursued with tremendous noises by the people, while passing through the town of Brentford. Dirt was hurled164 at the royal carriage; and if the military escort had not kept close to the windows, it is probable their majesties would have sustained personal injury. Along the road to London the people expressed their feeling in a similar manner; and when the carriage entered the Park the mob saluted165 their majesties with yells and execrations of every description.
Nothing could exceed the indignation of the public at the attempt that was being made by the Court, in league with an intriguing166 faction, to resist the national will. All classes, high and low, rich and poor, nobles and commoners, Churchmen and Dissenters167, were roused into a state of wild excitement and fierce determination. Indignation meetings were everywhere held and threatening resolutions passed. The House of Commons was called upon to stop the supplies; placards were put up in the windows of shops expressing the determination of the inhabitants to pay no taxes. This determination was not confined to the middle classes; men of the highest rank and largest property, such as Lord Milton, told the tax-collector not to call again. A complete and active organisation existed in London for the purpose of stimulating168 and directing public[351] feeling in the provinces, and obtaining from the people vehement169 petitions, which poured in to both Houses rapidly, especially to the House of Commons. The political unions were everywhere preparing for actual insurrection. In London meetings were held by day and by night, at which the most violent language was used even by persons of property and rank. The Common Council of London met, and passed resolutions denouncing those who had advised the king not to create peers as enemies of their Sovereign, who had put to imminent170 hazard the stability of the Throne and the security of the country. A standing171 committee was appointed to watch the course of events. The feeling excited by these extraordinary proceedings proved, beyond the possibility of doubt, that the whole mercantile and trading classes in the metropolis172 were prepared to adopt revolutionary measures, if such were necessary, for the attainment173 of the Reform Bill. Immense numbers of persons who had hitherto considered the proceedings of the National Political union in London too violent, were now, says the Times of the 11th of May, at their own solicitation174, admitted members. Similar excitement prevailed throughout the provinces.
Shortly after the king arrived, on the 12th of May, pursued to his palace gates by a multitude of his angry and insurgent175 subjects, he was waited upon by the Duke of Wellington, who remained in conference with him about twenty minutes, and then departed amidst the most astounding176 yells of the populace. "A week since," said the Sun of that day, "only a short week since, the king was in full possession of the greatest popularity any earthly monarch177 could enjoy; and now behold178 the change!" Among the means resorted to for the purpose of coercing179 the Peers, was a run upon the banks. The cry was raised, "To stop the Duke, go for gold!" The advice was acted upon, and in three days no less than £1,800,000 was drawn out of the Bank of England in specie.
Civil war seems to have been averted only by the Duke's precipitate180 abandonment of the undertaking181 to form a Ministry. No one can for a moment imagine that the chief members of the Grey Administration ever intended to proceed to illegal extremities182, but that the conduct of their friends led the Reforming world to think of and prepare for armed resistance admits of little doubt. Parliament and the country were kept in suspense and anxiety by varying rumours183 about the formation of a Government for several days, during which comments were freely made on the conduct of the Duke of Wellington and his friends. On the one hand, it was confidently stated that the king would keep his word as to Reform, which the Duke had agreed to carry. On the other hand, it was denied that the Duke could ever consent to tergiversation so base. On the former supposition, Mr. Macaulay said he was willing that others should have "infamy184 and place." But he added, "Let us have honour and Reform." Sir Robert Inglis was too honest to differ from this view of the matter, and too candid185 to conceal186 his sentiments. He declared that he could not but regard such a course on the part of his leader "with the greatest pain, as one of the most fatal violations188 of public confidence which could be inflicted189."
Mr. Baring, who represented the Duke in the House of Commons, seemed to regard this declaration from the high-minded member for Oxford191 University as fatal to the Tory scheme for recovering power. They came at length to understand that the new Premier156 would be equally unacceptable to the country, whether he appeared with a Reform Bill or a gagging Bill. Both Baring and Sutton, the late Speaker, sent in their resignations. The Duke at length confessed that he had failed in his attempt to form an Administration; and the king had no other resource but to submit to the humiliation192 of again putting himself in the hands of his late Ministers. He had before him only the terrible alternative of a creation of peers or civil war. Earl Grey was determined not to resume office, "except with a sufficient security that he would possess the power of passing the present Bill unimpaired in its principles and its essential provisions." The consequence was, that on the 17th of May the following circular was sent to the hostile Lords by Sir Henry Taylor:—"My dear lord, I am honoured with his Majesty's commands to acquaint your lordship that all difficulties to the arrangements in progress will be obviated193 by a declaration in the House of Peers to-night from a sufficient number of peers, that in consequence of the present state of affairs they have come to the resolution of dropping their further opposition to the Reform Bill, so that it may pass without delay as nearly as possible in its present shape." Wellington, as usual, obeyed and withdrew from the House, but his seceding195 comrades prefaced their departure by defiant196 speeches in which they reserved to themselves the right of resuming their position. Then the Cabinet insisted on obtaining the royal[352] consent to an unlimited197 creation; and it was given on condition that they, in the first instance, called to the House of Lords the eldest198 sons of peers or the collateral199 heirs of childless noblemen. But Sir Henry Taylor's circular had done its work, and the extreme step was unnecessary.
After this complete surrender the House resumed its labours in committee on the Bill on the 1st of June. Few alterations were made, and the thinned ranks of the Opposition ceased to throw obstacles in the way. The third reading was carried by a majority of 84, the numbers being 106 and 22. The Lords' amendments200 having been acquiesced201 in by the Commons, the Bill was referred to the Upper House, and on the 7th of June it received the Royal Assent202 by commission, the Commissioners203 being Lords Grey, Brougham, Lansdowne, Wellesley, Holland, and Durham. The king was so hurt by the coercion to which he had been subjected, and by the insults heaped upon himself, the queen, and all belonging to him, that nothing could persuade him to go to the House and give his assent in person. "The question," he said, "was one of feeling, not of duty; and as a Sovereign and a gentleman he was bound to refuse."
The Irish Reform Bill, which had been introduced by Mr. Stanley, then Irish Secretary, became the subject of debate on the 26th of May, when the second reading was moved by him in a speech of great ability. His main object was to prove that the passing of the measure would not endanger the Established Church in Ireland; and that it would not increase the power of O'Connell, whom, instead of conciliating, he exasperated205 by the contemptuous and defiant tone of his remarks. As the great question of Reform had been conceded in the English Bill, it was only with regard to matters of detail, and to the extent and nature of the franchise, that the Tories maintained their opposition. The second reading was carried by a majority of 116, the numbers being, for the Bill, 246; against it, 130. O'Connell contended that the Bill was not calculated to benefit Ireland, and he said he was sure it was framed with no good feeling to the country; but, on the contrary, was dictated by narrow and bigoted206 feeling. He complained that certain classes of the forty-shilling freeholders were not restored by the Reform Bill. He was supported by a moderate and greatly respected Irish statesman, the venerable Sir John Newport, who complained of defects in the measure, especially in the mode of registration207, which would go far to neutralise all its benefits. O'Connell's proposal was made on the 13th of June, and was rejected by a majority of forty-nine. The Irish Reform Bill, instead of being the means of conciliation208, tending to consolidate the union, and taking away the arguments for Repeal209, really furnished O'Connell with fresh fuel for agitation210. In a series of letters which he addressed to the Reformers of England, he pointed20 out the defects of the Irish Bill. He objected to it on the ground that it diminished the elective franchise instead of extending it; that the qualification for a voter was too high; that the registration of voters was complicated; and that the number of Irish representatives was inadequate211. The substitution in counties of the ten-pound beneficial interest franchise for the forty-shilling freehold caused the disfranchisement of 200,000 voters. He referred to population to prove the unfairness towards Ireland: thus the county of Cumberland, with a population of 169,681, got two additional members, and returned four to Parliament; while the county of Cork212, with a population of 807,366, got no additional member, and sent only two to the Reformed Parliament. A similar contrast was presented between other English and Irish counties.
The Irish Bill was read a second time in the House of Lords on the 23rd of July. It was strongly opposed by the Duke of Wellington, as transferring the electoral power of the country from the Protestants to the Roman Catholics. Lord Plunket, in reply, said, "One fact, I think, ought to satisfy every man, not determined against conviction, of its wisdom and necessity. What will the House think when I inform them that the representatives of seventeen of those boroughs, containing a population of 170,000 souls, are nominated by precisely213 seventeen persons? Yet, by putting an end to this iniquitous214 and disgraceful system, we are, forsooth, violating the articles of the union, and overturning the Protestant institutions of the country! This is ratiocination215 and statesmanlike loftiness of vision with a vengeance216! Then it seems that besides violating the union Act we are departing from the principles of the measure of 1829. I deny that. I also deny the assumption of the noble Duke, that the forty-shilling freeholders were disfranchised on that occasion merely for the purpose of maintaining the Protestant interests in Ireland. The forty-shilling freeholders were disfranchised, not because they were what are called 'Popish electors,' but because they were in such indigent217 circumstances as precluded218 their exercising their[353] suffrage219 right independently and as free agents—because they were an incapable220 constituency." The Bill, after being considered in committee, where it encountered violent opposition, was passed by the Lords on the 30th of July, and received the Royal Assent by commission on the 7th of August.
SCENE IN IRELAND: VISIT OF THE TITHE-PROCTOR. (See p. 355.)
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Lord Advocate Jeffrey, who had introduced the Scottish Reform Bill as early as the 19th of January, moved the second reading on the 21st of May. He had, in the previous Session, proceeded on the principle that the old system was to be regarded as utterly incurable221, and not to be patched or mended, but abandoned and destroyed. They could not decimate its abuses, or cut off its vicious excesses; its essence was abuse, and there was nothing that was not vicious about it. He gloried in the avowal223 that no shred224, or jot225, or tittle of the old abomination should remain. Indeed, it is a matter of astonishment226 that the Scottish people could have so long borne a state of things so humiliating to a nation which originally formed a kingdom by itself, which still retained its own laws, religion, interests, feelings, and language; which was full of generally diffused227 wealth; in which education had for ages been extended throughout the very lowest ranks; and whose people were peaceable, steady, and provident228, possessing all the qualities requisite229 for a safe exercise of the franchise. The Scots had literally230 no share whatever in the representation of the Imperial Parliament. The qualification for a voter in Parliament was at least thirty or forty times higher than in any other part of the empire, and above a hundred times beyond the general qualification in England. Consequently a vote became a dear article in the Scottish market. Some persons bought votes as a good investment. The average price was about £500, but it frequently rose to double that sum. Shortly before the passing of the Reform Bill six Scottish votes were exposed for sale in one day, and brought £6,000. The electors were, therefore, cut off from the rest of the public, and set aside to exercise a high and invidious privilege, which they regarded not as a trust for the people, but as a privilege to[354] be prized for its pecuniary231 value or for its influence in procuring232 Government situations.
While the Scottish Bill was passing through committee in the Commons the English Bill was being hotly contested in the Lords, and absorbed so much attention that only a few members comparatively voted in the divisions upon the former measure; seldom more than one hundred, often less. There had previously233 been no property qualification in Scotland for members of Parliament representing towns. A provision had been inserted in the Bill requiring heritable property to the extent of £600 a year for a county and £300 a year for a borough; but this was expunged234 on the third reading, on the ground that if the property qualification were rigidly235 enforced it would exclude some of the brightest ornaments236 of the House: for example, in past times, it would have excluded Pitt, Sheridan, Burke, and Tierney. The Scottish Bill was passed by the Lords on the 13th of July. It increased the number of members for that country from forty-five to fifty-three, giving two each to Edinburgh and Glasgow, and one each to Paisley, Aberdeen, Perth, and Dundee.
The following is the general result of the Reform Acts upon the constitution of the Imperial Parliament:—In England the county constituencies, formerly 52, returning 94 members, were increased to 82, returning 159 members. The borough members were 341, giving a total of 500 for England. In Ireland the number of the constituencies remained the same, but five members were added, making the total number 105, representing 32 counties and 41 boroughs including the University of Dublin. A second member was given to each of the following:—Limerick, Waterford, Belfast, Galway, and Dublin University. The proportion of counties and boroughs in Scotland was 30 and 23, giving a total of 53. All the counties of the United Kingdom returned 253 members, all the boroughs 405, the total number constituting the House of Commons being 658.
