A combination of circumstances invested the accession on the 20th of June, of the Princess Victoria, with peculiar11 interest. She was the third female Sovereign called to occupy the throne since the Reformation; and like those of Elizabeth and Anne, her reign12 has served to mark an era in British history. The novelty of a female Sovereign, especially one so young, had a charm for all classes in society. The superior gifts and the amiable13 disposition14 of the Princess, the care with which she had been educated by her mother, and all that had been known of her private life and her favourite pursuits, prepared the nation to hail her accession with sincere acclamations. There was something which could not fail to excite the imagination and touch the heart, in seeing one who in a private station would be regarded as a mere15 girl, just old enough to come out into society, called upon to assume the sceptre of the greatest empire in the world, and to sit upon one of the oldest thrones, receiving the willing homage16 of statesmen and warriors17 who had been historic characters for half a century. We are not surprised, therefore, to read that the mingled18 majesty19 and grace with which she assumed her high functions excited universal admiration20, and "drew tears from many eyes which had not been wet for half a lifetime;" and that warriors trembled with emotion, who had never known fear in the presence of the enemy. When the ceremony of taking the oath of allegiance had been gone through, her Majesty addressed the Privy21 Council:—"The severe and afflicting22 loss which the nation has sustained by the death of his Majesty, my beloved uncle, has devolved upon me the duty of administering the government of this empire. This awful responsibility is imposed upon me so suddenly, and at so early a period of my life, that I should feel myself utterly23 oppressed by the burden, were I not sustained by the hope that Divine Providence24, which has called me to this work, will give me strength for the performance of it; and that I shall find in the purity of my intentions, and in my zeal25 for the public welfare, that support and those resources which usually belong to a more mature age and to long experience. I place my firm reliance upon the wisdom of Parliament, and upon the loyalty26 and affection of my people."
The young Queen enjoyed, in the new King of Hanover, the advantage of a foil which, with all the force of contrast, placed her character as a constitutional Sovereign in the best possible light. At her accession, the Crown of Hanover, which could not be inherited by a female, was separated from the Crown of England, with which it had been united since the accession of George I. in 1714, and had descended27 to the Duke of Cumberland, the next surviving male heir of George III. This severance28, instead of being regarded as a loss, was really felt as a great relief by the British nation, not only as terminating its connection with German politics, from which nothing but annoyance29 and expense could result, but, what was regarded as much more important, freeing the country from the presence of the Duke of Cumberland, who was detested30 for his arbitrary temper. On the 24th of June, Ernest Augustus, King of Hanover, left London, apparently31 in a very churlish spirit, and breathing hostility32 to constitutional freedom in the country which was to be cursed by his rule. So strong were his feelings against constitutional government that he had not the grace to receive a deputation of the Chambers33, who came to offer him their homage and their congratulations; and on the 5th of July[444] he hastened to issue a proclamation, announcing his intention to abolish the Constitution. He not only did this, but he ejected from their offices, and banished34 from their country, some of the most eminent35 professors in the University of G?ttingen. It was thus he inaugurated a rule of iron despotism worse than that of the native princes, who had not the advantage of being brought up in a free country.
The Queen did not disturb the Administration which she found in office. The Premier36, Lord Melbourne, who was now fifty-eight years old, had had much experience of public life. He had been Chief Secretary for Ireland, Home Secretary, and Prime Minister, to which position he had been called the second time, after the failure of Sir Robert Peel's Administration in the spring of 1835. The young Queen seems to have looked to his counsel with a sort of filial deference37; and from the time of her accession to the close of his career he devoted38 himself to the important task of instructing and guiding his royal mistress in the discharge of her various official duties—a task of great delicacy39, which he performed with so much ability and success as not only to win her gratitude40, but to secure also the approbation41 of the country, and to disarm42 the hostility of political opponents. No royal pupil, it may be safely said, ever did more credit to a mentor43 than did Queen Victoria. For the time being, Lord Melbourne took up his residence at Windsor, and acted as the Queen's Secretary.
Prior to the Revolution the sums voted for the Civil List were granted without any specification44 as to whether they should be applied45 to the maintenance of the army, the navy, the civil government, or the household. The king got a lump sum for carrying on the government, defending the country, and supporting the royal dignity; and was allowed to apportion46 it according to his own discretion—the plan most agreeable to an arbitrary monarch47. After the Revolution the expenses of the army and navy were separately voted, and the charges for civil government have been gradually removed from the Civil List. At the accession of William IV. these charges were reduced to the amount required for the expenses of the Royal Household, by the removal of the salaries of the judges, the ambassadors, and the Lord-Lieutenant48 of Ireland, together with a number of Civil List pensions. This fact should be borne in mind in connection with the sums on the Civil List of former Sovereigns. For example: William III., Anne, and George I. had £700,000 a year; George II. and George III., £800,000; George IV., £850,000; William IV., £500,000; Queen Victoria received £385,000. The application was thus limited: Privy Purse, £60,000; household salaries and retired49 allowances, £131,260; household expenses, £172,500; royal bounty50, alms, and special services, £13,200; leaving an unappropriated balance of upwards51 of £8,000 to be employed in supplementing any of the other charges, or in any way her Majesty thought proper. The Pension List was limited to £1,200 per annum, and the incomes from the Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, estimated at £50,000 a year, were secured to the Crown. Economists53 grumbled54 about the magnitude of these allowances, and Lord Melbourne was accused of being over-indulgent to the youthful Sovereign; but her immense popularity silenced all murmurers, and the nation felt happy to give her any amount of money she required.
On the 17th of July—a week after the burial of the King—the Queen went in state to meet Parliament. She was received along the line of procession with extraordinary enthusiasm; and never on the accession of a Sovereign was the House of Peers so thronged55 by ladies of rank. A tone of kindness, mercy, and conciliation56, befitting her youth and sex, marked her first Speech from the Throne. She stated that she regarded with peculiar interest the measures that had been brought to maturity57 for the mitigation of the criminal code, and the reduction of the number of capital punishments; promised that it should be her care to strengthen our institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, by discreet58 improvement, wherever improvement was required, and to do all in her power to compose and allay59 animosity and discord60. Immediately on the delivery of the Royal Speech Parliament was prorogued61 in order to its dissolution. The general elections speedily followed, and were all over early in August. The Ministerial candidates were accused of making an unconstitutional use of the Queen's name in their addresses, and availing themselves of her popularity to strengthen the position of the Government, and the Conservatives asserted that the Queen had no partiality for her present advisers62, whom she found in office, and bore with only till Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues should feel strong enough to take their places. The elections did not materially alter the balance of parties, the Whigs still commanding a small majority.
THE QUEEN'S FIRST COUNCIL.
AFTER THE PAINTING BY SIR DAVID WILKIE, R. A., IN THE ROYAL COLLECTION.
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NIAGARA FALLS.
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Parliament met on the 15th of November, when Mr. Abercromby was unanimously re-elected Speaker. On the 20th the Queen opened the new Parliament in person. In the Royal Speech the serious attention of the Legislature was requested to the consideration of the state of the province of Lower Canada, which had now become a question that could not be any longer deferred63. The demands of the inhabitants of that province were so extravagant64 that they were regarded by Sir Robert Peel as revolutionary. They demanded, not only that the Executive Council should be responsible to the House of Representatives, but also that the Senate, or Upper House, then nominated by the Crown, should be elected by the people. The Home Government, sustained by an overwhelming majority of the House of Commons, rejected the demand; and when the news reached Canada, the Lower Province was quickly in a flame of rebellion. Violent harangues65 were delivered to excited assemblies of armed men, who were called upon to imitate the glorious example of the United States, and break the yoke66 of British oppression. Fortunately, disaffection in the Upper Provinces was confined to a minority. The Loyalists held counter-demonstrations67 at Montreal; regiments68 of volunteers to support the Government and maintain the British connection were rapidly formed, and filled up by brave men determined69 to lay down their lives for the fair young Queen who now demanded their allegiance. Sir Francis Head had so much confidence in the inhabitants of the Upper Provinces that he sent all the regular troops into Lower Canada for the purpose of suppressing the insurrection. A small force, under the command of Colonel Gore70, encountered 1,500 of the rebels so strongly posted in stone houses in the villages of St. Denis and St. Charles that they were obliged to retreat before the well directed fire from the windows, with the loss of six killed and ten wounded, leaving their only field-piece behind. Among the wounded was Lieutenant Weir71, who was barbarously murdered by the insurgents72. At St. Charles, Colonel Wetherall, at the head of another detachment, stormed the stronghold of the rebels, and completely routed them, after an obstinate73 resistance, with a loss of only three killed and eighteen wounded. The strength of the insurgents,[446] however, lay in the country of the Two Mountains, where they were pursued by Sir John Colborne in person, with a force of 13,000 men, including volunteers. Many of them took to flight at his approach, including their commander Girod, who, on being pursued and captured, shot himself. But 400 rebels, commanded by Dr. Chenier, took up a position in a church and some other buildings, around which they erected74 barricades75, and there made a desperate resistance for two hours. Next day the British troops proceeded to another stronghold of the rebels, St. Benoit, which they found abandoned, and to which the exasperated76 loyalists set fire. Papineau, the leader of the insurrection, had escaped to New York.