Ireland continued, during 1831 and 1832, in a very unsettled state. The restraint imposed by the Catholic Association during the Emancipation struggle was relaxed when the object was attained237, and when Mr. O'Connell was absent from the country, attending his Parliamentary duties. The consequence was that the people, suffering destitution238 in some cases and in others irritated by local grievances239, gave vent50 to their passions in vindictive240 and barbarous outrages. O'Connell himself was not in a mood to exert himself much in order to produce a more submissive spirit in the peasantry, even if he had the power. He was exasperated by his collisions with Mr. Stanley, by whom he was treated in a spirit of defiance, not unmingled with scorn; so that the great agitator241 was determined to make him and the Government feel his power. Had Mr. Stanley when he was Chief Secretary for Ireland possessed242 the experience that he afterwards acquired when he became Earl of Derby, he would have adopted a more diplomatic tone in Parliament, and a more conciliatory spirit in his Irish administration. His character as it appeared to the Irish Roman Catholics, sketched243 by O'Connell, was a hideous244 caricature. A more moderate and discriminating245 Irish sketch of him by Mr. Fitzpatrick represented the Chief Secretary as possessing a judgment246 of powerful penetration247 and a facility in mastering details, with a temper somewhat reserved and dictatorial248. Popularity was not his idol; instead of the theatrical249 smile and plastic posture250 of his predecessors252, there was a knitted brow and a cold manner. Mr. Stanley left much undone253 in Ireland. But this candid Catholic writer gives him credit for having accomplished254 much, not only in correcting what was evil, but in establishing what was good. He is praised for putting down Orange processions, and for "the moral courage with which he grappled with the hydra255 of the Church Establishment." He created as well as destroyed, and "his creations were marked with peculiar256 efficiency." "The Irish Board of Works sprang up under his auspices257. The Shannon navigation scheme at last became a reality, and the proselytism of the Kildare Place Society received a fatal check by the establishment of the national system of education. The political philippics which Baron Smith had been in the habit of enunciating from the Bench were put a stop to by Mr. Stanley. He viewed the practice with indignation, and trenchantly258 reprobated it in the House of Commons. It ought to be added that Mr. Stanley built a house in Tipperary, chiefly with the object of giving employment to the poor." It has been often remarked that the Chief Secretary for Ireland, on his arrival in Dublin, is always surrounded by men each of whom has his peculiar specific for the evils of the country. But Mr. Sheil said that Mr. Stanley, instead of listening to such counsel with the usual "sad civility, invariably intimated with some abrupt259 jeer260, bordering on mockery, his utter disregard of the advice, and his very slender estimate of the adviser261." Mr. Stanley made an[355] exception, however, in favour of the then celebrated "J. K. L." He acknowledged a letter from Dr. Doyle, on the education question, with warm expressions of thanks for the suggestions contained in it, and a wish to see him on his arrival in Dublin. Towards O'Connell, however, Mr. Stanley seems to have cherished a strong antipathy262. They exercised mutual repulsion upon one another, and they never came into contact without violent irritation263.
The Irish peasantry very soon learnt that whatever Emancipation had done or might do for barristers and other persons qualified to hold situations under Government, from which Roman Catholics had previously been almost entirely264 excluded, it had done nothing to remove or even to mitigate265 their practical grievances. They found that the rackrents of their holdings were not reduced; that the tax-collector went round as usual, and did not abate266 his demands; that the tithe-proctor did not fail in his visits, and that, in default of payment, he seized upon the cow or the pig, the pot or the blanket. Through the machinery267 of the Catholic Association, and the other associations which O'Connell had established, they became readers of newspapers. They had read that a single tithe-proctor had on one occasion processed 1,100 persons for tithes, nearly all of the lower order of farmers or peasants, the expense of each process being about eight shillings. It would be scarcely possible to devise any mode of levying268 an impost270 more exasperating271, which came home to the bosoms of men with more irritating, humiliating, and maddening power, and which violated more recklessly men's natural sense of justice. If a plan were invented for the purpose of driving men into insurrection, nothing could be more effectual than the tithe-proctor system. Besides, it tended directly to the impoverishment272 of the country, retarding273 agricultural improvement and limiting production. If a man kept all his land in pasture, he escaped the impost; but the moment he tilled it, he was subjected to a tax of ten per cent, on the gross produce. The valuation being made by the tithe-proctor—a man whose interest it was to defraud274 both the tenant87 and the parson,—the consequence was that the gentry275 and the large farmers, to a great extent, evaded276 the tax, and left the small occupiers to bear nearly the whole burden; they even avoided mowing278 their meadows in some cases, because then they should pay tithe for the hay.
There was besides a tax called Church Cess, levied279 by Protestants in vestry meetings upon Roman Catholics for cleaning the church, ringing the bell, washing the minister's surplice, purchasing bread and wine for the communion, and paying the salary of the parish clerk. This tax was felt to be a direct and flagrant violation187 of the rights of conscience, and of the principles of the British Constitution; and against it there was a determined opposition, which manifested itself in tumultuous and violent assemblages at the parish churches all over the country on Easter Monday, when the rector or his curate, as chairman of the meeting, came into angry collision with flocks who disowned him, and denounced him as a tyrant280, a persecutor281, and a robber.
The evil of this state of things became so aggravated282 that all reasonable men on both sides felt it must be put a stop to somehow. In 1831 the organised resistance to the collection of tithes became so effective and so terrible that they were not paid, except where a composition had been made and agreements had been adopted. The terrified proctors gave up their dangerous occupation after some of their number had been victimised in the most barbarous manner; and although a portion of the clergy283 insisted on their rights, not merely for the sake of their incomes, but for the interest of the Church which they felt bound to defend, yet many had too much Christian284 spirit, too much regard for the interests of the Gospel, to persist in the collection of tithes at such a fearful cost. At Newtownbarry, in the county of Wexford, some cattle were impounded by a tithe-proctor. The peasantry assembled in large numbers to rescue them, when they came into collision with the yeomanry, who fired killing285 twelve persons. At Carrickshock there was a fearful tragedy. A number of writs286 against defaulters was issued by the Court of Exchequer, and entrusted287 to the care of process-servers, who, guarded by a strong body of police, proceeded on their mission with secrecy288 and despatch289. Bonfires along the surrounding hills, however, and shrill290 whistles soon convinced them that the people were not unprepared for their visitors. But the yeomanry pushed boldly on; suddenly an immense assemblage of peasantry, armed with scythes291 and pitchforks, poured down upon them. A terrible hand-to-hand struggle ensued, and in the course of a few moments eighteen of the police, including the commanding officer, were slaughtered292. The remainder consulted safety and fled, marking the course of their retreat by the blood that trickled293 from their wounds. A coroner's jury pronounced this deed of death as "wilful294 murder" against some persons unknown.[356] A large Government reward was offered, but it failed to produce a single conviction. At Castle-pollard, in Westmeath, on the occasion of an attempted rescue, the chief constable295 was knocked down. The police fired, and nine or ten persons were killed. One of the most lamentable296 of these conflicts occurred at Gurtroe, near Rathcormack, in the county of Cork. Archdeacon Ryder brought a number of military to recover the tithes of a farm belonging to a widow named Ryan. The assembled people resisted, the military were ordered to fire, eight persons were killed and thirteen wounded; and among the killed was the widow's son.
These disorders297 appealed with irresistible299 force to the Government and the legislature to put an end to a system fraught300 with so much evil, and threatening the utter disruption of society in Ireland. In the first place, something must be done to meet the wants of the destitute301 clergy and their families. Accordingly, Mr. Stanley brought in a Bill in May, 1832, authorising the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to advance £60,000 as a fund for the payment of the clergy, who were unable to collect their tithes for the year 1831. This measure was designed to meet the existing necessity, and was only a preliminary to the promised settlement of the tithe question. It was therefore passed quickly through both Houses, and became law on the 1st of June. But the money thus advanced was not placed on the Consolidated302 Fund. The Government took upon itself the collection of the arrears303 of tithes and to reimburse304 itself for its advances out of the sum that it succeeded in recovering. It was a maxim305 with Mr. Stanley that the people should be made to respect the law; that they should not be allowed to trample306 upon it with impunity307. The odious308 task thus assumed produced a state of unparalleled excitement. The people were driven to frenzy309, instead of being frightened by the Chief Secretary becoming tithe-collector-general, and the army employed in its collection. The first proceeding107 of the Government to recover the tithes under the Act of the 1st of June was, therefore, the signal for general war. Bonfires blazed upon the hills, the rallying sounds of horns were heard along the valleys, and the mustering310 tread of thousands upon the roads, hurrying to the scene of a seizure311 or an auction312. It was a bloody313 campaign; there was considerable loss of life, and the Church and the Government thus became more obnoxious314 to the people than ever. Mr. Stanley being the commander-in-chief on one side, and O'Connell on the other, the contest was embittered315 by their personal antipathies316. It was found that the amount of the arrears for the year 1831 was £104,285, and that the whole amount which the Government was able to levy269, after putting forward its strength in every possible way, was £12,000, the cost of collection being £15,000, so that the Government was not able to raise as much money as would pay the expenses of the campaign. This was how Mr. Stanley illustrated317 his favourite sentiment that the people should be made to respect the law. But the Liberal party among the Protestants fully sympathised with the anti-tithe recusants.
Mr. Stanley left behind him one enduring monument of his administration in Ireland which, though afterwards a subject of controversy318 and party strife319, conferred immense advantages upon the country—the national system of education. It has been remarked that the principle of the Irish Establishment was that of a "missionary320 church;" that it was never based on the theory of being called for by the wants of the population; that what it looked to was their future spiritual necessities. It was founded on the same reasons which prompt the building of churches in a thinly peopled locality, the running of roads through an uncultivated district, of drains through a desert morass321. The principle was philanthropic, and often, in its application, wise; but it proceeded on one postulate322, which, unfortunately, was here wanting—namely, that the people will embrace the faith intended for them. This was so far from having hitherto been the case that the reverse was the fact. For nearly three centuries this experiment was tried with respect to the education of the rising generations of the Roman Catholics, and in every age it was attended by failures the most marked and disastrous323. The Commissioners of National Education refer to this uniformity of failure in their sixth report, in which they observe,—"For nearly the whole of the last century the Government of Ireland laboured to promote Protestant education, and tolerated no other. Large grants of public money were voted for having children educated in the Protestant faith, while it was made a transportable offence in a Roman Catholic (and if the party returned, high treason) to act as a schoolmaster, or assistant to a schoolmaster, or even as a tutor in a private family. The Acts passed for this purpose continued in force from 1709 to 1782. They were then repealed324, but Parliament continued to vote money for the support only of the[357] schools conducted on principles which were regarded by the great body of the Roman Catholics as exclusively Protestant until the present system was established."
MR. STANLEY (AFTERWARDS 14th EARL OF DERBY). [From a photograph by S. A. Walker, Regent Street, London.
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In the report drawn up by Mr. Wyse, the chairman of the select Committee of the House of Commons appointed to inquire into the Foundation Schools in Ireland, in 1837, an interesting history is given of the origin, progress, and working of those obnoxious schools, and of other educational societies which followed. The Incorporated Society for Promoting English Protestant Schools in Ireland was established by Royal Charter in 1733, the avowed325 object being the education of the poor in the principles of the Established Church. It is sufficient to remark that the annual grants which were made to the schools in connection with it (well known as the Charter Schools) were, in consequence of the report of the Commissioners of 1824, gradually reduced, and finally withdrawn. In 1824 there were of those schools 32; the number of children in them amounted to 2,255. The grant for 1825 was £21,615. The grant was gradually reduced to £5,750 in 1832, when it was finally withdrawn. During nineteen years this system cost the country £1,612,138, of which £1,027,715 consisted of Parliamentary grants. The total number of children apprenticed326 from the beginning till the end of 1824 was only 12,745; and of these but a small number received the portion of £5 each, allotted328 to those who served out their apprenticeship329, and married Protestants. The Association for Discountenancing Vice154 was incorporated in 1800. It required that the masters and mistresses in its schools should be of the Established Church; that the Scriptures332 should[358] be read by all who had attained sufficient proficiency333; and that no catechism be taught except that of the Established Church. The schools of the Association amounted in 1824 to 226, and the number of children to 12,769; of whom it was stated that 7,803 were Protestants, and 4,804 were Roman Catholics; but the Rev41. William Lee, who had inspected 104 of these schools in 1819 and 1820, stated before the Commissioners of 1824 that he had found the catechism of the Church of Rome in many of them. The Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor was founded on the 2nd of December, 1811, and was managed by a committee of various religious persuasions334. The principles which they had prescribed to themselves for their conduct were, to promote the establishment and assist in the support of schools in which the appointment of governors and teachers, and the admission of scholars, should be uninfluenced by religious distinctions, and in which the Bible or Testament335, without note or comment, should be read by all the scholars who had attained a suitable proficiency in reading, excluding catechisms and books of religious controversy; at the same time it was to be distinctly understood that the Bible or Testament should not be used as a school book from which children should be taught to spell or read. A grant was accordingly made to the society of £6,980, Irish currency, in the Session of 1814-15. The system of this society was manifestly the same as that which was formerly called the Lancastrian system in England, and which, although adopted by the great body of the Protestant Dissenters there, was so much opposed by the bishops and clergy of the Established Church in general, that they completely prevented its application to schools for children of their communion. The Roman Catholic prelates and clergy set themselves with equal resolution against it in Ireland and with equal success. It was accordingly found in 1824, that of 400,348 children whose parents paid for their education in the general schools of the country, and whose religion was ascertained, there were 81,060 Protestants, and 319,288 Roman Catholics; while of 56,201 children educated under the Kildare Place Society—although theirs were schools for the poor, and the Roman Catholics bear a much greater proportion to Protestants in the poorer classes than in the higher—there were 26,237 Protestants, and only 29,964 Roman Catholics.
Various inquiries had been instituted from time to time by royal commissions and Parliamentary committees into the state of education in Ireland. One commission, appointed in 1806, laboured for six years, and published fourteen reports. It included the Primate336, two bishops, the Provost of Trinity College, and Mr. R. Lovell Edgeworth. They recommended a system in which the children of all denominations337 should be educated together, without interfering338 with the peculiar tenets of any; and that there should be a Board of Commissioners, with extensive powers, to carry out the plan. Subsequent commissions and committees adopted the same principle of united secular339 education, particularly a select committee of the House of Commons appointed in 1824. These important reports prepared the way for Mr. Stanley's plan, which he announced in the House of Commons in July, 1832. His speech on that occasion showed that he had thoroughly340 mastered the difficult question which he undertook to elucidate341. It was remarkable342 for the clearness of its statements, the power of its arguments, and for the eloquence343 with which it enforced sound and comprehensive principles. Mr. Spring-Rice having moved that a sum of £30,000 be granted for enabling the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to assist in the education of the people, and the House having agreed to the motion without a division, Mr. Stanley, in the following month, wrote a letter to the Duke of Leinster, in which he explained "the plan of national education," which afterwards bore his name. The first Commissioners were the Duke of Leinster, Archbishop Whately, Archbishop Murray, the Rev. Dr. Sadleir, Rev. James Carlile (Presbyterian), A. R. Blake (Chief Remembrancer, a Roman Catholic), and Robert Holmes, a Unitarian barrister. Mr. Carlile, minister of Mary's Abbey congregation in Dublin, was the only paid commissioner204, and to him, during seven years, was committed a principal share in working the system. He selected the Scripture331 lessons, directed the compilation344 of the schoolbooks, aided in obtaining the recognition of parental345 rights, apart from clerical authority; in arranging the machinery and putting it in working order.
Much opposition was excited by the part of Mr. Stanley's letter to the Duke of Leinster which spoke109 of "encouraging" the clergy to give religious instruction, and requiring the attendance of the scholars at their respective places of worship on Sunday to be registered by the schoolmaster. This was treading on religious ground, and committing both Protestants and Catholics to the actual support of what they mutually deemed[359] false. But the Government were driven to this course by the cry of "infidelity" and "atheism347" which the new plan encountered as soon as it was proposed in Parliament. Explanations were afterwards issued by authority, showing that the "encouragement" of religious instruction meant only granting "facility of access" to the children out of school hours, not "employing or remunerating" the teachers. The Commissioners very properly treated the Bible as a book for religious instruction; but so far from offering the sacred volume an "indignity348," or "forbidding" its use, they said: "To the religious instructors349 of the children they cheerfully leave, in communicating instruction, the use of the sacred volume itself, as containing those doctrines350 and precepts351 a knowledge of which must lie at the foundation of all true religion." To obviate194 every cavil352, however, as far as possible, without departing from the fundamental principle of the Board, it was arranged that the Bible might be read at any hour of the day, provided the time was distinctly specified353, so that there should be no suspicion of a desire to take advantage of the presence of Roman Catholics. This satisfied the Presbyterians, who nearly all placed their schools in connection with the Board. But the great body of the Established clergy continued for some time afterwards hostile, having put forward the Church Education Society as a rival candidate for Parliamentary recognition and support. Its committee declared that the national system was "essentially354 defective355" in permitting the Catholic children to refuse the Bible. They said this permission "involves a practical indignity to the Word of God," and that it was "carrying into effect the discipline of the Church of Rome, in restricting the use of the inspired writings." This was the grand charge against the Board, the vital point in the controversy.
On the 3rd of December Parliament was dissolved, and the first elections under the Reform Bill promptly followed. Though they were anticipated not without alarm, everything went off peacefully, and it was discovered that the new House of Commons was composed of much the same materials as the old. The two most singular choices were those of Oldham which retained Cobbett, and of Pontefract which selected the ex-prizefighter Gully. But the state of parties was considerably356 changed. The old Tory party was practically extinct; the Moderates began to call themselves Conservatives; and Whig and Radical357, bitterly as they disagreed on many points, proceeded to range themselves under the Liberal banner. The Radicals358 promptly proved their independence by proposing Mr. Littleton for the Speakership against the old Speaker, Mr. Manners Sutton, but the Whigs voted against them, and they were in a minority of 31 against 241. It was clear from the Royal Speech that the Session was to be devoted359 to Irish affairs, and the Cabinet was much divided over the measures in contemplation. These were a Coercion Bill, much favoured by Mr. Stanley, and a Church Temporalities Bill, the pet project of Lord Althorp. After many evenings had been wasted in bitter denunciations of the Irish Secretary by O'Connell and his following, Lord Althorp, on the 12th of February, 1833, introduced the Church Temporalities Bill, and three days afterwards Earl Grey introduced the Coercion Bill in the House of Lords. It had an easy course through that House, and was then brought forward by Althorp in the Commons. Speaking against his convictions, he made a singularly tame and ineffective defence of the measure. Then Stanley took the papers which he had given to his leader, mastered their details in a couple of hours, and in a magnificent speech completely turned the current of debate, and utterly silenced O'Connell. Before the end of March the Bill had passed through all its stages in the House of Commons.
[360]
THE CATHEDRAL, TUAM.
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The Church Temporalities Bill, with some alterations, passed the Lower House; it encountered strong opposition in the Lords, who defeated the Ministry on one important amendment, but it ultimately passed, on the 30th of July, by a majority of fifty-four, several peers having recorded their protests against it, among whom the Duke of Cumberland was conspicuous360. The Commissioners appointed under the Bill were the Lord Primate, the Archbishop of Dublin, the Lord Chancellor and Chief Justice of Ireland, and four of the bishops, and some time afterwards three laymen361 were added. The following were the principal features of this great measure of Church Reform: Church Cess to be immediately abolished—this was a direct pecuniary relief to the amount of about £80,000 per annum, which had been levied in the most vexatious manner—and a reduction of the number of archbishops and bishops prospectively362, from four archbishops and eighteen bishops to two archbishops and ten bishops, the revenues of the suppressed sees to be appropriated to general Church purposes. The archbishoprics of Cashel and Tuam were reduced to bishoprics, ten sees were abolished, the duties connected with them being transferred to other sees—Dromore to Down, Raphoe to Derry, Clogher to Armagh, Elphin to Kilmore, Killala to Tuam, Clonfer to Killaloe, Cork to Cloyne, Waterford to Cashel, Ferns to Ossory, Kildare to Dublin. The whole of Ireland was divided into two provinces by a line drawn from the north of Dublin county to the south of Galway Bay, and the bishoprics were reduced to ten. The revenues of the suppressed bishoprics, together with those of suspended dignities and benefices and disappropriated tithes, were vested by the Church Temporalities Act in the Board of Ecclesiastical Commissioners, to be applied363 by them to the erection and repairs of churches, to the providing for Church expenses hitherto defrayed by vestry rates, and to other ecclesiastical purposes. The sales which were made of perpetuities of Church estates, vested in the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, produced upwards364 of £631,353; the value of the whole perpetuities, if sold, was estimated at £1,200,000. The total receipts of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in 1834 were £68,729; in 1835 they amounted to £168,027; and in 1836 they reached £181,045. The cost of the official establishment was at one time £15,000; during the later years, however, it averaged less than £6,000. Its total receipts, up to July, 1861, were £3,310,999. The Church Temporalities Act imposed a tax on all benefices and dignities whose net annual value exceeded £300, graduated according to their amount, from two and a half to five per cent., the rate of charge increasing by 2s. 6d. per cent. on every additional £10 above £405. All benefices exceeding £1,195 were taxed at the rate of fifteen per cent. The yearly tax imposed on all bishoprics was graduated as follows:—Where the yearly value did not exceed £4,000 five per cent.; not exceeding £6,000, seven per cent.; not exceeding £8,000, ten per cent.; and not exceeding £10,000, twelve per cent. In lieu of tax the Archbishopric of Armagh was to pay to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners an annual sum of £4,500, and the see of Derry to pay £6,160. The exact net incomes of the Irish bishops were as follows:—Armagh, £14,634; Meath, £3,764;[361] Derry, £6,022; Down, £3,658; Kilmore, £5,248; Tuam, £3,898; Dublin, £7,636; Ossory, £3,874; Cashel, £4,691; Cork, £2,310; Killaloe, £3,310; Limerick, £3,987—total, £63,032. The total amount of tithe rent-charge payable365 to ecclesiastical persons—bishops, deans, chapters, incumbents366 of benefices, and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners was £401,114. The rental346 of Ireland was estimated, by the valuators under the Poor Law Act, at about £12,000,000—this rental being about a third part of the estimated value of the annual produce of the land.
AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS AT THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST REFORM PARLIAMENT.
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After passing a Factory Act of some importance, which, however, was only the forerunner369 of much subsequent legislation, the House of Commons engaged in Poor Law Reform. In the winter of 1832-3 a very startling state of things was disclosed. In a period of great general prosperity, that portion of England in which the Poor Laws had their most extensive operation, and in which by much the largest expenditure370 of poor-rates had been made, was the scene of daily riot and nightly incendiarism. There were ninety-three parishes in four counties of which the population was 113,147 and the Poor-Law expenditure £81,978, or fourteen shillings and fivepence per head; and there were eighty parishes in three other counties the population of which was 105,728 and the Poor-Law expenditure £30,820, or five shillings and ninepence a head. In the counties in which the Poor-Law expenditure was large the industry and skill of the labourers were passing away, the connection between the master and servant had become precarious371, the unmarried were defrauded372 of their fair earnings373, and riots and incendiarism prevailed. In the counties where the expenditure was comparatively small, there was scarcely any instance of disorder298; mutual attachment374 existed between the workman and his employer; the intelligence, skill, and good conduct of the labourers were unimpaired, or increased. This striking social contrast was but a specimen375 of what prevailed throughout large districts, and generally throughout the south and north of England, and it proved that either through the inherent vice of the system, or gross maladministration[362] in the southern counties, the Poor Law had a most demoralising effect upon the working classes, while it was rapidly eating up the capital upon which the employment of labour depended. This fact was placed beyond question by a commission of inquiry376, which was composed of individuals distinguished377 by their interest in the subject and their intimate knowledge of its principles and details. Its labours were continued incessantly378 for two years. Witnesses most competent to give information were summoned from different parts of the country. The Commissioners had before them documentary evidence of every kind calculated to throw light on the subject. They personally visited localities, and examined the actual operation of the system on the spot; and when they could not go themselves, they called to their aid assistant commissioners, some of whom extended their inquiries into Scotland, Guernsey, France, and Flanders; while they also collected a vast mass of interesting evidence from our ambassadors and diplomatic agents in different countries of Europe and America. It was upon the report of this commission of inquiry that the Act was founded for the Amendment and Better Administration of the Laws relating to the Poor in England and Wales (4 and 5 William IV., cap. 76). A more solid foundation for a legislative379 enactment380 could scarcely be found, and the importance of the subject fully warranted all the expense and labour by which it was obtained.
The statutory provision for all who cannot support themselves had now existed for upwards of 280 years. There was no considerable increase of population in England from the period when the Poor Laws were established up to the middle of the eighteenth century. Its people have been distinguished for their industry, thrift381, and forethought. No other nation has furnished such unquestionable proofs of the prevalence of a provident and independent spirit. From the year 1601, when the Act 43 Elizabeth, the foundation of the old code of Poor Laws, was put in force, to the commencement of the war with Napoleon, there had been scarcely any increase of pauperism383. In 1815 there were 925,439 individuals in England and Wales, being about one-eleventh of the then existing population, members of friendly societies, formed for the express purpose of affording protection to the members in sickness and old age, and enabling them to subsist384 without resorting to the parish fund. It may be asked, How was this state of things compatible with the right to support at the expense of the parish which the law gave to the destitute? The answer is, that the exercise of that right was subjected to the most powerful checks, and restricted in every possible way. In 1723 an Act was passed authorising the church-wardens and overseers, with the consent of the parishioners, to establish a workhouse in each parish; and it was at the same time enacted385 that the overseers should be entitled to refuse relief to all who did not choose to accept it in the workhouse, and to submit to all its regulations. In consequence of this Act workhouses were erected386 in many parishes, and they had an immediate142 and striking effect in reducing the number of paupers387. Many who had previously received pensions from the parish preferred depending on their own exertions389 rather than take up their abode390 in the workhouse.