Sir Francis Head had made a somewhat dangerous experiment in denuding77 Upper Canada of troops, conceiving it to be his duty to lay before the American people the incontrovertible fact that, by the removal of her Majesty's forces and by the surrender of 600 stand of arms to the civil authorities, the people of Upper Canada had virtually been granted an opportunity of revolting; consequently, as the British Constitution had been protected solely78 by the sovereign will of the people, it became, even by the greatest of all republican maxims80, the only law of the land. This was not done, however, without an attempt at revolt, made chiefly by Irish Roman Catholics. The leader of this movement was W. L. Mackenzie, the editor of a newspaper. On the night of the 3rd of December, 1837, this leader marched at the head of 500 rebels, from Montgomery's Tavern81, his headquarters, upon Toronto, having initiated82 the war by the murder of Colonel Moodie. They were, however, driven away. Mackenzie fled in disguise to Buffalo83, in New York; a large number of the rebels were taken prisoners, but almost immediately released, and sent to their homes.
It was on this occasion that the loyalty of the British settlers in Upper Canada shone forth84 with the most chivalrous85 devotion to the throne of the Queen. The moment the news arrived of Mackenzie's attack upon Toronto, the militia86 everywhere seized their arms, mustered87 in companies, and from Niagara, Gore, Lake Shireve, and many other places, set out on their march in the heavy snow in the depth of winter. So great was the excitement, so enthusiastic the loyalty, that in three days 10,000 armed volunteers had assembled at Toronto. There was, however, no further occasion for their services in that place, and even the scattered88 remnants of the insurrection would have been extinguished but for the interference of filibustering90 citizens of the United States, who were then called "sympathisers," and who had assembled in considerable numbers along the Niagara River. They had established their headquarters on Navy Island in the Niagara River, about two miles above the Falls, having taken possession of it on the 13th of December, and made it their chief dep?t of arms and provisions, the latter of which they brought from the American shore by means of a small steamer called the Caroline. Colonel M'Nab resolved to destroy the Caroline, and to root out the nest of pirates by whom she was employed. On the 28th of December a party of militia found her moored91 opposite Fort Schlosser, on the American side, strongly guarded by bodies of armed men, both on board and on shore. Lieutenant Drew commanded the British party, and after a fierce conflict the vessel92 was boarded and captured, a number of those who manned her being taken prisoners. These being removed, the British set the vessel on fire, and the flaming mass was swept down the rapids, and precipitated93 into the unfathomable abyss below. According to the American version of this affair, the British had made an unprovoked and most wanton attack upon an unarmed vessel belonging to a neighbouring State, on American territory, at a time of profound peace. The truth came out by degrees, and the American President, Van Buren, issued a proclamation on the 5th of January, 1838, warning all citizens of the United States that if they interfered94 in any unlawful manner with the affairs of the neighbouring British provinces, they would render themselves liable to arrest and punishment.
Such was the state of things in Canada which the Imperial Parliament was called upon to consider in the spring of 1838. The first feeling which the news of the insurrection produced in Britain was one of alarm; the next was that all the forces that could be spared should be immediately dispatched for the purpose of crushing the revolt; and a ship of the line was employed for the first time in carrying a battalion95 of 800 Guards across the Atlantic. The Duke of Wellington censured96 the Government for not having had a sufficient military force to preserve the peace in Canada, and used the oft-repeated expression that was stultified97 on several occasions during the latter portion of Victoria's reign, that a great nation cannot make a little war. On the 22nd of January Lord John Russell moved[447] for leave to bring in a Bill suspending the Constitution in Lower Canada for three years, and providing for the future government of that province, with a view to effecting a satisfactory settlement of the affairs of the colony. He stated that her Majesty's Government had resolved to send out an experienced statesman, of high character and position, and of well-known popular sympathies, with ample powers, and that Lord Durham had consented to go. The Government measure was carried in the House of Commons by a majority of 262 to 16, and unanimously in the Lords.
The Lord High Commissioner4 immediately proceeded on his great mission, and after a tedious voyage landed at Quebec on the 29th of May. He took with him, as his private secretary, Mr. Charles Buller, a man of singular ability, an ardent99 friend of free institutions, gifted with a large mind and generous sympathies, and a spirit that rose superior to all party considerations. A more suitable man could scarcely have been found for such a work. But he also took out with him Mr. Turton and Mr. Gibbon Wakefield, men of ability but hopelessly damaged in character. He promptly101 proceeded to dismiss his Council and to select another of five who had no acquaintance with Canadian politics. He found on his arrival 116 state prisoners, whose trial had been postponed102, awaiting his instructions. On the 28th of June the Lord High Commissioner published an ordinance, in which it was stated that Wolfred Nelson, and seven other persons therein named, had acknowledged their guilt103, and submitted themselves to her Majesty's pleasure; that Papineau, with fifteen others, had absconded104. The former were sentenced to be transported to Bermuda during pleasure, there to be submitted to such restraints as might be thought fit; the latter, if they should return to Canada, were to be put to death without further trial. In each of these cases an unfortunate error was committed. The Lord High Commissioner had no legal authority out of Canada, and could not order the detention105 of any one at Bermuda; and to doom106 men to be put to death without further trial, was denounced in Parliament, by Lord Brougham and others, as unconstitutional. Lord Brougham described it as "an appalling107 fact." Such a proceeding108, he said, was "contrary to every principle of justice, and was opposed to the genius and spirit of English law, which humanely109 supposed every accused party to be innocent until he was proved to be guilty." His reasons for the course he had adopted were given by Lord Durham, in a despatch110 to the Home Secretary, dated June 29th. The British party, he said, did not require sanguinary punishment; but they desired security for the future, and the certainty that the returning tranquillity111 of the province would not be arrested by the machinations of the ringleaders of rebellion, either there or in the United States. He said: "I did not think it right to transport these persons to a convict colony, for two reasons; first, because it was affixing112 a character of moral infamy113 on their acts, which public opinion did not sanction; and, secondly114, because I hold it to be impolitic to force on the colony itself persons who would be looked on in the light of political martyrs115, and thus acquire perhaps a degree of influence which might be applied to evil uses in a community composed of such dangerous elements."
The ordinance was disallowed at home. Lord Brougham, who had never forgiven his former colleagues the constitution of the Cabinet without his forming a part of it, signalised himself by the extreme bitterness with which he headed the onslaught. The result was that, after protracted116 debates in both Houses of Parliament, which occupied the whole of the summer, and fill up nearly 500 pages of the Parliamentary Proceedings117, the ordinance was annulled118 by Act of Parliament; but an Act was passed indemnifying Lord Durham and the Canadian authorities. The majority in the Commons was so large that the Opposition119 did not venture on a division; and in the Lords the disallowance120 was carried by a majority of 54 to 36. This result occurred on the 10th of August, and Lord Durham saw the news first in the American newspapers. Lords Melbourne and Glenelg softened121 the matter to him as well as they could; the former communicated the intelligence with the greatest regret and the deepest apprehension122 as to its consequences. Lord Durham betrayed his mortification123 unwisely in a proclamation which he immediately issued. As the banishment124 was an exception to the general amnesty he had published, he informed the prisoners at Bermuda that her Majesty being advised to refuse her assent125 to the exceptions, the amnesty existed without qualification, and added—"No impediment, therefore, exists to the return of the persons who have made the most distinctive126 admission of guilt, or have been excluded by me from the province on account of the danger to which it would be exposed by their presence."
Lord Durham at once resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. Poulett Thomson, afterwards Lord[448] Sydenham, who fully127 adopted his policy, which was ably expounded128 in an important report from the pen of Mr. Charles Buller, with additions by Gibbon Wakefield. It was characterised by profound statesmanship, and was the basis of the sound policy which has made united Canada a great and flourishing State. Meanwhile, the returned prisoners from Bermuda showed their sense of the leniency129 with which they had been treated by immediately reorganising the rebellion. Sir John Colborne, the commander-in-chief, who had, on Lord Durham's departure, assumed provisionally the government of the colonies, thereupon proclaimed martial130 law, and stamped out the insurrection. Only twelve of the principal offenders131 were ultimately brought to trial, of whom ten were sentenced to death, but only four were executed. The persons convicted of treason, or political felony, in Upper Canada, from the 1st of October, 1837, to the 1st of November, 1838, were disposed of as follows:—pardoned on giving security, 140; sentenced to confinement132 in penitentiary133, 14; sentenced to banishment, 18; transported to Van Diemen's Land, 27; escaped from Fort Henry, 12. The American prisoners had been sent to Kingston, and tried by court-martial on the 24th of November. Four of them were sentenced to death, and executed, complaining of the deception134 that had been practised on them with regard to the strength of the anti-British party, and the prospects135 of the enterprise. Five others were afterwards found guilty and executed. The American Government, though deprecating those executions on grounds of humanity, disclaimed136 all sanction or encouragement of such piratical invasions, and denied any desire on its part for the annexation137 of Canada.