The workhouse test, then, operated powerfully in keeping down pauperism; but another cause came into operation still more influential391, namely, the Law of Settlement. By the Act 13 and 14 Charles II. a legal settlement in a parish was declared to be gained by birth, or by inhabitancy, apprenticeship, or service for forty days; but within that period any two justices were authorised, upon complaint being made to them by the churchwardens or overseers, if they thought a new entrant likely to become chargeable, to remove him, unless he either occupied a tenement392 of the annual value of ten pounds, or gave sufficient security that he would indemnify the parish for whatever loss it might incur222 on his account. And by a subsequent Act, 3 William III., every newcomer was obliged to give notice to the churchwarden of his arrival. This notice should be read in church after divine service, and then commenced the forty days during which objection might be made to his settlement. In case of objection, if he remained it was by sufferance, and he could be removed the moment he married, or was likely to become chargeable. A settlement might also be obtained by being hired for a year when unmarried or childless, and remaining the whole of that time in the service of one master; or being bound an apprentice327 to a person who had obtained a settlement. The effect of this system was actually to depopulate many parishes. The author of a valuable pamphlet on the subject, Mr. Alcock, stated that gentlemen were led by this system to adopt all sorts of expedients393 to hinder the poor from marrying, to discharge servants in their last quarter, to evict395 small tenants396, and pull down cottages; so that several parishes were in a manner depopulated, while[363] England complained of want of useful hands for agriculture, for manufactures, and for the land and sea services.
But we come now to a new phase in the Poor-Law system, rather a complete revolution, by which the flood-gates of pauperism were opened, and all those barriers that had restrained the increase of population were swept away. The old system had been somewhat relaxed in 1782 by Mr. Gilbert's Act, which, by incorporating parishes into unions, prevented grasping landlords and tenants from feeling that intense interest in the extinction397 of population and pauperism which they did when the sphere was limited to a single parish. But in the year 1795 the price of corn rising from 54s. to 74s., and wages continuing stationary398, the distress399 of the poor was very great and many of the able-bodied were obliged to become claimants for parish relief. But instead of meeting this emergency by temporary expedients and extra grants suited to the occasion, the magistrates400 of Berks and some other southern counties issued tables showing the wages which they affirmed every labouring man ought to receive, not according to the value of his labour to his employer, but according to the variations in the number of his family and the price of bread; and they accompanied these tables with an order directing the parish officers to make up the deficit401 to the labourer, in the event of the wages paid him by his employer falling short of the tabulated402 allowance. This was the small beginning of a gigantic evil. The practice originating in a passing emergency grew into a custom, and ultimately assumed the force of an established right, which prevailed almost universally, and was productive of an amount of evil beyond anything that could have been conceived possible. The allowance scales issued from time to time were framed on the principle that every labourer should have a gallon loaf of standard wheaten bread weekly for every member of his family, and one over. The effect of this was, that a man with six children, who got 9s. a week wages, required nine gallon loaves, or 13s. 6d. a week, so that he had a pension of 4s. 6d. over his wages. Another man with a wife and five children, so idle and disorderly that no one would employ him, was entitled to eight gallon loaves for their maintenance, so that he had 12s. a week to support him. The increase of allowance according to the number of children acted as a direct bounty403 upon early marriage.
The farmers were not so discontented with this allowance system as might be supposed, because a great part of the burden was cast upon other shoulders. The tax was laid indiscriminately upon all fixed property; so that the occupiers of villas405, shopkeepers, merchants, and others who did not employ labourers, had to pay a portion of the wages for those that did. The farmers were in this way led to encourage a system which fraudulently imposed a heavy burden upon others, and which, by degrading the labourers, and multiplying their numbers beyond the real demand for them, must, if allowed to run its full course, have ultimately overspread the whole country with the most abject406 poverty and wretchedness. There was another interest created which tended to increase the evil. In the counties of Suffolk, Sussex, Kent, and generally through all the south of England, relief was given in the shape of house accommodation, or free dwellings408 for the poor. The parish officers were in the habit of paying the rent of the cottages; the rent was therefore high and sure, and consequently persons who had small pieces of ground were induced to cover them with those buildings.
The evils of this system had reached their height in the years 1832-3. That was a time when the public mind was bent368 upon reforms of all sorts, without waiting for the admission from the Tories that the grievances of which the nation complained were "proved abuses." The Reformers were determined no longer to tolerate the state of things in which the discontent of the labouring classes was proportioned to the money disbursed409 in poor rates, or in voluntary charities; in which the young were trained in idleness, ignorance, and vice—the able-bodied maintained in sluggish410 and sensual indolence—the aged112 and more respectable exposed to all the misery411 incident to dwelling407 in such a society as that of a large workhouse, without discipline or classification, the whole body of inmates412 subsisting413 on food far exceeding, both in kind and in amount, not merely the diet of the independent labourer, but that of the majority of the persons who contributed to their support; in which a farmer paid ten shillings a year in poor rate, and was in addition compelled to employ supernumerary labourers, not required on his farm, at a cost of from £100 to £250 a year; in which the labourer had no need to bestir himself to seek work or to please his master, or to put a restraint upon his temper, having all a slave's security for subsistence, without the slave's liability to punishment; in which the parish paid parents for nursing their little children, and children for supporting their aged parents, thereby414 destroying[364] in both parties all feelings of natural affection and all sense of Christian duty. The Government, therefore, resolved to apply a remedy. The following is a brief outline of the main features of the measure they proposed, and which was adopted by the legislature. They found the greatest evils of the old system were connected with the relief of the able-bodied; and in connection with that lay the chief difficulty of administering relief. It was, above all things, an essential condition that the situation of the pauper382 should not be made—really or apparently—so desirable as that of independent labourers of the lowest class; if it were, the majority of that class would have the strongest inducements to quit it, and get into the more eligible415 class of paupers. It was necessary, therefore, that an appeal to the parish should be a last resource—that it should be regarded as the hardest taskmaster and the worst paymaster. This principle was embodied416 in the Poor Law Amendment Act; and the effects which quickly followed on its operation were most marked and salutary. Able-bodied paupers were extensively converted into independent labourers, for whose employment a large fund was created by the reduction of parochial expenditure; next followed a rise in wages; then a diminution, not only of pauper marriages, but of early and imprudent marriages of all sorts; and lastly, there was a diminution of crime, with contentment among the labourers, increasing with their industry: relief of a child was made relief to the parent, and relief of a wife relief to the husband. In fact, the law combined charity with economy.
The Commissioners recommended the appointment of a central board to control the administration of the Poor Laws, with such assistant Commissioners as might be found requisite, the Commissioners being empowered and directed to frame and enforce regulations for the government of workhouses, and as to the nature and amount of the relief to be given and the labour to be exacted; the regulations to be uniform throughout the country. The necessity of a living, central, permanent authority had been rendered obvious by the disastrous working of the old system, arising partly from the absence of such control—an authority accumulating experience in itself, independent of local control, uninterested in favour of local abuse, and responsible to the Government. A Board of three Commissioners was therefore appointed under the Act, themselves appointing assistant Commissioners, capable of receiving the powers of the Commission by delegation418. The anomalous419 state of things with regard to districts was removed by the formation of unions.
In 1831 there were in England and Wales 56 parishes containing less than 10 persons; 14 parishes containing but from 10 to 20 persons, the largest of these, on the average, containing 5 adult males; and there were 533 parishes, containing from 20 to 50 persons, the largest of which would give 12 adult males per parish. It was absurd to expect that such parishes could supply proper machinery for the levying and collecting of rates, or for the distribution of relief. It was found that a large number of overseers could only certify420 their accounts by signing with a mark, attested421 by the justice's clerk. The size of the parishes influenced materially the amount of the poor-rate—the smallest giving the greatest cost per head. For example, the hundred absolutely largest parishes, containing a population of 3,196,064, gave 6s. 7d. per head; the hundred intermediate parishes, containing a population of 19,841, gave 15s. a head; while the hundred smallest parishes from which poor-rate returns were made, with a population of 1,708, gave £1 12s. a head. The moral effects were still more remarkable. In the large parishes 1 in 13 was relieved; in the intermediate, 1 in 12?; and in the smallest, 1 in 4, or 25 per cent. of the population, were paupers. Hence arose the necessity of a union of parishes with a common workhouse and a common machinery, and with paid permanent officers for the administration of relief.
The most important change in the Settlement Law was the repeal of the settlement by hiring and service, which prevented the free circulation of labour, interfered423 with the liberty of the subject, and fixed an intolerable burden upon the parish. This law was repealed by the 64th and 65th sections of the Act; the settlement by occupation of a tenement, without payment of rates, by the 66th; while other sections effected various improvements in the law of removal. The old law made it more prudent417 for a woman to have a number of children without a husband than with a husband, as she could throw the burden of their support upon the parish, or through the parish force the putative424 father to support them; and if he could not give security to pay, he was liable to imprisonment426. By this means marriages were often forced. These evils were remedied by rendering427 the unmarried mother liable for the maintenance of her children, by rendering it unlawful to pay to her any sums which the putative father might be compelled to contribute for the reimbursement[365] of the parish, and by rendering it necessary that evidence additional to that of the mother should be required to corroborate428 her charge against the person accused of being the father. The law worked fairly well, though it was discovered that many mothers shrank from prosecuting429 the fathers of their babies at the price of disclosing their shame, and thus illegitimate children were brought up in the utmost squalor.
MR. (AFTERWARDS LORD) MACAULAY. (From a photograph by Maull and Fox.)
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Each union of parishes, or each parish, if large and populous enough, was placed under the management of a board of guardians430, elected annually431 by the ratepayers; but where under previous Acts an organisation existed similar to that of unions or boards of guardians, under the Poor Law Amendment Act these were retained. The following table exhibits the local divisions of England and Wales made under that Act:—
AUTHORITY. DESCRIPTION. NUMBER OF
PARISHES.
Poor Law Amendment Act { 585 unions 13,964
{ 20 single parishes 20
Local Act (various) { 21 unions 320
{ 15 single parishes 15
Gilbert's Act, (22 Geo. { 12 unions 200
III., c. 83) { 2 single parishes 2
43 Elizabeth, c. 2 {89 parishes (including the
Scilly Islands as one parish) 89
———
Total 14,610
Of these unions and parishes 111 were declared and organised in the first year, 252 in the second, 205 in the third, and 17 in the fourth. Within the four years succeeding 1834 as many as 328 unions had workhouses completed and in operation, and 141 had workhouses building or in course of alteration. The work went on slowly till the whole country was supplied with workhouse[366] accommodation. The amount expended432 in providing new workhouses up to 1858 was £4,168,759, and in altering and enlarging old workhouses, £792,772; the total amount thus expended was upwards of five millions sterling433.
The active mind, strong will, and philanthropic spirit of Mr. Stanley, now transferred from Ireland to the Colonial Secretaryship, found an important field for their exercise in the Colonial Office. He applied his energies to the abolition of negro slavery in the West Indies, and was happily more successful in that work than in his attempt to tranquillise Ireland. The time had arrived when the labours on behalf of the negro race, of Clarkson, Wilberforce, Mackintosh, Brougham, Buxton, Lushington, and William Smith were to be followed with success, by the abolition of slavery in the British West Indian colonies. The Society of Friends, as became that philanthropic body, led the van in the movement which began in 1823, when Wilberforce presented a petition from them in the House of Commons. Soon afterwards, when Mr. Buxton brought forward a resolution condemning434 slavery as repugnant to Christianity and to the British Constitution, Mr. Canning moved a counter-resolution as an amendment, recommending reforms in the system, which, he alleged435, might be safely left to the West Indian Assemblies; and if they refused to do their duty, the Imperial Parliament might then interfere422. These resolutions were carried, although any one acquainted with the history of the West Indies might have known that they would be perfectly436 futile437. No amelioration of the system could be rationally expected from the reckless adventurers and mercenary agents by whom many West Indian plantations438 were managed. The infamous440 cruelty of which the missionary Smith had been the victim showed that, while the colonial laws allowed the most horrible atrocities441, there existed among the planters a spirit of brutality442 which did not shrink from their perpetration. Time was when such barbarities might have escaped with impunity; when in Great Britain it was maintained in high places, and even by the legislature, that slavery was defended by an impregnable fortress443, that property in human flesh was not only expedient394 for the good of the commonwealth444, and beneficial for the negro, but also a sacred institution, founded on the authority of the Bible. But, thanks to the indefatigable445 labours of the friends of the negro race, such abominable446 dogmas had been long reprobated by public opinion, and at the period now referred to no man ventured to promulgate447 such heresies448 in England. The moral sense of the nation had condemned449 slavery in every form. The missionaries450 had, in the midst of tremendous difficulties and cruel persecutions, enlightened the West Indian slaves with regard to their rights as men and their privileges as Christians451; and while they inculcated patience and meek452 submission453 even to unjust laws, they animated454 their crushed hearts with the hope that the blessings455 of liberty would soon be enjoyed by them, and that humanity and justice would speedily triumph over the ruthless tyranny under which they groaned.