Out of these troubles arose a new state of things, a new era of peace and prosperity. Lord Durham saw that disaffection and disturbance138 had arisen from the animosity of race and religion, exasperated by favouritism in the Government, and the dispensation of patronage139 through "a family compact." He recommended a liberal, comprehensive, impartial140, and unsectarian policy, with the union of the two provinces under one legislature, and this, after several failures, became law in 1840. It was a revolution quite unexpected by both parties. The disaffected141 French Catholics feared, as the consequence of their defeat, a rule of military repression142; the British Protestants hoped for the firm establishment of their ascendency. Both were disappointed—the latter very painfully, when, notwithstanding their efforts and sacrifices for the maintenance of British power, they saw Papineau, the arch-traitor, whom they would have hanged, Attorney-General in the new Government. However, the wise government of Lord Sydenham soon reconciled them to the altered state of affairs. The new Constitution was proclaimed in Canada on the 10th of February, 1841; and the admirable manner in which it worked proved that Lord Durham, its author, was one of the greatest benefactors143 of the colony, though his want of tact144 had made his mission a failure.
QUEEN VICTORIA IN THE CORONATION ROBES, 1838.
FROM THE PICTURE BY C. R. LESLIE, R.A., IN THE POSSESSION OF THE VICTORIA AND ALBERT MUSEUM, SOUTH KENSINGTON.
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On the 1st of December, 1837, shortly after the opening of Parliament, Lord John Russell introduced a question of great urgency—the relief of the Irish poor. After going through, and commenting on, the several recommendations of the Inquiry145 Commissioners, and noticing the objections to which they were all more or less open, he explained, by way of contrast, the principles on which the present Bill was founded, much in the same manner that he had done on the first introduction of the measure. The statement was generally well received, although there were some marked exceptions in this respect; and the Bill was read a first time without a division. It was, in like manner, read a second time on the 5th of February, 1838; but, on the motion for going into committee, on the 9th, Mr. O'Connell strongly opposed it, and moved that it be committed that day six months. The amendment146 was, however, negatived by 277 to 25, a majority which made the passing of the measure in some form pretty certain. On the 23rd of February the question of settlement was again very fully discussed, and its introduction opposed by 103 to 31, the latter number comprising all that could be brought to vote for a settlement law of any kind. The vagrancy147 clauses were for the present withdrawn148 from the Bill, on the understanding that there would hereafter be a separate measure for the suppression of mendicancy149. The Bill continued to be considered in successive committees until the 23rd of March, when, all the clauses having been gone through and settled, it was ordered to be reported, which was done on the 9th of April. On the 30th of April the Bill was read a third time and passed by the Commons, and on the day following was introduced and read a first time in the Lords. Many of the peers, whose estates were heavily encumbered150, were alarmed at the threatened imposition of a poor-rate, which might swallow up a large portion of their incomes. Those who were opposed to a poor law on economic principles,[449] appealed to their lordships' fears, and excited a determined opposition against the measure. On the 21st of May there was a stormy debate of nine hours' duration. Lord Melbourne moved the second reading in a judicious151 speech, in which he skilfully152 employed the best arguments in favour of a legal provision for the poor, stating that this measure was, in fact, but the extension to Ireland of the English Act of 1834, with such alterations153 as were adapted to the peculiar circumstances of that country. It would suppress mendicancy, and would abate154 agrarian155 violence, while relieving the destitute156 in a way that would not paralyse the feeling of energy and self-reliance. Among the most violent opponents of the measure was Lord Lyndhurst, who declared that it would lead to a dissolution of the union. The Duke of Wellington, on the contrary, contended that the Bill, if amended157 in committee, would improve the social relations of the people of Ireland, and would induce the gentry158 to pay some attention to their properties, and to the occupiers and labourers on their estates. He objected, however, to a law of settlement as leading to unbounded litigation and expense. Owing chiefly to the support of the Duke, the second reading was carried by a majority of 149 to 20. On the motion that the Bill be committed, on the 28th of May, a scene of confusion and violence was presented, surpassing anything that could have been expected in such a dignified159 assembly. The Irish peers especially were in a state of extreme excitement. The discussion was adjourned160 to the 31st, and, after a debate of eight hours, the clause embodying161 the principle of the Bill was adopted by a majority of 107 to 41. The Bill was considered in committee on the 7th, 21st, 22nd, and 26th of June, and was read a third time on the 6th of July. It had now passed the Lords, altered, and in some respects improved; although, in the opinion of its author, the charge upon electoral divisions approximated too nearly to settlement to be quite satisfactory. The Royal Assent was given to the measure on the 31st of July, and thus a law was at length established making provision for the systematic162 and efficient relief of destitution163 in Ireland.
THE CAPTURE OF THE "CAROLINE." (See p. 446.)
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Armed with their Act of Parliament, the Poor Law Commissioners who had been appointed to carry it out hastened to Ireland for the purpose of forming unions, providing workhouses, and making all the necessary arrangements. Mr. Nicholls was accompanied by four Assistant Commissioners, Mr. Gulson, Mr. Earle, Mr. Hawley, and Mr. Voules. They assembled in Dublin on the 9th of October, where they were joined by four Irish Commissioners, namely, Mr. Clements, Mr. Hancock, Mr. O'Donoghue, and Dr. Phelan. The erection of workhouses was proceeded with without loss of time. Reports of the progress made were annually164 published, and in May, 1842, the whole of Ireland had been formed into 130 unions; all the workhouses were either built or in progress of building, and eighty-one had been declared fit for the reception of the destitute poor. Mr. Nicholls left Ireland in 1842, his functions being delegated to a board consisting of Mr. Gulson and Mr. Power. It was indeed a most providential circumstance that the system had been brought into working order before the potato failure of 1846, as it contributed materially to mitigate165 the nameless horrors of the awful famine.
On the 6th of March, Sir William Molesworth, with a view to bringing the whole colonial administration of the empire before the House of Commons, moved that an Address be presented to her Majesty, expressing the opinion of the House that in the present critical state of many of her foreign possessions "the Colonial Minister should be a person in whose diligence, activity, and firmness the House and the public may be able to place reliance;" and declaring that "her Majesty's present Secretary of State for the Colonies does not enjoy the confidence of the House or the country." The honourable166 baronet made a speech of two hours' duration, which was a dissertation167 on colonial policy, containing a survey of the whole of her Majesty's dominions168 in both hemispheres. He disclaimed all party considerations in bringing forward his motion, or any intention to make an invidious attack on Lord Glenelg. But as the colonies were so numerous, so diversified169 in races, religions, languages, institutions, interests, and as they were unrepresented in the Imperial Parliament, it was absolutely necessary that the colonial administration should be vigilant170, prompt, sagacious, energetic, and firm. Lord Glenelg was wanting in these qualities, and the colonies were all suffering more or less from the errors and deficiencies of this ill-fated Minister, "who had, in the words of Lord Aberdeen, reduced doing nothing to a system." Lord Glenelg was defended by Lord Palmerston, who regarded the attack upon him as an assault upon the Cabinet, which would not allow one of its members to be made a scapegoat171. The House divided, when the numbers were—ayes, 287; noes, 316; majority for Ministers, 29. Nevertheless the Ministry were greatly damaged by the debate, which emphasised the growing Radical172 revolt. In the following year Lord Glenelg, having declined to exchange his office for the Auditorship of the Exchequer173, resigned.
At the close of the Session of 1837 an earnest desire was expressed by the leaders of both parties in the House for an amicable174 adjustment of two great Irish questions which had been pending98 for a long time, and had excited considerable ill-feeling, and wasted much of the time of the Legislature—namely, the Irish Church question, and the question of Corporate175 Reform. The Conservatives were disposed to compromise the matter, and to get the Municipal Reform Bill passed through the Lords, provided the Ministry abandoned the celebrated176 Appropriation177 Clause, which would devote any surplus revenue of the Church Establishment, not required for the spiritual care of its members, to the moral and religious education of all classes of the people, without distinction of religious persuasion178; providing for the resumption of such surplus, or any part of it, as might be required, by an increase in the numbers of the members of the Established Church. The result of this understanding was the passing of the Tithe Bill. But there were some little incidents of party warfare179 connected with these matters, which may be noticed here as illustrative of the temper of the times. On the 14th of May Sir Thomas Acland brought forward a resolution for rescinding180 the Appropriation Clause. This Lord John Russell regarded as a breach181 of faith. He said that the present motion was not in accordance with the Duke of Wellington's declared desire to see the Irish questions brought to a final settlement. Sir Robert Peel, however, made a statement to show that the complaint of Lord John Russell about being overreached, was without a shadow of foundation. The noble lord's conduct he declared to be without precedent182. He called upon Parliament to come to the discussion of a great question, upon a motion which he intended should be the foundation of the final settlement of that question; and yet, so ambiguous was his language, that it was impossible to say what was[451] or was not the purport183 of his scheme. Sir Thomas Acland's motion for rescinding the Appropriation resolution was rejected by a majority of 19, the numbers being 317 and 298. On the following day Lord John Russell gave Sir Robert Peel distinctly to understand that the Tithe measure would consist solely of a proposition that the composition then existing should be converted into a rent charge. On the 29th of the same month, Lord John Russell having moved that the House should go into committee on the Irish Municipal Bill, Sir Robert Peel gave his views at length on the Irish questions, which were now taken up in earnest, with a view to their final settlement. The House of Commons having disposed of the Corporation Bill, proceeded on the 2nd of July to consider Lord John Russell's resolutions on the Church question. But Mr. Ward52, who was strong on that question, attacked the Government for their abandonment of the Appropriation Clause. He concluded by moving a series of resolutions reaffirming the appropriation principle. His motion was rejected by a majority of 270 to 46. The House then went into committee, and in due course the Irish Tithe Bill passed into law, and the vexed184 Church question was settled for a quarter of a century. The Municipal Bill, however, was once more mutilated by Lord Lyndhurst, who substituted a £10 for a £5 valuation. The amendment was rejected by the Commons, but the Lords stood firmly by their decision, and a conference between the two Houses having failed to settle the question, the measure was abandoned. In these events the Ministry had incurred185 much disrepute.