Ten years passed away from the adoption456 of Mr. Canning's resolution, and little or nothing was effectually done to mitigate the system, not-withstanding various subsequent recommendations of the British Government. The consolidated slave law for the Crown colonies contained in an Order in Council issued in 1830, was proposed for the chartered colonies as a model for their adoption; but it contained no provision for the education or religious instruction of the slaves. All the chartered colonies, except two, Grenada and Tobago, had legalised Sunday markets, and they allowed no other time to the negroes for marketing457 or cultivating their provision grounds. The evidence of slaves had been made admissible; but in most of the colonies the right was so restricted as to make it entirely useless. Except in the Crown colonies, the marriage of slaves was subject to all sorts of vexatious impediments. The provision against the separation of families was found everywhere inoperative. The right of acquiring property was so limited as to prove a mockery and a delusion42. The Order in Council gave the slaves the right of redeeming459 themselves and their families, even against the will of their owners; but all the chartered colonies peremptorily refused any such right of self-liberation. In nearly all the colonies the master had a right by law to inflict190 thirty-nine lashes460 at one time, on any slave of any age, or of either sex, for any offence whatever, or for no offence. He could also imprison425 his victims in the stocks of the workhouse as long as he pleased. There was no return of punishments inflicted, and no proper record. An Order in Council had forbidden the flogging of females; but in all the chartered colonies the infamous practice had been continued in defiance of the supreme461 Government. The administration of justice—if the term be applicable to a system whose very essence was iniquity—was left to pursue its own course, without any effort[367] for its purification. In July, 1830, Mr. Brougham brought forward his motion, that the House should resolve, at the earliest possible period in next Session, to take into consideration the state of the West Indian colonies, in order to the mitigation and final abolition of slavery, and more especially in order to the amendment of the administration of justice. But the national mind was then so preoccupied462 with home subjects of agitation that the House was but thinly attended, and the motion was lost by a large majority. The Reform movement absorbed public interest for the two following years, so that nothing was done to mitigate the hard lot of the suffering negro till the question was taken up by Mr. Stanley, in 1833, in compliance463 with the repeated and earnest entreaties464 of the friends of emancipation. The abolitionists, of course, had always insisted upon immediate, unconditional465 emancipation. But the Ministerial plan contained two provisions altogether at variance466 with their views; a term of apprenticeship, which, in the first draft of the measure, was to last twelve years, and compensation to the owners—a proposition which, though advanced with hesitation467, ultimately assumed the enormous amount of twenty millions sterling. On the principle of compensation there was a general agreement, because it was the State that had created the slave property, had legalised it, and imposed upon the present owners all their liabilities. It was therefore thought to be unjust to ruin them by what would be regarded as a breach468 of faith on the part of the legislature. The same excuse could not be made for the system of protracted469 apprenticeship, which would be a continuance of slavery under another name. If the price were to be paid for emancipation, the value should be received at once. This was the feeling of Lord Howick, who was then Under-Secretary for the Colonies, and who resigned his office rather than be a party to the apprenticeship scheme, which he vigorously opposed in the House, as did also Mr. Buxton and Mr. O'Connell. But the principle was carried against them by an overwhelming majority. Among the most prominent and efficient advocates of the negroes during the debates were Mr. Buckingham, Dr. Lushington, Admiral Flemming, and Mr. T. B. Macaulay. The opposition to the Government resolution was not violent; it was led by Sir Robert Peel, whose most strenuous470 supporters were Sir Richard Vivian, Mr. Godson, Mr. W. E. Gladstone, and Mr. Hume. In the House of Lords the resolutions were accepted without a division, being supported by the Earl of Ripon, Lord Suffield, Earl Grey, and the Lord Chancellor Brougham. The speakers on the other side were the Duke of Wellington, the Earl of Harewood, Lord Ellenborough, and Lord Wynford.
In the Bill which was founded on the resolutions the term of apprenticeship was limited to six years for the plantation439 negroes, and four for all others. The Bill passed the House of Lords with slight opposition; and on the 28th of August, 1833, it received the Royal Assent. It does not appear that William IV. urged any plea of conscience against signing this Act of Emancipation, although in his early days he had been, in common with all the Royal Family, except the Duke of Gloucester, opposed to the abolition of the slave trade. The Act was to take effect on the 1st day of August, 1834, on which day slavery was to cease throughout the British colonies. All slaves who at that date should appear to be six years old and upwards were to be registered as "apprentice labourers" to those who had been their owners. All slaves who happened to be brought into the United Kingdom, and all apprentice labourers who might be brought into it with the consent of their owners, were to be absolutely free. The apprentices330 were divided into three classes. The first class consisted of "predial apprentice labourers," usually employed in agriculture, or the manufacture of colonial produce, on lands belonging to their owners, and these were declared to be attached to the soil. The second class, consisting of the same kind of labourers, who worked on lands not belonging to their owners, were not attached to the soil. The third class consisted of "non-predial apprenticed labourers," and embraced mechanics, artisans, domestic servants, and all slaves not included in the other two classes. The apprenticeship of the first was to terminate on the 1st of August, 1840; and of the "non-predial" on the same day in 1838. The apprentices were not obliged to labour for their employers more than forty-five hours in any one week. Voluntary discharges were permitted; but, in that case, a provision was made for the support of old and infirm apprentices. An apprentice could free himself before the expiration471 of the term, against the will of his master, by getting himself appraised472, and paying the price. No apprentices were to be removed from the colony to which they belonged, nor from one plantation to another in the same colony, except on a certificate from a justice of the peace that the removal would not injure their health or welfare,[368] or separate the members of the same family. Under these conditions the apprentices were transferable with the estates to which they were attached. Their masters were bound to furnish them with food, clothing, lodging473, and other necessaries, according to the existing laws of the several colonies, and to allow them sufficient provision ground, and time for cultivating it, where that mode of maintenance was adopted. All children under six years of age when the Act came into operation, and all that should be born during the apprenticeship, were declared free; but if any children were found destitute, they could be apprenticed, and subjected to the same regulations as the others. The Act allowed governors of colonies to appoint stipendiary magistrates, with salaries not exceeding £300 a year, to carry the provisions of the law into effect. Corporal punishment was not absolutely abolished, but it could be inflicted only by the special justices, who were authorised to punish the apprentices by whipping, beating, imprisonment, or addition to the hours of labour. The corporal punishment of females was absolutely forbidden in all circumstances. The quantity of punishment was restricted, and the hours of additional labour imposed were not to exceed fifteen in the week.
The sum of twenty millions was divided into nineteen shares, one for each of the colonies, proportioned to the number of its registered slaves, taken in connection with the market price of slaves in that colony, on an average of eight years, ending with 1830. But no money was payable in any colony until it should have been declared by an Order in Council that satisfactory provision had been made by law in such colony for giving effect to the Emancipation Act. Two of them were so perverse474 as to decline for several years to qualify for the reception of the money; but others acted in a different spirit. Believing that the system of apprenticeship was impolitic, they declined to take advantage of it, and manumitted their slaves at once. Antigua was the first to adopt this wise course. Its slaves were all promptly emancipated475, and their conduct fully justified the policy; for on Christmas Day, 1834, for the first time during thirty years, martial476 law was not proclaimed in that island. Thus, the effect of liberty was peace, quietness, and confidence. Bermuda followed this good example, as did also the smaller islands, and afterwards the large island of Barbadoes; and their emancipation was hailed by the negroes with religious services, followed by festive477 gatherings478. Jamaica, and some other islands, endeavoured to thwart479 the operation of the new law, as far as possible, and took every advantage in making the apprentices miserable480, and wreaking481 upon them their spite and malice482. They met with harsher treatment than ever, being in many instances either savagely483 ill-used or inhumanly484 neglected. Considering their provocations485, it was generally admitted that they behaved on the whole very well, enduring with patience and resignation the afflictions which they knew must come to an end in a few years. The total number of slaves converted into apprentices on the 1st of August, 1834, was 800,000. The apprenticeship did not last beyond the shorter time prescribed, and on the 1st of August, 1838, there was not a slave in existence under the British Crown, save only in the island of Mauritius, which was soon required by instructions from the Home Government to carry the Act into effect.
Much inconvenience and misery were caused during the year by the trades unions and their strikes. In several places the workmen combined in order to enforce a rise of wages, and a more equitable486 distribution of the profits derived487 from their labour. The striking commenced on the 8th of March, when the men employed by the London gas companies demanded that their wages should be increased from twenty-eight shillings to thirty-five shillings a week, with two pots of porter daily for each man. On the refusal of this demand they all stopped working; but before much inconvenience could be experienced their places were supplied by workmen from the country. On the 17th of March an event occurred which caused general and violent excitement among the working classes. At the Dorchester Assizes six agricultural labourers were tried and convicted for being members of an illegal society, and administering illegal oaths, the persons initiated488 being admitted blindfold489 into a room where there was the picture of a skeleton and a skull490. They were sentenced to transportation for seven years. Their case excited the greatest sympathy among the working population throughout the kingdom. In London, Birmingham, and several other large manufacturing towns immense meetings were held to petition the king in favour of the convicts. In the midst of this excitement the manufacturers of Leeds declared their determination not to employ any persons in their factories who were members of trades unions. The consequence was that in that town three thousand workmen struck in one day. On the 15th of April there was a riot at Oldham, where, in consequence of the[369] arrest of two members of a trade union, a factory was nearly destroyed, and one person killed, the mob having been dispersed491 by a troop of lancers. Several of the rioters were arrested and sentenced to terms of imprisonment varying from six to eighteen months. On the 21st of April a meeting of the trades unions took place at Copenhagen Fields, to adopt a petition to the Home Secretary praying for a remission of the sentence on the Dorchester convicts. They marched to the Home Office through the leading thoroughfares, numbering about 25,000, in order to back up their deputation, which, however, Lord Melbourne refused to receive, though he intimated to them that their petition should be laid before the king if presented in a proper manner. The multitude then went in procession to Kennington Common. On the 28th 13,000 London journeymen tailors struck for higher wages. The masters, instead of yielding, resolved not to employ any persons connected with trades unions, and after a few weeks the men submitted and returned to their work.
SLAVERY EMANCIPATION FESTIVAL IN BARBADOES. (See p. 368.)
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[370]
The conduct of the trades unions excited a great deal of angry feeling amongst the wealthier classes; and the Government were vehemently492 condemned for not putting down the combination with a strong hand. It was said that the mischief493 they created was well known; that though their interference with trade, "their atrocious oaths, impious ceremonies, desperate tyranny, and secret assassinations494 had been brought under their observation," Ministers could not be stirred to any exhibition of energy for the protection of the manufacturer, the workman, or the public. On the 28th of April the Duke of Newcastle had brought the trades unions under the consideration of the House of Lords, and questioned Ministers as to their neglect respecting the disturbances495 these combinations occasioned. Lord Grey contented404 himself with a quiet expression of regret for their existence, and of a hope that they would die out if let alone; meanwhile, the Government were ready to put down disorderly meetings. This apparent indifference496 called forth indignant protests from the Marquis of Londonderry and Lord Eldon. The Lord Chancellor declared that the meetings were illegal, and that they were likely to produce great mischief; adding, "Of all the worst things, and of all the most pernicious devices that could be imagined for the injury of the interests of the working classes, as well as of the interests of the country at large, nothing was half so bad as their existence." He also stated that there could not remain the shadow of a doubt of the justice of the conviction of the Dorchester labourers. Strikes and combinations, however, continued during the summer. At the Chester Assizes, on the 5th of August, two men were indicted497 for the murder of a manufacturer during a strike in 1831. It appeared on evidence that the deceased had excited the ill feeling of the trades unions of the place, where he had a mill, in which he gave employment to a great number of people. Two of his own workmen had agreed to assassinate498 him for the sum of £3 6s. 8d. each, paid by the union. They shot him as he was passing through a lane to his mills. Being found guilty, they were executed. On the 18th of the same month the workmen employed by the builders of London struck to the number of 10,000, including the artisans at the Government works. This course was adopted in consequence of a combined declaration of the master-builders, requiring them to abandon their connection with trades unions.
Meanwhile in Ireland, where Lord Anglesey had been succeeded by Lord Wellesley and Mr. Stanley by Mr. Littleton, O'Connell was openly agitating499 for a Repeal of the union. His conduct was much resented by Lord Grey's followers500, and at a meeting at Hull501 Mr. M. D. Hill challenged the good faith of the Irish party, and declared that an Irish member, who spoke with great violence against the Coercion Bill, had secretly urged the Ministers to force it through in its integrity. O'Connell brought the statement before the House early in the Session, when it was unnecessarily confirmed by Lord Althorp, who said that he had good reason to believe it to be true. After a violent scene, he further admitted that Sheil was one of the members to whom he referred. Mr. Sheil denied the imputation502 so passionately503 that, on the motion of Sir F. Burdett, both he and Lord Althorp were taken into custody504 by the Serjeant-at-Arms. They were released on submitting to the authority of the House, and a committee, after examining into the matter and collecting no evidence of value, were glad to avail themselves of an apology tendered by Hill and to bring the incident to a close.
On the 22nd of April Mr. O'Connell brought forward a very comprehensive motion. It was for a select committee to inquire and report on the means by which the destruction of the Irish Parliament had been effected; on the results of the union upon Ireland, and upon the labourers in husbandry and operatives in manufactures in England; and on the probable consequences of[371] continuing the Legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland. This motion originated a debate on the Repeal question which lasted four days. O'Connell himself spoke for six hours. The debate was chiefly memorable505 for a speech of Mr. Spring-Rice, in defence of the union, which also occupied six hours in the delivery. He concluded by proposing an amendment to the effect that an Address should be presented to the king by both Houses of Parliament, expressing their determination to maintain the Legislative union inviolate506. In a very full House the amendment was carried by an overwhelming majority, the numbers being for, 523; against, 38. Mr. Spring-Rice's speech served the Government materially, while by the Conservatives it was regarded as "a damper" to their own hopes.
The chiefs of the Tory party were at this time sanguine507 in their expectation of being speedily called to office. Their hopes were founded mainly upon the dissensions that were known to exist in the Cabinet. These dissensions were first revealed by O'Connell's motion for a committee to inquire into the conduct of Baron Smith, when presiding as a judge in criminal cases, and especially with reference to a charge addressed by him to the grand jury of Dublin, in which he said: "For the last two years I have seldom lost an opportunity for making some monitory observations from the Bench. When the critical and lawless situation of the country did not seem to be generally and fully understood, I sounded the tocsin and pointed out the ambuscade. Subsequent events deplorably proved that I had given no false alarm. The audacity508 of factious509 leaders increased from the seeming impunity which was allowed them; the progress of that sedition510 which they encouraged augmented511 in the same proportion, till on this state of things came, at length, the Coercion Bill at once to arrest the mischief, and consummate512 the proof of its existence and extent." As there was no doubt that these shafts513 were aimed at O'Connell, this last charge afforded him a fair opportunity of putting a stop to the abuse by bringing the conduct of the talented but eccentric judge before Parliament; for, as there was no political case in the calendar, there was no excuse for the attack. Mr. Littleton declared it impossible to refuse his consent to the motion. Mr. Stanley, Lord Althorp, and Lord John Russell expressed a similar view. Sir James Graham briefly514 but warmly dissented515 from his colleagues. He had come down to the House with the understanding that they meant to oppose the motion. He for one still retained his opinion, and had seen no reason to change it. As one who valued the independence of the judges and his own character, he must declare that if the motion were carried, and if, as its result, an Address was presented to the Crown for the removal of Baron Smith, it would be a highly inexpedient—nay, more, a most unjust proceeding. The present would be the most painful vote he had ever given, since he felt it incumbent367 upon him to sever47 himself from those friends with whom during a public life of some duration he had had the honour of acting516; but feeling as he did the proposition to be one dangerous in itself, he conceived he would be betraying the trust committed to him if he did not declare against it. Baron Smith was ably defended by Mr. Shaw, by Sir J. Scarlett, and Sir Robert Peel. On a division, the motion for a committee of inquiry was carried by 167 to 74, Sir James Graham and Mr. Spring-Rice voting in the minority. Next morning Sir James tendered his resignation as First Lord of the Admiralty, which was declined, and in the following week the vote was rescinded517 by a majority of six.
Thus the Cabinet was evidently fast breaking up, when Mr. Littleton introduced his Tithe Bill. Its object was much the same as Mr. Stanley's Act of 1832 for the Compulsory518 Commutation of Tithe. This last Act had been a failure, and Mr. Littleton was compelled to ask Parliament to grant the sum of £1,000,000 to pay the arrears. He hoped to remedy its defects by reducing the number of people who were liable to tithe, and then, after the 1st of November, to commute519 the tithe into a land tax, payable to the State, to reduce its amount by one-fifth, and to allow any person having a substantial interest in the estate to redeem458 the residue520 of it, after five years had expired, on easy terms. After a number of stormy debates the progress of the measure seemed assured, when Lord John Russell went out of his way to express his views in favour of the appropriation521 of the surplus revenues of the Irish Church to secular purposes. Stanley wrote to Graham the laconic522 note, "Johnny has upset the coach." Indeed, the declaration was the more indiscreet because the Cabinet was hopelessly divided on the point.
On the 27th of May Mr. Ward brought forward a motion upon this subject. In an able speech he reviewed the state of Ireland, and remarked that since 1819 it had been necessary to maintain there an army of 22,000 men, at a cost of a million sterling per annum, exclusive of a police[372] force that cost £300,000 a year. All this enormous expense and trouble in governing Ireland he ascribed to the existence of a religious establishment hostile to the majority of the people; he therefore moved that "the Protestant episcopal establishment in Ireland exceeds the spiritual wants of the Protestant population; and that, it being the right of the State to regulate the distribution of Church property in such a manner as Parliament may determine, it is the opinion of this House that the temporal possessions of the Church of Ireland, as now established by law, ought to be reduced."
The motion was seconded by Mr. Grote. When he had concluded, Lord Althorp rose and moved that the House should be adjourned until the 2nd of June. The differences in the Cabinet had now reached their crisis. It was fully expected that Mr. Ward's motion would be carried, and Ministers differed as to whether the principle involved in it should be rejected or accepted; the majority were for accepting it, whereupon Mr. Stanley, Sir James Graham, Lord Ripon, and the Duke of Richmond resigned their offices. They were succeeded by Mr. Spring-Rice, as Colonial Secretary; Lord Auckland, as First Lord of the Admiralty; the Earl of Carlisle, as Lord Privy Seal; Mr. Abercromby, as Master of the Mint. Mr. Poulett Thompson became President of the Board of Trade, and the Marquis of Conyngham Postmaster-General.
On the following day, which was the anniversary of the king's birthday, the Irish prelates, headed by the Archbishop of Armagh, presented an address to his Majesty, complaining of the attacks on the Irish Church, deprecating the threatened innovations, and imploring his protection. The king was greatly moved by this appeal. Breaking through the usual restraints, he delivered an extemporaneous523 answer, in which, among other things, he said, "I now remember you have a right to require of me to be resolute524 in defence of the Church." He assured the bishops that their rights should be preserved unimpaired, and that if the interior arrangements of the Irish Church required any amendment—which, however, he greatly doubted—he hoped it would be left to the bishops to correct them, without the interference of other parties. He was now completing his 69th year, and he must prepare to leave the world with a conscience clear in regard to the maintenance of the Church. Tears ran down his cheeks while, in conclusion, he said, "I have spoken more strongly than usual, because of the unhappy circumstances that have forced themselves upon the observation of all. The threats of those who are the enemies of the Church make it the more necessary for those who feel their duty to that Church to speak out. The words which you hear from me are, indeed, spoken by my mouth, but they flow from my heart."
These words, indiscreet as they were, and calculated to embarrass the Ministers, were regarded as in the highest degree precious by the bishops and clergy, and the whole Tory party. With the utmost despatch they were circulated far and wide, with the design of bringing public feeling to bear against Mr. Ward's motion. In the meantime, great efforts were made by the Government to be able to evade277 the motion. Its position at this time appeared far from enviable, and there was a general impression that it could not long survive. The new appointments did not give satisfaction. The Cabinet was said to be only patched up in order to wear through the Session. It was in these discouraging circumstances that Lord Althorp had to meet Mr. Ward's motion on Monday, the 2nd of June. In order to avoid a dissolution and a general election, the results of which might turn upon the existence of the Irish Church, it was necessary that Mr. Ward's motion should be defeated. He refused to withdraw it, because he apprehended525 the speedy dissolution of the Ministry, and he wished the decision of the House of Commons on the Irish Church question to be recorded, that it might stand in the way of a less liberal Administration. The anticipated contest in the Commons that evening excited extraordinary interest. The House was surrounded by a crowd anxious to obtain admittance or to hear the result, while within it was so thronged526 with members that the Ministers found it difficult to get to their seats. Rarely has there been so full a House, the number of members being 516. When Mr. Ward had spoken in favour of his motion, Lord Althorp rose to reply. He announced that a special commission of inquiry had been already issued, composed of laymen, who were to visit every parish in Ireland, and were to report on the means of religious instruction for the people; and that, pending388 this inquiry, he saw no necessity for the House being called upon to affirm the principles of Mr. Ward's motion. He would, therefore, content himself by moving the previous question. This was carried by an overwhelming majority, the numbers being 396 to 120.
But a month only elapsed when fresh differences arose in the Cabinet leading to further[373] resignations, and ending in the retirement527 of Lord Grey from public life. Again Ireland was the rock on which the Cabinet struck and went to pieces. The Irish Coercion Act, which had been passed for one year only, was to be renewed, with modifications, for which purpose a Bill was introduced into the Lords about the middle of June. A large number of the Liberal members of England and Scotland, as well as Ireland, required the omission528 of the clauses enabling the Lord-Lieutenant to suppress public meetings by proclamation—a power which Lord Wellesley was induced by his meddlesome529 advisers530, Mr. Littleton and Lord Brougham, to declare he did not require. His opinion, however, was overruled in the Cabinet, and they agreed to support the Bill as it stood. Lord Althorp had very reluctantly yielded the point, more especially as the necessity for the extra-constitutional powers was denied by the Irish executive and by the Lord Chancellor. Mr. Littleton, the Irish Secretary, having indiscreetly made O'Connell aware of the division in the Cabinet, and of the fact that several of its members were supporting the clause contrary to their convictions, the Irish leader used the knowledge thus obtained with tremendous effect. While sitting under the fierce invectives of his opponent, Lord Althorp felt his position to be intolerable. On quitting the House, after a long and harassing531 discussion, on the 7th of July, he wrote to the Prime Minister, announcing this fact. Next morning there was a conference, after which Lord Grey transmitted to the king his resignation, with that of Lord Althorp; and on the recommendation of Lord Grey, Lord Melbourne was appointed to the office of Prime Minister, being succeeded in the Home Office by Lord Duncannon; while Lord Althorp, relieved from his obligation with regard to the Coercion Bill, consented to resume the post he had just resigned.
KENNINGTON COMMON, LONDON, ABOUT 1840.
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On the 9th of July Earl Grey made a statement in the Lords, when the Duke of Wellington disclaimed all personal hostility532 in the opposition he had been obliged to give to his Government. The Lord Chancellor pronounced an affecting eulogium on the great statesman who was finally retiring from his work, and expressed his own determination to remain in office. Lord Grey's popular[374] Administration had lasted three years, seven months, and twenty-two days, which exceeded the term of his predecessor251, the Duke of Wellington, by nearly a year and a half. Lord Grey, from the infirmities of age, declining health, and weariness of official life, had wished to retire at the close of the previous Session, but was prevailed upon by his colleagues to remain in office. In delivering his farewell speech he was listened to with profound attention, and at one moment was so overpowered by his feelings that he was compelled to sit down, the Duke of Wellington considerately filling up the interval by presenting some petitions.
Earl Grey had lived to witness the triumphant533 realisation of all the great objects for which throughout his public life he had contended, sometimes almost without hope. Catholic Emancipation had been yielded by his opponents as a tardy534 concession to the imperative demand of the nation. In the debates on that question in the House of Lords, Lord Grey was said to have excelled all others, and even himself. The long dormant535 question of Parliamentary Reform was quickened into life by the electric shock of the French Revolution of 1830, when the Duke of Wellington, with equal honesty and rashness, affirmed that the existing system of representation enjoyed the full and entire confidence of the country. This declaration raised a storm before which he was compelled to retire, in order to make way for a statesman with keener eye and firmer hand, to hold the helm and steer536 the vessel537 in that perilous crisis of the nation's destiny. Throughout the whole of that trying time Earl Grey's wisdom, his steadfastness538, the moral greatness of his character, and the responsibility of his position, made him the centre of universal interest, and won for him the respect and admiration539 of all parties in the nation. Baffled again and again in the struggle for Reform, undismayed by the most formidable opposition, not deterred540 or disheartened by repeated repulses541, he renewed his attacks on the citadel542 of monopoly and corruption543, till at last his efforts were crowned with victory. And well did he use the great power for good which the Reform Parliament put into his hands. The emancipation of the slaves, the reform of the Irish Church, and the abolition of the gigantic abuses of the Poor Law system, were among the legislative achievements which he effected. His foreign policy, in the able hands of Lord Palmerston, was in harmony with his own domestic policy—bold, just, moderate, true to the cause of freedom abroad, while vigilantly544 guarding the national honour of his own country. By his vigorous diplomacy545 he had saved Belgium from being overwhelmed by the Dutch, and at the same time kept her independent of France. A capable Sovereign had been provided for her in Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, the widowed husband of Charlotte of England. Finally, when the Dutch declined to give way to the remonstrances of the Western Powers, a joint546 Anglo-French expedition was dispatched, which compelled the citadel of Antwerp to capitulate on December 23rd, 1832. Nevertheless, such was the obstinacy of the Dutch that the question remained unsettled on the fall of the Grey Ministry. Lord Palmerston's foreign policy was equally noteworthy in other quarters of the globe. If he could do little for the revolution in Poland, he could at least preserve constitutionalism in the Peninsula, where it was threatened by Dom Miguel in Portugal, and, after the death of Ferdinand in 1833, by Don Carlos in Spain. On the 22nd of April, 1834, Palmerston, in concert with Talleyrand, now French Minister in London, drew up the Quadruple Treaty, by which the two Powers undertook to deliver the Peninsula from the Absolutist pretenders. Its effect for the time being was remarkable; they both fled from the country, and constitutionalism was restored.