The approaching coronation of the Queen became, as the season advanced, the prevailing186 topic of conversation in all circles. The feeling excited by it was so strong, so deep, and so widespread, that a Radical journal pronounced the people to be "coronation mad." The enthusiasm was not confined to the United Kingdom. The contagion187 was carried to the Continent, and foreigners of various ranks, from all nations, flocked into the metropolis188 to behold189 the inauguration190 of the maiden191 monarch of the British Empire. There were, however, some dissentients, whose objections disturbed the current of public feeling. As soon as it was understood that, on the score of economy, the time-honoured custom of having the coronation banquet in Westminster Hall would not be observed, the Marquis of Londonderry and others zealously192 exerted themselves to avert193 the innovation, but their efforts were fruitless. The coronation took place on the 28th of June. The only novel feature of importance consisted in the substitution of a procession through the streets for a banquet in Westminster Hall. It was certainly an improvement, for it afforded the people an opportunity of enjoying the ceremony. Persons of all ages, ranks, and conditions, embodied194 visibly in one animated195 and exalted196 whole, exultant197 and joyful198, came forth to greet the youthful Sovereign. All the houses in the line of march poured forth their occupants to the windows and balconies. The behaviour of the enormous multitude which lined the streets, and afterwards spread over the metropolis, was admirable. The utmost eagerness was shown to furnish all the accommodation for spectators that the space would allow, and there was scarcely a house or a vacant spot along the whole line, from Hyde Park Corner to the Abbey, that was not occupied with galleries or scaffolding. At dawn the population were astir, roused by a salvo of artillery199 from the Tower, and towards six o'clock chains of vehicles, of all sorts and sizes, stretched along the leading thoroughfares; while streams of pedestrians200, in holiday attire201, poured in continuously, so that the suburbs seemed to empty themselves of all their inhabitants at once. At ten o'clock the head of the procession moved from the palace. When the Queen stepped into the State coach a salute202 was fired from the guns ranged in the enclosure, the bands struck up the National Anthem203, a new royal standard was hoisted204 on the Marble Arch, and the multitude broke forth in loud and hearty205 cheers. The foreign ambassadors extraordinary looked superb in their new carriages and splendid uniforms. Among them shone conspicuous206 the state coach of Marshal Soult, and the old hero was received with vast enthusiasm by the populace.
The Queen reached the western entrance of Westminster Abbey at half-past eleven o'clock, and was there met by the great officers of State, the noblemen bearing the regalia, and the bishops207 carrying the paten, the chalice208, and the Bible. The arrangements in the interior of the Abbey were nearly the same as at the previous coronation, but the decorations were in better taste. Galleries had been erected for the accommodation of spectators, to which about 1,000 persons were admitted. There was also a gallery for the members of the House of Commons, and another for foreign ambassadors. Soon after twelve o'clock the grand procession began to enter the choir209, in the order observed on former occasions. The Queen was received with the most hearty plaudits[452] from all parts of the building, and when she was proclaimed in the formula—"Sirs, I here present unto you Queen Victoria—the undoubted Queen of this realm. Wherefore, all you who are come this day to do your homage, are you willing to do the same?"—there was a loud and universal burst of cheering, with cries of "God save the Queen." When the crown was placed on her Majesty's head there was again an enthusiastic cry of "God save the Queen," accompanied by the waving of hats and handkerchiefs. At this moment the peers and peeresses put on their coronets, the bishops their caps, and the kings-of-arms their crowns, the trumpets210 sounding, the drums beating, the Tower and park guns firing by signal. The Dukes of Cambridge and Sussex removing their coronets, did homage in these words:—"I do become your liege man of life and limb, and of earthly worship and faith and truth I will bear unto you to live and die against all manner of folk, so help me God." They touched the crown on the Queen's head, kissed her left cheek, and then retired. It was observed that her Majesty's bearing towards her uncles was very affectionate. The dukes and other peers then performed their homage, the senior of each rank pronouncing the words. As they retired, each peer kissed her Majesty's hand. The Duke of Wellington, Earl Grey, and Lord Melbourne were loudly cheered as they ascended211 the steps to the throne. Lord Rolle, who was upwards of eighty, stumbled and fell on the steps. The Queen immediately stepped forward, and held out her hand to assist the aged100 peer. This touching212 incident called forth the loudly expressed admiration of the entire assembly. While the ceremony of doing homage was being performed, the Earl of Surrey, Treasurer213 of the Household, was scattering214 silver medals of the coronation about the choir and the lower galleries, which were scrambled215 for with great eagerness. The ceremonials did not conclude till past four o'clock.
The procession, on its return, presented a still more striking appearance than before, from the circumstance that the Queen wore her crown, and the royal and noble personages their coronets. The mass of brilliants, relieved here and there by a large coloured stone, and the purple velvet216 cap, became her Majesty extremely well, and had a superb effect. The sight of the streets "paved with heads," and the houses alive with spectators, was most impressive. The Queen entertained a party of one hundred at dinner, and in the evening witnessed, from the roof of her palace, the fireworks in the Green Park. The Duke of Wellington gave a grand banquet at Apsley House, and several Cabinet Ministers gave official State dinners next day. The people were gratified, at the solicitation217 of Mr. Hawes, M.P. for Lambeth, with permission to hold a fair in Hyde Park, which continued for four days, Thursday, Friday, Saturday, and Monday. The area allotted218 comprised nearly one-third of the park, extending from near the margin219 of the Serpentine220 river to a line within a short distance of Grosvenor Gate. To the interior there were eight entrances, the main one fifty feet wide, and the others thirty feet each. The enclosed area was occupied by theatres, taverns221, and an endless variety of exhibitions, the centre being appropriated to lines of stalls for the sale of fancy goods, sweetmeats, and toys. The Queen condescended222 to visit the fair on Friday. The illuminations on the night of the coronation were on a larger and more magnificent scale than had been before seen in the metropolis, and the fireworks were also extremely grand. All the theatres in the metropolis, and nearly all the other places of amusement, were opened gratuitously223 that evening by her Majesty's command, and though all were crowded, the arrangements were so excellent that no accident occurred. In the provinces, rejoicing was universal. Public dinners, feasts to the poor, processions, and illuminations were the order of the day. At Liverpool was laid the first stone of St. George's Hall, in presence of a great multitude. At Cambridge 13,000 persons were feasted on one spot, in the open field, called Parker's Piece, in the centre of which was raised an orchestra for 100 musicians, surrounded by a gallery for 1,600 persons. Encircling this centre were three rows of tables for the school children, and from them radiated, like the spokes224 of a wheel, the main body of the tables, 60 in number, and 25 feet in length. Beyond their outer extremity225 were added 28 other tables, in a circle; and outside the whole a promenade226 was roped in for spectators, who were more numerous than those who dined. The circumference227 of the whole was more than one-third of a mile. Other great towns similarly distinguished228 themselves.
[453]
THE CORONATION OF QUEEN VICTORIA. (After the Picture by Sir George Hayter.)