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42 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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43 delusions | |
n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 );谬见;错觉;妄想 | |
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44 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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45 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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46 ravages | |
劫掠后的残迹,破坏的结果,毁坏后的残迹 | |
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47 sever | |
v.切开,割开;断绝,中断 | |
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48 averted | |
防止,避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 ); 转移 | |
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49 deficient | |
adj.不足的,不充份的,有缺陷的 | |
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50 vent | |
n.通风口,排放口;开衩;vt.表达,发泄 | |
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51 intemperance | |
n.放纵 | |
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52 marshes | |
n.沼泽,湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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53 virulent | |
adj.有毒的,有恶意的,充满敌意的 | |
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54 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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55 regularity | |
n.规律性,规则性;匀称,整齐 | |
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56 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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57 stagnant | |
adj.不流动的,停滞的,不景气的 | |
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58 wholesome | |
adj.适合;卫生的;有益健康的;显示身心健康的 | |
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59 privy | |
adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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60 stringent | |
adj.严厉的;令人信服的;银根紧的 | |
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61 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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62 persevere | |
v.坚持,坚忍,不屈不挠 | |
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63 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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64 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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65 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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66 rejection | |
n.拒绝,被拒,抛弃,被弃 | |
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67 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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68 organisation | |
n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
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69 adverting | |
引起注意(advert的现在分词形式) | |
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70 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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71 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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72 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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73 tithes | |
n.(宗教捐税)什一税,什一的教区税,小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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74 deplored | |
v.悲叹,痛惜,强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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76 joyous | |
adj.充满快乐的;令人高兴的 | |
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77 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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78 dictated | |
v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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79 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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80 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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81 modifications | |
n.缓和( modification的名词复数 );限制;更改;改变 | |
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82 census | |
n.(官方的)人口调查,人口普查 | |
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83 borough | |
n.享有自治权的市镇;(英)自治市镇 | |
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84 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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85 ascertained | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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87 tenant | |
n.承租人;房客;佃户;v.租借,租用 | |
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88 boroughs | |
(尤指大伦敦的)行政区( borough的名词复数 ); 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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89 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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90 diminution | |
n.减少;变小 | |
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91 exchequer | |
n.财政部;国库 | |
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92 taunted | |
嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 ); 嘲弄; 辱骂; 奚落 | |
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93 retaliated | |
v.报复,反击( retaliate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94 adjourned | |
(使)休会, (使)休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95 pertinaciously | |
adv.坚持地;固执地;坚决地;执拗地 | |
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96 wrangling | |
v.争吵,争论,口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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97 concurrence | |
n.同意;并发 | |
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98 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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99 consolidate | |
v.使加固,使加强;(把...)联为一体,合并 | |
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100 adverted | |
引起注意(advert的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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101 tranquil | |
adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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102 suspense | |
n.(对可能发生的事)紧张感,担心,挂虑 | |
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103 disclaimed | |
v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104 disclaim | |
v.放弃权利,拒绝承认 | |
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105 intimidate | |
vt.恐吓,威胁 | |
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106 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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107 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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108 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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109 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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110 bosoms | |
胸部( bosom的名词复数 ); 胸怀; 女衣胸部(或胸襟); 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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111 outraged | |
a.震惊的,义愤填膺的 | |
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112 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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113 bide | |
v.忍耐;等候;住 | |
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114 vindicate | |
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
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115 pestilence | |
n.瘟疫 | |
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116 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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117 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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118 scathing | |
adj.(言词、文章)严厉的,尖刻的;不留情的adv.严厉地,尖刻地v.伤害,损害(尤指使之枯萎)( scathe的现在分词) | |
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119 oration | |
n.演说,致辞,叙述法 | |
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120 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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121 proxies | |
n.代表权( proxy的名词复数 );(测算用的)代替物;(对代理人的)委托书;(英国国教教区献给主教等的)巡游费 | |
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122 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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123 overtures | |
n.主动的表示,提议;(向某人做出的)友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 );(歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的)序曲,前奏曲 | |
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124 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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125 peals | |
n.(声音大而持续或重复的)洪亮的响声( peal的名词复数 );隆隆声;洪亮的钟声;钟乐v.(使)(钟等)鸣响,(雷等)发出隆隆声( peal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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126 imperative | |
n.命令,需要;规则;祈使语气;adj.强制的;紧急的 | |
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127 aggregate | |
adj.总计的,集合的;n.总数;v.合计;集合 | |
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128 bugle | |
n.军号,号角,喇叭;v.吹号,吹号召集 | |
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129 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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130 defer | |
vt.推迟,拖延;vi.(to)遵从,听从,服从 | |
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131 enfranchising | |
v.给予选举权( enfranchise的现在分词 );(从奴隶制中)解放 | |
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132 boons | |
n.恩惠( boon的名词复数 );福利;非常有用的东西;益处 | |
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133 postponing | |
v.延期,推迟( postpone的现在分词 ) | |
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134 enfranchisement | |
选举权 | |
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135 artifice | |
n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
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136 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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137 insidious | |
adj.阴险的,隐匿的,暗中为害的,(疾病)不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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138 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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139 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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140 dissuade | |
v.劝阻,阻止 | |
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141 refractory | |
adj.倔强的,难驾驭的 | |
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142 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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143 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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144 obstinacy | |
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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145 tenacity | |
n.坚韧 | |
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146 woe | |
n.悲哀,苦痛,不幸,困难;int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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147 rigid | |
adj.严格的,死板的;刚硬的,僵硬的 | |
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148 scrutiny | |
n.详细检查,仔细观察 | |
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149 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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150 constituents | |
n.选民( constituent的名词复数 );成分;构成部分;要素 | |
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151 momentous | |
adj.重要的,重大的 | |
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152 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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153 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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154 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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155 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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156 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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157 peremptorily | |
adv.紧急地,不容分说地,专横地 | |
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158 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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159 courageous | |
adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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160 idol | |
n.偶像,红人,宠儿 | |
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161 execration | |
n.诅咒,念咒,憎恶 | |
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162 groaned | |
v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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163 hissed | |
发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 ); 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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164 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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165 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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166 intriguing | |
adj.有趣的;迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词);激起…的好奇心 | |
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167 dissenters | |
n.持异议者,持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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168 stimulating | |
adj.有启发性的,能激发人思考的 | |
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169 vehement | |
adj.感情强烈的;热烈的;(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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170 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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171 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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172 metropolis | |
n.首府;大城市 | |
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173 attainment | |
n.达到,到达;[常pl.]成就,造诣 | |
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174 solicitation | |
n.诱惑;揽货;恳切地要求;游说 | |
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175 insurgent | |
adj.叛乱的,起事的;n.叛乱分子 | |
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176 astounding | |
adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊,使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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177 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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178 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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179 coercing | |
v.迫使做( coerce的现在分词 );强迫;(以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段)控制;支配 | |
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180 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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181 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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182 extremities | |
n.端点( extremity的名词复数 );尽头;手和足;极窘迫的境地 | |
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183 rumours | |
n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 );风闻;谣言;谣传 | |
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184 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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185 candid | |
adj.公正的,正直的;坦率的 | |
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186 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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187 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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188 violations | |
违反( violation的名词复数 ); 冒犯; 违反(行为、事例); 强奸 | |
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189 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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191 Oxford | |
n.牛津(英国城市) | |
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192 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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193 obviated | |
v.避免,消除(贫困、不方便等)( obviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194 obviate | |
v.除去,排除,避免,预防 | |
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195 seceding | |
v.脱离,退出( secede的现在分词 ) | |
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196 defiant | |
adj.无礼的,挑战的 | |
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197 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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198 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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199 collateral | |
adj.平行的;旁系的;n.担保品 | |
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200 amendments | |
(法律、文件的)改动( amendment的名词复数 ); 修正案; 修改; (美国宪法的)修正案 | |
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201 acquiesced | |
v.默认,默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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202 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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203 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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204 commissioner | |
n.(政府厅、局、处等部门)专员,长官,委员 | |
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205 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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206 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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207 registration | |
n.登记,注册,挂号 | |
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208 conciliation | |
n.调解,调停 | |
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209 repeal | |
n.废止,撤消;v.废止,撤消 | |
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210 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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211 inadequate | |
adj.(for,to)不充足的,不适当的 | |
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212 cork | |
n.软木,软木塞 | |
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213 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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214 iniquitous | |
adj.不公正的;邪恶的;高得出奇的 | |
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215 ratiocination | |
n.推理;推断 | |
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216 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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217 indigent | |
adj.贫穷的,贫困的 | |
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218 precluded | |
v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 );排除;妨碍;使…行不通 | |
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219 suffrage | |
n.投票,选举权,参政权 | |
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220 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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221 incurable | |
adj.不能医治的,不能矫正的,无救的;n.不治的病人,无救的人 | |
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222 incur | |
vt.招致,蒙受,遭遇 | |
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223 avowal | |
n.公开宣称,坦白承认 | |
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224 shred | |
v.撕成碎片,变成碎片;n.碎布条,细片,些少 | |
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225 jot | |
n.少量;vi.草草记下;vt.匆匆写下 | |
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226 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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227 diffused | |
散布的,普及的,扩散的 | |
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228 provident | |
adj.为将来做准备的,有先见之明的 | |
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229 requisite | |
adj.需要的,必不可少的;n.必需品 | |
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230 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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231 pecuniary | |
adj.金钱的;金钱上的 | |
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232 procuring | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的现在分词 );拉皮条 | |
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233 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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234 expunged | |
v.擦掉( expunge的过去式和过去分词 );除去;删去;消除 | |
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235 rigidly | |
adv.刻板地,僵化地 | |
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236 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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237 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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238 destitution | |
n.穷困,缺乏,贫穷 | |
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239 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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240 vindictive | |
adj.有报仇心的,怀恨的,惩罚的 | |
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241 agitator | |
n.鼓动者;搅拌器 | |
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242 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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243 sketched | |
v.草拟(sketch的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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244 hideous | |
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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245 discriminating | |
a.有辨别能力的 | |
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246 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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247 penetration | |
n.穿透,穿人,渗透 | |
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248 dictatorial | |
adj. 独裁的,专断的 | |
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249 theatrical | |
adj.剧场的,演戏的;做戏似的,做作的 | |
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250 posture | |
n.姿势,姿态,心态,态度;v.作出某种姿势 | |
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251 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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252 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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253 undone | |
a.未做完的,未完成的 | |
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254 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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255 hydra | |
n.水螅;难于根除的祸患 | |
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256 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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257 auspices | |
n.资助,赞助 | |
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258 trenchantly | |
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259 abrupt | |
adj.突然的,意外的;唐突的,鲁莽的 | |
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260 jeer | |
vi.嘲弄,揶揄;vt.奚落;n.嘲笑,讥评 | |
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261 adviser | |
n.劝告者,顾问 | |
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262 antipathy | |
n.憎恶;反感,引起反感的人或事物 | |
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263 irritation | |
n.激怒,恼怒,生气 | |
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264 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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265 mitigate | |
vt.(使)减轻,(使)缓和 | |
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266 abate | |
vi.(风势,疼痛等)减弱,减轻,减退 | |
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267 machinery | |
n.(总称)机械,机器;机构 | |
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268 levying | |
征(兵)( levy的现在分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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269 levy | |
n.征收税或其他款项,征收额 | |
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270 impost | |
n.进口税,关税 | |
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271 exasperating | |
adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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272 impoverishment | |
n.贫穷,穷困;贫化 | |
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273 retarding | |
使减速( retard的现在分词 ); 妨碍; 阻止; 推迟 | |
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274 defraud | |
vt.欺骗,欺诈 | |
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275 gentry | |
n.绅士阶级,上层阶级 | |
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276 evaded | |
逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 ); 避开; 回避; 想不出 | |
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277 evade | |
vt.逃避,回避;避开,躲避 | |
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278 mowing | |
n.割草,一次收割量,牧草地v.刈,割( mow的现在分词 ) | |
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279 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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280 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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281 persecutor | |
n. 迫害者 | |
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282 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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283 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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284 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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285 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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286 writs | |
n.书面命令,令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
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287 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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288 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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289 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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290 shrill | |
adj.尖声的;刺耳的;v尖叫 | |
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291 scythes | |
n.(长柄)大镰刀( scythe的名词复数 )v.(长柄)大镰刀( scythe的第三人称单数 ) | |
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292 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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293 trickled | |
v.滴( trickle的过去式和过去分词 );淌;使)慢慢走;缓慢移动 | |
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294 wilful | |
adj.任性的,故意的 | |
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295 constable | |
n.(英国)警察,警官 | |
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296 lamentable | |
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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297 disorders | |
n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 );凌乱;骚乱;(身心、机能)失调 | |