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In this year the Spanish Legion, which had been sent to help the Constitutionalists in Spain was dissolved, after an inglorious career. It had been constantly attacked by the Conservatives in Parliament. Thus, in the Session of 1837, Lord Mahon, who had been Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs in Sir Robert Peel's Government, reviewed the line of policy pursued by Lord Palmerston. He complained that the public had been kept in a[454] state of ignorance whether they were at peace or at war, and in his opinion it was a peace without tranquillity and a war without honour. The object of the Quadruple Alliance had been to appease229 the civil dissensions in Portugal, and not to sanction the intervention of France and Britain in Spain. He lamented230 the policy that led to the additional articles signed in 1834, which stipulated231 for a certain degree of interference. But Lord Palmerston had thought proper to proceed still further, in suspending the Foreign Enlistment233 Act, and allowing 12,000 Englishmen to enlist232 under the banners of the Queen of Spain. More than £540,000 had been already expended234 in the war; and in Lord Mahon's opinion the influence of Great Britain in Spain had not been augmented235 by these measures, in proof of which he alleged236 that British merchants got less fair play there than French merchants. Lord Palmerston defended his policy against the attacks of Lord Mahon and other speakers. The Quadruple Treaty, he contended, contemplated237 assistance to the Constitutional party in Spain as well as in Portugal. It was concluded because there was a civil war in Portugal; and when the civil war was transferred to Spain, the same parties who took part with Portugal by treaty were bound at an early period to extend its provisions to Spain, its object being expressly "the pacification238 of the Peninsula by the expulsion of the two Infants from it." He differed widely from Lord Mahon in thinking the suspension of the Foreign Enlistment Act was disgraceful to the Government. Examples of the same kind were to be found in the most brilliant periods of the history of England.
General Evans had taken the command of the Spanish Legion, which throughout the whole of the campaign was encompassed239 with difficulties and pursued by disasters, without any military success sufficiently240 brilliant to gild241 the clouds with glory. Within a fortnight after the debate on Lord Mahon's motion came the news of its utter defeat before Hernani. This defeat encouraged the opponents of Lord Palmerston's policy to renew their attacks. Accordingly, immediately after the recess242, Sir Henry Hardinge brought forward a motion on the subject. He complained that no adequate provision was made for the support of those who were in the Legion. At Vittoria they were placed for four months in uninhabited convents, without bedding, fuel, or supplies of any kind. Not less than 40 officers and 700 men fell victims to their privations. The worst consequence was, however, the total demoralisation of the troops. Theirs was not honourable war, it was butchery. They were massacring a fine and independent people, who had committed no offence against Britain. Ill treatment, want of food and of clothing, habits of insubordination and mutiny, and want of confidence in their officers, had produced their natural effects. Let them palliate the disaster as they would, there was no doubt, he said, of the fact that a large body of Britons had suffered a defeat such as he believed no British soldiers had undergone in the course of the last five or six hundred years. The motion was defeated by 70 votes to 62, but as the Legion was dissolved in the following year, 1838, the object of the Opposition was gained.
The employment of children in factories also occupied the attention of Parliament at this time. A Bill had been framed in 1833 with the most benevolent243 intentions for the protection of factory children. The law excluded from factory labour all children under nine years of age, except in silk factories, and prohibited those under thirteen from working more than thirteen hours any one day; the maximum in silk mills alone being ten hours. The provisions of the law were, however, evaded244 by fraud. Children were represented as being much older than they really were, and abuses prevailed that induced Lord Ashley to bring in a Bill upon the subject. Accordingly, on the 22nd of June the noble lord moved, by way of amendment to the order of the day, the second reading of his Bill for the Better Regulation of Factories. The order of the day was carried by a majority of 119 to 111. The Bill was therefore lost by a majority of eight. On the 20th of July Lord Ashley again brought the whole matter under the consideration of the House in a speech full of painful details, and concluded by moving a resolution to the effect that the House deeply regretted that the imperfect and ineffective law for the regulation of labour in factories had been suffered to continue so long without any amendment. He was answered by the usual arguments of the Manchester school about the evils of interfering245 with free contract. Lord John Russell argued that, in the present condition of the manufacturing world, we could not, with restricted hours of labour, compete with other nations. A ten hours' Bill would drive the manufacturers abroad; and it would no longer be a question as to an hour or two more or less work to be performed by the children, but as to how their starvation was to be averted246. On a division, the motion was lost by a majority of 121 to 106. On[455] the 16th of August the Queen proceeded to Westminster for the purpose of proroguing247 Parliament.
The system of combination had spread very widely in 1837 and 1838. So great was the terrorism produced that conviction for an outrage248 was very rare. The utmost precautions were taken to prevent discovery in committing assassination249. Strangers were sent to a great distance for the purpose; and even if they were detected, few persons would run the risk of coming forward as witnesses. The consequence was that in nine cases out of ten combination murders were perpetrated with impunity250. In 1837 the Cotton Spinners' Association at Glasgow struck to prevent a reduction of wages in consequence of the mercantile embarrassments251 arising from the commercial crash in the United States. This association had its branches all over Scotland and the North of England. During sixteen years a total of £200,000 had passed through its hands. So extensive were its ramifications252 that, when it struck in the spring of 1837, no less than 50,000 persons, including the families of the workers, were deprived of the means of existence, and reduced to the last degree of destitution. Crowds of angry workmen paraded the streets and gathered round the factory gates, to prevent other people from going in to work; fire-balls were thrown into the mills for the purpose of burning them. At length the members of the association went so far as to shoot one of the new hands in open day in a public street of Glasgow. In consequence of this outrage the sheriff of Lanarkshire proceeded with a body of twenty policemen and arrested the members of the secret committee, sixteen in number, who were found assembled in a garret, to which they obtained access by a trap-ladder, in Gallowgate of that city. This was on Saturday night, August 3rd. On the Monday following the strike was at an end, and all the mills in Glasgow were going. The jury found the prisoners guilty of conspiracy253, and they were sentenced to transportation, but the murder not proven—a result which excited some surprise, as the evidence was thought to have warranted a general verdict of "Guilty." This was, two years after, followed by their being all liberated254 from confinement by Lord Normanby, then Home Secretary.
However, the agitation255 of the working classes continued; and, when Parliament met in February, 1839, the concluding paragraph of the Speech referred to the disturbances256 and combinations among the working classes: "I have observed with pain the persevering257 efforts which have been made in some parts of the country to excite my subjects to disobedience and resistance to the law, and to recommend dangerous and illegal practices. For the counteraction258 of all such designs I depend upon the efficacy of the law, which it will be my duty to enforce, upon the good sense and right disposition of my people, upon their attachment259 to the principles of justice, and their abhorrence260 of violence and disorder261." In the course of the debate in the Commons Sir Robert Peel adverted262 to the paragraph referring to illegal meetings. Having read several extracts from the speeches of Mr. Stephens, Dr. Wade263, and Mr. Feargus O'Connor delivered at Chartist meetings, he quoted, for the purpose of reprehending264, a speech delivered by Lord John Russell at Liverpool in the previous month of October, when, alluding265 to the Chartist meeting, the noble lord said, "There are some perhaps who would put down such meetings, but such was not his opinion, nor that of the Government with which he acted. He thought the people had a right to free discussion which elicited266 truth. They had a right to meet. If they had no grievances267, common sense would speedily come to the rescue, and put an end to these meetings." These sentiments, remarked Sir Robert Peel, might be just, and even truisms; yet the unseasonable expression of truth in times of public excitement was often dangerous. The Reform Bill, he said, had failed to give permanent satisfaction as he had throughout predicted would be the case, and he well knew that a concession268 of further reform, in the expectation of producing satisfaction or finality, would be only aggravating269 the disappointment, and that in a few years they would be encountered by further demands.
It was during the year 1838 that the Chartists became an organised body. The working classes had strenuously270 supported the middle classes in obtaining their political rights during the agitation for the Reform Bill, and they expected to receive help in their turn to obtain political franchises272 for themselves, but they found Parliament indifferent or hostile to any further changes in the representation, while the middle class, satisfied with their own acquisitions, were not inclined to exert themselves much for the extension of political rights among the masses. The discontent and disappointment of the latter were aggravated273 by a succession of bad harvests, setting in about 1835. The hardships of their condition, with scanty274 employment and dear provisions, the people ascribed to their want of direct influence upon the[456] Government. This gave rise to a vigorous agitation for the extension of the franchise271, which was carried on for ten years. In 1838 a committee of six members of Parliament and six working men prepared a Bill embodying their demands. This was called the "People's Charter." Its points were six in number:—First, the extension of the right of voting to every male native of the United Kingdom, and every naturalised foreigner resident in the kingdom for more than two years, who should be twenty-one years of age, of sound mind, and unconvicted of crime; second, equal electoral districts; third, vote by ballot275; fourth, annual Parliaments; fifth, no property qualification for members; sixth, payment of members of Parliament for their services.
The popular agitation became so alarming, however, that Mr. Stevens, one of its instigators, was indicted276 and held to bail277 on a charge of sedition278. But this interference with liberty of speech served only to inflame279 the excitement, and to render the language of the orators280 more violent. In June, 1839, Mr. Attwood presented the Chartist petition to the House of Commons, bearing 1,200,000 signatures, and on the 15th of July he moved that it should be referred to a select committee, but the motion was rejected by a majority of 289 to 281. This gave a fresh impulse to the agitation. The most inflammatory speakers besides Mr. Stephens were Mr. Oastler and Mr. Feargus O'Connor. The use of arms began to be freely spoken of as a legitimate281 means of obtaining their rights. Pikes and guns were procured282 in great quantities; drilling was practised, and armed bands marched in nocturnal processions, to the terror of the peaceable inhabitants. At length, Lord John Russell, as Home Secretary, reluctant as he was to interfere89 with the free action of the people, issued a proclamation to the lieutenants283 of the disturbed counties, authorising them to accept the armed assistance of persons who might place themselves at their disposal for the preservation284 of the public peace. As a means of showing their numerical strength, the Chartists adopted the plan of going round from house to house with two books, demanding subscriptions285 for the support of the Charter, entering the names of subscribers in one book, and of non-subscribers in the other. Each subscriber286 received a ticket, which was to be his protection in case of insurrection, while the non-subscribers were given to understand that their names would be remembered. Another striking mode of demonstrating their power and producing an impression, though not the most agreeable one, was to go in procession to the churches on Sunday some time before Divine service began, and to take entire possession of the body of the edifice287. They conducted themselves quietly, however, although some were guilty of the impropriety of wearing their hats and smoking pipes.
Monster meetings, not unaccompanied by disturbance, were held in various places, the most serious of which occurred at Birmingham. The inhabitants of this town had been kept in a state of almost incessant288 alarm by the proceedings of disorderly persons calling themselves Chartists. Representations to this effect having been sent to the Home Office, sixty picked men of the metropolitan289 force were sent down to aid the civil authorities in the preservation of peace. They arrived at Birmingham by the railway on Thursday, July 4th, and speedily mustering290, they marched two abreast291 into the Bull Ring, where about 2,000 Chartists were assembled, at nine o'clock in the evening. They endeavoured, at first, to induce the meeting quietly to disperse292, but failed in the attempt. They then seized the flags with which Lord Nelson's monument in the centre of the square was decorated, and among which was one that bore a death's head; but the Chartists, who had at first been disconcerted, recaptured them, after a desperate struggle, and broke their staves into pieces, to be used as clubs. A conflict immediately ensued, in which the police, who were armed only with batons293, were seriously injured; and the Chartists were retiring in triumph when the 4th Dragoons charged them, by concert, through all the streets leading to the Bull Ring, and they fled in every direction. Further riots ensued, and on the 15th an organised mob attacked the houses in the High Street and Spiral Street. They broke into the warehouses294, flinging their contents into the streets. A large pile of bedding was set on fire in the Bull Ring. Windows and shop-fittings were remorselessly demolished295 by the infuriated multitude. A few minutes past nine o'clock the cry of "Fire!" was raised. Scarcely had the words been uttered when the rioters carried immense heaps of burning materials from the streets, forcing them into the houses of Mr. Bourne and Mr. Legatt. Within a quarter of an hour the flames burst out with awful violence from both houses, amidst the exulting296 shouts of the rioters. While this work of destruction was going on they had the streets to themselves. The general cry among the inhabitants was, "Where are the military? Where are the magistrates?" At length, about ten o'clock, sixty of the metropolitan[457] police, with a posse of special constables297, made their appearance, and rushed upon the rioters sword in hand, causing them to fly in all directions. The dragoons, under the command of Colonel Chatterton, were now discerned galloping298 down Moore Street, and another squadron at the same moment down High Street, and in five minutes about 300 of the Rifle Brigade marched to the Bull Ring. The inhabitants, feeling like people sore pressed by a long siege, clapped their hands with joy at the approach of their deliverers. The fire engines also came under escort, having been driven away before, and set about arresting the conflagration299. In the meantime the cavalry300 were scouring301 and clearing the streets and suburbs, and the police were busily engaged bringing in prisoners. About midnight the roofs of the two houses fell in, and about one o'clock the fire was got under. Next day the shops were nearly all closed, the middle classes full of suspicion, and the populace vowing302 vengeance303 against the police and the soldiers. A piece of artillery placed at the head of High Street contributed materially to prevent further disturbance. About twenty prisoners were made, and the evidence produced before the magistrates showed the determined purpose of the rioters. When these outrages304 were the subject of discussion in the House of Lords, the Duke of Wellington said, "That he had seen as much of war as most men; but he had never seen a town carried by assault subjected to such violence as Birmingham had been during an hour by its own inhabitants."
CHARTISTS AT CHURCH. (See p. 456.)
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The excitement was kept up during the summer and autumn by meetings held in various places, and the arrest of persons taking a prominent part in the proceedings. On the 4th of August there was an evening meeting at Manchester held in Stephenson's Square, when about 5,000 persons attended. The object was to determine whether "the sacred month" should commence on the 12th of August or not. Mr. Butterworth, who moved the first resolution, said he considered that the Chartists of 1839 were the Whigs of 1832, and the Whigs of 1839 were the Tories of 1832. The Whigs were more violent then than the Chartists now, and yet the Whigs were the very men to punish the Chartists. During the meeting persons[458] in the crowd continued to discharge firearms. There was, however, no disturbance of the public peace.
Government now resorted to vigorous measures; the Chartist leaders were brought to trial, and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment305. At a meeting of the National Convention held on the 14th of September, it was moved by Mr. O'Brien, and seconded by Dr. Taylor, that the Convention be dissolved. On a division, the numbers were for the dissolution eleven; against it eleven. The chairman gave his casting vote in favour of the dissolution. It was thereupon hoped, and, indeed, publicly declared by the Attorney-General, that Chartism was extinct and would never again be revived. It soon appeared, however, that this was a delusion306, and that a most formidable attempt at revolution by force of arms had been planned with great care and secrecy307, and on a comprehensive scale, the principal leader being a justice of the peace. Among the new borough308 magistrates made by the Whigs after the passing of the Reform Bill was Mr. John Frost, a linendraper at Newport. At the beginning of the Chartist agitation in 1838 Mr. Frost attended a meeting in that town, when he made a violent speech, for which he was reprimanded by the Home Secretary. But this warning was far from having the desired effect. During the autumn of 1839 he entered into a conspiracy with two other leaders—Jones, a watchmaker, of Pontypool, and Williams, of the Royal Oak Inn, in the parish of Aberystwith—to take possession of the town of Newport, which was to be the signal for a simultaneous rising of the Chartists in Birmingham and in all other parts of the kingdom. But the weather was unfavourable and the night was dark. The divisions under the command of Jones and Williams failed to arrive at the appointed time, and the party under the command of Frost himself was late. The intention was to surprise Newport at about midnight on Sunday, the 3rd of November; but owing to the wetness of the weather it was not till ten o'clock on Monday morning that the insurgents entered the town in two divisions, one headed by Frost, and another by his son, a youth of fourteen or fifteen. They were armed with guns, pistols, pikes, swords, and heavy clubs. The mayor, Mr. Thomas Philips, apprised309 of their approach, had taken prompt measures for the defence of the place.
When the insurgents, about 8,000 strong, drew up in front of the Westgate Hotel, the principal point of attack, Frost commanded the special constables to surrender. On their refusal the word was given to fire, and a volley was discharged against the bow window of the room where the military were located, and at the same moment the rioters, with their pikes and other instruments, drove in the door and rushed into the passage. It was a critical moment, but the mayor and the magistrates were equal to the emergency. The Riot Act having been read by the mayor amidst a shower of bullets, the soldiers charged their muskets310, the shutters311 were opened, and the fighting began. A shower of slugs immediately poured in from the street, which wounded Mr. Philips and several other persons. But the soldiers opened a raking discharge upon the crowd without, and after a few rounds, by which a great many persons fell dead on the spot, the assailants broke and fled in all directions. Frost, Williams, and Jones were tried by a special commission at Monmouth, and found guilty of high treason. Sentence of death was pronounced upon them on the 16th of January, 1840, but on the 1st of February the sentence was commuted312 to transportation for life. A free pardon was granted to them on the 3rd of May, 1856, and they returned to England in the September following. Mayor Philips was knighted for his gallantry.
The first day of 1839 was marked in Ireland by an atrocious crime. The Earl of Norbury, an amiable nobleman, regarded as one of the most exemplary of his class, both as a man and a landlord, was shot by an assassin in the open day near his own house at Kilbeggan, and in presence of his steward313. The murderer escaped. This event deserves special mention, because it was, during the year, the subject of frequent reference in Parliament. There was a meeting of magistrates at Tullamore, at which Lord Oxmantown presided, at which the Earl of Charleville took occasion to animadvert very strongly upon an expression in a letter, in answer to a memorial lately presented by the magistrates of Tipperary, in which Mr. Drummond, the Under-Secretary, uttered the celebrated maxim79, that "property had its duties as well as its rights." This, in the circumstances of the country, he felt to be little less than a deliberate and unfeeling insult. He did not hesitate to say that the employment of those terms had given a fresh impulse to feelings which had found their legitimate issue in the late assassination. In the course of the meeting resolutions were proposed and carried to the following effect:—"That the answer to the Tipperary magistrates by Mr. Under-Secretary Drummond has had the effect of increasing the animosities entertained against the[459] owners of the soil, and has emboldened314 the disturbers of the public peace. That there being little hope for a successful appeal to the Irish executive, they felt it their duty to apply to the people of England, the Legislature, and the Throne for protection."