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298 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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299 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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300 fraught | |
adj.充满…的,伴有(危险等)的;忧虑的 | |
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301 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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302 consolidated | |
a.联合的 | |
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303 arrears | |
n.到期未付之债,拖欠的款项;待做的工作 | |
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304 reimburse | |
v.补偿,付还 | |
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305 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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306 trample | |
vt.踩,践踏;无视,伤害,侵犯 | |
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307 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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308 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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309 frenzy | |
n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
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310 mustering | |
v.集合,召集,集结(尤指部队)( muster的现在分词 );(自他人处)搜集某事物;聚集;激发 | |
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311 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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312 auction | |
n.拍卖;拍卖会;vt.拍卖 | |
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313 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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314 obnoxious | |
adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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315 embittered | |
v.使怨恨,激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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316 antipathies | |
反感( antipathy的名词复数 ); 引起反感的事物; 憎恶的对象; (在本性、倾向等方面的)不相容 | |
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317 illustrated | |
adj. 有插图的,列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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318 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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319 strife | |
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
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320 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
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321 morass | |
n.沼泽,困境 | |
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322 postulate | |
n.假定,基本条件;vt.要求,假定 | |
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323 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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324 repealed | |
撤销,废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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325 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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326 apprenticed | |
学徒,徒弟( apprentice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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327 apprentice | |
n.学徒,徒弟 | |
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328 allotted | |
分配,拨给,摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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329 apprenticeship | |
n.学徒身份;学徒期 | |
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330 apprentices | |
学徒,徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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331 scripture | |
n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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332 scriptures | |
经文,圣典( scripture的名词复数 ); 经典 | |
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333 proficiency | |
n.精通,熟练,精练 | |
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334 persuasions | |
n.劝说,说服(力)( persuasion的名词复数 );信仰 | |
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335 testament | |
n.遗嘱;证明 | |
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336 primate | |
n.灵长类(目)动物,首席主教;adj.首要的 | |
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337 denominations | |
n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 );教派;面额;名称 | |
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338 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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339 secular | |
n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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340 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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341 elucidate | |
v.阐明,说明 | |
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342 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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343 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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344 compilation | |
n.编译,编辑 | |
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345 parental | |
adj.父母的;父的;母的 | |
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346 rental | |
n.租赁,出租,出租业 | |
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347 atheism | |
n.无神论,不信神 | |
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348 indignity | |
n.侮辱,伤害尊严,轻蔑 | |
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349 instructors | |
指导者,教师( instructor的名词复数 ) | |
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350 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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351 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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352 cavil | |
v.挑毛病,吹毛求疵 | |
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353 specified | |
adj.特定的 | |
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354 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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355 defective | |
adj.有毛病的,有问题的,有瑕疵的 | |
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356 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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357 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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358 radicals | |
n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 );根基;基本原理;[数学]根数 | |
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359 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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360 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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361 laymen | |
门外汉,外行人( layman的名词复数 ); 普通教徒(有别于神职人员) | |
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362 prospectively | |
adv.预期; 前瞻性; 潜在; 可能 | |
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363 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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364 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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365 payable | |
adj.可付的,应付的,有利益的 | |
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366 incumbents | |
教区牧师( incumbent的名词复数 ); 教会中的任职者 | |
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367 incumbent | |
adj.成为责任的,有义务的;现任的,在职的 | |
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368 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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369 forerunner | |
n.前身,先驱(者),预兆,祖先 | |
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370 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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371 precarious | |
adj.不安定的,靠不住的;根据不足的 | |
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372 defrauded | |
v.诈取,骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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373 earnings | |
n.工资收人;利润,利益,所得 | |
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374 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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375 specimen | |
n.样本,标本 | |
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376 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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377 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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378 incessantly | |
ad.不停地 | |
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379 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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380 enactment | |
n.演出,担任…角色;制订,通过 | |
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381 thrift | |
adj.节约,节俭;n.节俭,节约 | |
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382 pauper | |
n.贫民,被救济者,穷人 | |
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383 pauperism | |
n.有被救济的资格,贫困 | |
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384 subsist | |
vi.生存,存在,供养 | |
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385 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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386 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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387 paupers | |
n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 );贫民;贫穷 | |
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388 pending | |
prep.直到,等待…期间;adj.待定的;迫近的 | |
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389 exertions | |
n.努力( exertion的名词复数 );费力;(能力、权力等的)运用;行使 | |
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390 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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391 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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392 tenement | |
n.公寓;房屋 | |
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393 expedients | |
n.应急有效的,权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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394 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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395 evict | |
vt.驱逐,赶出,撵走 | |
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396 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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397 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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398 stationary | |
adj.固定的,静止不动的 | |
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399 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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400 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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401 deficit | |
n.亏空,亏损;赤字,逆差 | |
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402 tabulated | |
把(数字、事实)列成表( tabulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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403 bounty | |
n.慷慨的赠予物,奖金;慷慨,大方;施与 | |
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404 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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405 villas | |
别墅,公馆( villa的名词复数 ); (城郊)住宅 | |
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406 abject | |
adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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407 dwelling | |
n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
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408 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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409 disbursed | |
v.支出,付出( disburse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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410 sluggish | |
adj.懒惰的,迟钝的,无精打采的 | |
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411 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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412 inmates | |
n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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413 subsisting | |
v.(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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414 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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415 eligible | |
adj.有条件被选中的;(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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416 embodied | |
v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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417 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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418 delegation | |
n.代表团;派遣 | |
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419 anomalous | |
adj.反常的;不规则的 | |
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420 certify | |
vt.证明,证实;发证书(或执照)给 | |
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421 attested | |
adj.经检验证明无病的,经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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422 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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423 interfered | |
v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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424 putative | |
adj.假定的 | |
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425 imprison | |
vt.监禁,关押,限制,束缚 | |
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426 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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427 rendering | |
n.表现,描写 | |
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428 corroborate | |
v.支持,证实,确定 | |
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429 prosecuting | |
检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 ); 对某人提起公诉; 继续从事(某事物); 担任控方律师 | |
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430 guardians | |
监护人( guardian的名词复数 ); 保护者,维护者 | |
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431 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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432 expended | |
v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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433 sterling | |
adj.英币的(纯粹的,货真价实的);n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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434 condemning | |
v.(通常因道义上的原因而)谴责( condemn的现在分词 );宣判;宣布…不能使用;迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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435 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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436 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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437 futile | |
adj.无效的,无用的,无希望的 | |
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438 plantations | |
n.种植园,大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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439 plantation | |
n.种植园,大农场 | |
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440 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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441 atrocities | |
n.邪恶,暴行( atrocity的名词复数 );滔天大罪 | |
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442 brutality | |
n.野蛮的行为,残忍,野蛮 | |
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443 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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444 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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445 indefatigable | |
adj.不知疲倦的,不屈不挠的 | |
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446 abominable | |
adj.可厌的,令人憎恶的 | |
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447 promulgate | |
v.宣布;传播;颁布(法令、新法律等) | |
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448 heresies | |
n.异端邪说,异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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449 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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450 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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451 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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452 meek | |
adj.温顺的,逆来顺受的 | |
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453 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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454 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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455 blessings | |
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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456 adoption | |
n.采用,采纳,通过;收养 | |
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457 marketing | |
n.行销,在市场的买卖,买东西 | |
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458 redeem | |
v.买回,赎回,挽回,恢复,履行(诺言等) | |
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459 redeeming | |
补偿的,弥补的 | |
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460 lashes | |
n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 );鞭子;突然猛烈的一击;急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 );煽动;紧系;怒斥 | |
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461 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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462 preoccupied | |
adj.全神贯注的,入神的;被抢先占有的;心事重重的v.占据(某人)思想,使对…全神贯注,使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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463 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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464 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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465 unconditional | |
adj.无条件的,无限制的,绝对的 | |
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466 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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467 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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468 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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469 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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470 strenuous | |
adj.奋发的,使劲的;紧张的;热烈的,狂热的 | |
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471 expiration | |
n.终结,期满,呼气,呼出物 | |
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472 appraised | |
v.估价( appraise的过去式和过去分词 );估计;估量;评价 | |
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473 lodging | |
n.寄宿,住所;(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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474 perverse | |
adj.刚愎的;坚持错误的,行为反常的 | |
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475 emancipated | |
adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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476 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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477 festive | |
adj.欢宴的,节日的 | |
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478 gatherings | |
聚集( gathering的名词复数 ); 收集; 采集; 搜集 | |
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479 thwart | |
v.阻挠,妨碍,反对;adj.横(断的) | |
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480 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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481 wreaking | |
诉诸(武力),施行(暴力),发(脾气)( wreak的现在分词 ) | |
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482 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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483 savagely | |
adv. 野蛮地,残酷地 | |
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484 inhumanly | |
adv.无人情味地,残忍地 | |
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485 provocations | |
n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 );激怒;刺激;愤怒的原因 | |
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486 equitable | |
adj.公平的;公正的 | |
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487 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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488 initiated | |
n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始,创始,启蒙,介绍加入 | |
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489 blindfold | |
vt.蒙住…的眼睛;adj.盲目的;adv.盲目地;n.蒙眼的绷带[布等]; 障眼物,蒙蔽人的事物 | |
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490 skull | |
n.头骨;颅骨 | |
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491 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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492 vehemently | |
adv. 热烈地 | |
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493 mischief | |
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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494 assassinations | |
n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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495 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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496 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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497 indicted | |
控告,起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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498 assassinate | |
vt.暗杀,行刺,中伤 | |
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499 agitating | |
搅动( agitate的现在分词 ); 激怒; 使焦虑不安; (尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而)激烈争论 | |
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500 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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501 hull | |
n.船身;(果、实等的)外壳;vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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502 imputation | |
n.归罪,责难 | |
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503 passionately | |
ad.热烈地,激烈地 | |
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504 custody | |
n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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505 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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506 inviolate | |
adj.未亵渎的,未受侵犯的 | |
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507 sanguine | |
adj.充满希望的,乐观的,血红色的 | |
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508 audacity | |
n.大胆,卤莽,无礼 | |
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509 factious | |
adj.好搞宗派活动的,派系的,好争论的 | |
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510 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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511 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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512 consummate | |
adj.完美的;v.成婚;使完美 [反]baffle | |
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513 shafts | |
n.轴( shaft的名词复数 );(箭、高尔夫球棒等的)杆;通风井;一阵(疼痛、害怕等) | |
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514 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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515 dissented | |
不同意,持异议( dissent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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516 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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517 rescinded | |
v.废除,取消( rescind的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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518 compulsory | |
n.强制的,必修的;规定的,义务的 | |
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519 commute | |
vi.乘车上下班;vt.减(刑);折合;n.上下班交通 | |
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520 residue | |
n.残余,剩余,残渣 | |
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521 appropriation | |
n.拨款,批准支出 | |
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522 laconic | |
adj.简洁的;精练的 | |
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523 extemporaneous | |
adj.即席的,一时的 | |
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524 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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525 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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526 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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527 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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528 omission | |
n.省略,删节;遗漏或省略的事物,冗长 | |
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529 meddlesome | |
adj.爱管闲事的 | |
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|
530 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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531 harassing | |
v.侵扰,骚扰( harass的现在分词 );不断攻击(敌人) | |
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532 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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533 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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534 tardy | |
adj.缓慢的,迟缓的 | |
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535 dormant | |
adj.暂停活动的;休眠的;潜伏的 | |
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536 steer | |
vt.驾驶,为…操舵;引导;vi.驾驶 | |
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537 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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538 steadfastness | |
n.坚定,稳当 | |
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539 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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540 deterred | |
v.阻止,制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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|
541 repulses | |
v.击退( repulse的第三人称单数 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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542 citadel | |
n.城堡;堡垒;避难所 | |
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543 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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544 vigilantly | |
adv.警觉地,警惕地 | |
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545 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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546 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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