These resolutions may be taken as expressing the feelings of the landed gentry as a body against the Melbourne Administration and the agitators315. But the latter were not idle. O'Connell had then his "Precursor Association" in full operation. It received its name from the idea that it was to be the precursor of the repeal316 of the union. On the 22nd of January a public dinner was given in honour of the "Liberator317" in a building then called the Circus, in Dublin, for which one thousand tickets were issued. Two days later a similar banquet was given to him in Drogheda, and there he made a significant allusion318 to the murder of Lord Norbury, insinuating319 that he had met his death at the hands of one who was bound to him by the nearest of natural ties, and had the strongest interest in his removal. Mr. O'Connell volunteered the assertion that the assassin of Lord Norbury had left on the soil where he had posted himself, "not the impress of a rustic320 brogue [a coarse rough shoe, usually made of half-dressed leather], but the impress of a well-made Dublin boot." There was no ground whatever for the malignant321 assertion, which was one of those errors of judgment322 and of taste that too often disfigured the great "Liberator's" leadership.
These occurrences in Ireland led to hostile demonstrations against the Government in Parliament. On the 7th of March Mr. Shaw, the Recorder of Dublin, as the representative of the Irish Protestants, commenced the campaign by moving for returns of the number of committals, convictions, inquests, rewards, and advertisements for the discovery of offenders in Ireland from 1835 to 1839, in order to enable the House to form a judgment with regard to the actual amount and increase of crime in that country. The debate was adjourned till the following Monday, when it was resumed by Mr. Lefroy, after which the House was counted out, and the question dropped; but it was taken up in the Lords on the 21st of March, when Lord Roden moved for a select Committee of inquiry on the state of Ireland since 1835, with respect to the commission of crime. His speech was a repetition of the usual charges, and the debate is chiefly worthy323 of notice on account of the elaborate defence by Lord Normanby of his Irish administration. "I am fully aware," said the noble marquis, "of the awful responsibility that would lie upon my head if these charges rested upon evidence at all commensurate with the vehemence324 of language and earnestness of manner with which they have been brought forward; but they rest upon no such foundation. I am ready, with natural indignation, to prove now, on the floor of this House, that I have grappled with crime wherever I have found it, firmly and unremittingly, and have yielded to none of my predecessors325 in the successful vindication326 of the laws." Among the mass of proofs adduced by Lord Normanby, he quoted a vast number of judges' charges, delivered from time to time between 1816 and 1835, which presented only one continuously gloomy picture of the prevailing practice of violence and atrocious outrage. Passing from this melancholy327 record, he proceeded to refer to numerous addresses of judges delivered on similar occasions since 1835. All of these contained one common topic of congratulation—the comparative lightness of the calendar—a circumstance, the noble marquis argued, which went far to establish his position, however it might fail to prove the extinction328 of exceptional cases of heinous329 crime. With regard to the wholesale330 liberation of prisoners, Lord Normanby distinctly denied that he had set free any persons detained for serious offences without due inquiry; or that any persons were liberated, merely because he happened to pass through the town, who would not have met with the same indulgence upon facts stated in memorials. "No; this measure," he insisted, "had been adopted upon the conviction that, in the peculiar case of Ireland, after severity had been so often tried, mercy was well worth the experiment. It was one which was not lightly to be repeated; but while he had received satisfactory evidence of the success of the measure, it was in his power to produce the testimony331 of judges with whom he had no political relations, to the pains taken in the examination of each case, and the deference shown to their reports."
In spite of Lord Melbourne's declaration that he would regard the success of the motion as a pure vote of censure, it was carried by a majority of five. In consequence of this result, Lord John Russell announced his intention, next day, of taking the opinion of the House of Commons on the recent government of Ireland, in the first week after the Easter recess. Accordingly, on the 15th of April, he moved—"That it is the opinion of this House that it is expedient332 to persevere333 in those principles which have guided the Executive[460] Government of late years, and which have tended to the effectual administration of the laws, and the general improvement of that part of the United Kingdom." The debate emphasised the discontent of the Radicals334. Mr. Leader was particularly severe on the Government. "In what position is the Government?" he asked. "Why, the right hon. member for Tamworth governs England, the hon. and learned member for Dublin governs Ireland—the Whigs govern nothing but Downing Street. Sir Robert Peel is content with power without place or patronage, and the Whigs are contented335 with place and patronage without power. Let any honourable man say which is the more honourable position." On a division, the numbers were—for Sir Robert Peel's amendment, 296; against it, 318. Majority for the Ministry, 22.
The majority obtained on their Irish policy was about the number the Ministry could count upon on every vital question. It was not sufficiently large to exempt336 them from the imputation337 of holding office on sufferance; but if they were defeated, and were succeeded by the Conservatives, the new Government, it was plain, could not hope to exist even on those terms; while Lord Melbourne had this advantage over Sir Robert Peel, that he was cordially supported by the Sovereign. Having escaped the Irish ordeal338, it might be supposed that he was safe for a considerable time. But another question arose very soon after, on which the Cabinet sustained a virtual defeat. The Assembly in Jamaica had proved very refractory339, and, in order to avoid the evil consequences of its perversity340, Mr. Labouchere, on the 9th of April, brought forward a measure which was a virtual suspension of the constitution of the island for five years, vesting the government in the Governor and Council, with three commissioners sent from England to assist in ameliorating the condition of the negroes, improving prison discipline, and establishing a system of poor laws. This measure was denounced by the whole strength of the Opposition. The question may be thus briefly341 stated. Before the Act of Emancipation342 in 1833, all punishments were inflicted343 on slaves by the domestics of the master, who was unwilling344 to lose the benefit of their services by sending them to prison. But when emancipation took place, that domestic power was terminated, and new prison regulations became necessary. The Colonial Legislature, however, persistently345 refused to adopt any, and continued a course of systematic resistance to the will of the supreme346 Government, whose earnest and repeated recommendations had been utterly disregarded. Under the apprenticeship347 system negroes were treated worse than they were under the old condition of slavery, because the planters knew that the time of enfranchisement348 was at hand. But though, when the hour of liberty, August 1st, 1840, was seen to be very near, the Jamaica Assembly voluntarily brought the apprenticeship system to a termination, they accompanied the measure with an angry protest against any interference by the British Parliament. It was contended, on the part of the Government, that if such a state of things were permitted to exist, the authority of Great Britain over its colonies would speedily be lost, and every little island that owed its political existence to the protection afforded by the Imperial Government, would, without scruple349, set its power at defiance350. Such being the state of the case, it might be supposed that no serious objection would be raised to the course adopted, in the interests of humanity and good government. But the Conservatives seized the opportunity for another party contest, and became quite vehement351 in their defence of the constitutional rights of the Jamaica planters. The debate was protracted for several nights, and counsel against the Bill were heard at great length. Eventually the division took place at five in the morning on the 6th of May, when the numbers were 294 to 289, giving the Government a majority of only five, which was regarded as tantamount to a defeat. On the 7th of May, therefore, Lord John Russell announced that Ministers had tendered their resignation, which was accepted by the Queen. He assigned as the reason for this step that the vote which had passed must weaken the authority of the Crown in the colonies, by giving support to the contumacy of Jamaica, and encouraging other colonies to follow its bad example. This obvious consideration rendered more painfully apparent the weakness of the Government, arising from division among its supporters; for if anything could have induced the different sections of the Liberal party to suppress their differences, it would have been the necessity of interposing, in the manner proposed by the Government, to shield the unhappy negroes from the oppression of their exasperated taskmasters. Indeed, in spite of various attempts to patch up the Cabinet, its members were at hopeless cross-purposes.
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1 ordinance | |
n.法令;条令;条例 | |
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2 disallowed | |
v.不承认(某事物)有效( disallow的过去式和过去分词 );不接受;不准;驳回 | |
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3 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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4 commissioner | |
n.(政府厅、局、处等部门)专员,长官,委员 | |
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5 tithe | |
n.十分之一税;v.课什一税,缴什一税 | |
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6 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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7 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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8 precursor | |
n.先驱者;前辈;前任;预兆;先兆 | |
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9 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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10 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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11 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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12 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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13 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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14 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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15 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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16 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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17 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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18 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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19 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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20 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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21 privy | |
adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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22 afflicting | |
痛苦的 | |
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23 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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24 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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25 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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26 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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27 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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28 severance | |
n.离职金;切断 | |
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29 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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30 detested | |
v.憎恶,嫌恶,痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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32 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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33 chambers | |
n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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34 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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36 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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37 deference | |
n.尊重,顺从;敬意 | |
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38 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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39 delicacy | |
n.精致,细微,微妙,精良;美味,佳肴 | |
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40 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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41 approbation | |
n.称赞;认可 | |
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42 disarm | |
v.解除武装,回复平常的编制,缓和 | |
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43 mentor | |
n.指导者,良师益友;v.指导 | |
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44 specification | |
n.详述;[常pl.]规格,说明书,规范 | |
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45 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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46 apportion | |
vt.(按比例或计划)分配 | |
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47 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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48 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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49 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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50 bounty | |
n.慷慨的赠予物,奖金;慷慨,大方;施与 | |
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51 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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52 ward | |
n.守卫,监护,病房,行政区,由监护人或法院保护的人(尤指儿童);vt.守护,躲开 | |
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53 economists | |
n.经济学家,经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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54 grumbled | |
抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 ); 发牢骚; 咕哝; 发哼声 | |
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55 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56 conciliation | |
n.调解,调停 | |
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57 maturity | |
n.成熟;完成;(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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58 discreet | |
adj.(言行)谨慎的;慎重的;有判断力的 | |
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59 allay | |
v.消除,减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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60 discord | |
n.不和,意见不合,争论,(音乐)不和谐 | |
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61 prorogued | |
v.使(议会)休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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63 deferred | |
adj.延期的,缓召的v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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64 extravagant | |
adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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65 harangues | |
n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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66 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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67 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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68 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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69 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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70 gore | |
n.凝血,血污;v.(动物)用角撞伤,用牙刺破;缝以补裆;顶 | |
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71 weir | |
n.堰堤,拦河坝 | |
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72 insurgents | |
n.起义,暴动,造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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73 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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74 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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75 barricades | |
路障,障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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76 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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77 denuding | |
v.使赤裸( denude的现在分词 );剥光覆盖物 | |
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78 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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79 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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80 maxims | |
n.格言,座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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81 tavern | |
n.小旅馆,客栈;小酒店 | |
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82 initiated | |
n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始,创始,启蒙,介绍加入 | |
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83 buffalo | |
n.(北美)野牛;(亚洲)水牛 | |
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84 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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85 chivalrous | |
adj.武士精神的;对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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86 militia | |
n.民兵,民兵组织 | |
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87 mustered | |
v.集合,召集,集结(尤指部队)( muster的过去式和过去分词 );(自他人处)搜集某事物;聚集;激发 | |
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88 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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89 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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90 filibustering | |
v.阻碍或延宕国会或其他立法机构通过提案( filibuster的现在分词 );掠夺 | |
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91 moored | |
adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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92 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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93 precipitated | |
v.(突如其来地)使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 );促成;猛然摔下;使沉淀 | |
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94 interfered | |
v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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95 battalion | |
n.营;部队;大队(的人) | |
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96 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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97 stultified | |
v.使成为徒劳,使变得无用( stultify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98 pending | |
prep.直到,等待…期间;adj.待定的;迫近的 | |
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99 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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100 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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101 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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102 postponed | |
vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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103 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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104 absconded | |
v.(尤指逃避逮捕)潜逃,逃跑( abscond的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105 detention | |
n.滞留,停留;拘留,扣留;(教育)留下 | |
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106 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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107 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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108 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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109 humanely | |
adv.仁慈地;人道地;富人情地;慈悲地 | |
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110 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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111 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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112 affixing | |
v.附加( affix的现在分词 );粘贴;加以;盖(印章) | |
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113 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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114 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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115 martyrs | |
n.martyr的复数形式;烈士( martyr的名词复数 );殉道者;殉教者;乞怜者(向人诉苦以博取同情) | |
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116 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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117 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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118 annulled | |
v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 );取消;使消失;抹去 | |
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119 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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120 disallowance | |
n.不许可,驳回,拒绝 | |
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121 softened | |
(使)变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 ); 缓解打击; 缓和; 安慰 | |
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122 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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123 mortification | |
n.耻辱,屈辱 | |
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124 banishment | |
n.放逐,驱逐 | |
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125 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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126 distinctive | |
adj.特别的,有特色的,与众不同的 | |
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127 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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128 expounded | |
论述,详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129 leniency | |
n.宽大(不严厉) | |
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130 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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131 offenders | |
n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 );犯规者;罪犯;妨害…的人(或事物) | |
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132 confinement | |
n.幽禁,拘留,监禁;分娩;限制,局限 | |
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133 penitentiary | |
n.感化院;监狱 | |
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134 deception | |
n.欺骗,欺诈;骗局,诡计 | |
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135 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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136 disclaimed | |
v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137 annexation | |
n.吞并,合并 | |
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138 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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139 patronage | |
n.赞助,支援,援助;光顾,捧场 | |
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140 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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141 disaffected | |
adj.(政治上)不满的,叛离的 | |
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142 repression | |
n.镇压,抑制,抑压 | |
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143 benefactors | |
n.捐助者,施主( benefactor的名词复数 );恩人 | |
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144 tact | |
n.机敏,圆滑,得体 | |
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145 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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146 amendment | |
n.改正,修正,改善,修正案 | |
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147 vagrancy | |
(说话的,思想的)游移不定; 漂泊; 流浪; 离题 | |
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148 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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149 mendicancy | |
n.乞丐,托钵,行乞修道士 | |
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150 encumbered | |
v.妨碍,阻碍,拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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152 skilfully | |
adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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153 alterations | |
n.改动( alteration的名词复数 );更改;变化;改变 | |
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154 abate | |
vi.(风势,疼痛等)减弱,减轻,减退 | |
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155 agrarian | |
adj.土地的,农村的,农业的 | |
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156 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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157 Amended | |
adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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158 gentry | |
n.绅士阶级,上层阶级 | |
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159 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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160 adjourned | |
(使)休会, (使)休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161 embodying | |
v.表现( embody的现在分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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162 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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163 destitution | |
n.穷困,缺乏,贫穷 | |
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164 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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165 mitigate | |
vt.(使)减轻,(使)缓和 | |
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166 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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167 dissertation | |
n.(博士学位)论文,学术演讲,专题论文 | |
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168 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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169 diversified | |
adj.多样化的,多种经营的v.使多样化,多样化( diversify的过去式和过去分词 );进入新的商业领域 | |
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170 vigilant | |
adj.警觉的,警戒的,警惕的 | |
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171 scapegoat | |
n.替罪的羔羊,替人顶罪者;v.使…成为替罪羊 | |
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172 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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173 exchequer | |
n.财政部;国库 | |
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174 amicable | |
adj.和平的,友好的;友善的 | |
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175 corporate | |
adj.共同的,全体的;公司的,企业的 | |
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176 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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177 appropriation | |
n.拨款,批准支出 | |
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178 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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179 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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180 rescinding | |
v.废除,取消( rescind的现在分词 ) | |
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181 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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182 precedent | |
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的 | |
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183 purport | |
n.意义,要旨,大要;v.意味著,做为...要旨,要领是... | |
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184 vexed | |
adj.争论不休的;(指问题等)棘手的;争论不休的问题;烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 );使苦恼;使生气;详细讨论 | |
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185 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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186 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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187 contagion | |
n.(通过接触的疾病)传染;蔓延 | |
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188 metropolis | |
n.首府;大城市 | |
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189 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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190 inauguration | |
n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
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191 maiden | |
n.少女,处女;adj.未婚的,纯洁的,无经验的 | |
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192 zealously | |
adv.热心地;热情地;积极地;狂热地 | |
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193 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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194 embodied | |
v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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195 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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196 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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197 exultant | |
adj.欢腾的,狂欢的,大喜的 | |
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198 joyful | |
adj.欢乐的,令人欢欣的 | |
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199 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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200 pedestrians | |
n.步行者( pedestrian的名词复数 ) | |
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201 attire | |
v.穿衣,装扮[同]array;n.衣着;盛装 | |
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202 salute | |
vi.行礼,致意,问候,放礼炮;vt.向…致意,迎接,赞扬;n.招呼,敬礼,礼炮 | |
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203 anthem | |
n.圣歌,赞美诗,颂歌 | |
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204 hoisted | |
把…吊起,升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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205 hearty | |
adj.热情友好的;衷心的;尽情的,纵情的 | |
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206 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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207 bishops | |
(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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208 chalice | |
n.圣餐杯;金杯毒酒 | |
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209 choir | |
n.唱诗班,唱诗班的席位,合唱团,舞蹈团;v.合唱 | |
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210 trumpets | |
喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 ); 小号; 喇叭形物; (尤指)绽开的水仙花 | |
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211 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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212 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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213 treasurer | |
n.司库,财务主管 | |
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214 scattering | |
n.[物]散射;散乱,分散;在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的;分散在不同范围的;广泛扩散的;(选票)数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式);散布;驱散 | |
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215 scrambled | |
v.快速爬行( scramble的过去式和过去分词 );攀登;争夺;(军事飞机)紧急起飞 | |
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216 velvet | |
n.丝绒,天鹅绒;adj.丝绒制的,柔软的 | |
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217 solicitation | |
n.诱惑;揽货;恳切地要求;游说 | |
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218 allotted | |
分配,拨给,摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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219 margin | |
n.页边空白;差额;余地,余裕;边,边缘 | |
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220 serpentine | |
adj.蜿蜒的,弯曲的 | |
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221 taverns | |
n.小旅馆,客栈,酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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222 condescended | |
屈尊,俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 ); 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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223 gratuitously | |
平白 | |
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224 spokes | |
n.(车轮的)辐条( spoke的名词复数 );轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 | |
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225 extremity | |
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
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226 promenade | |
n./v.散步 | |
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227 circumference | |
n.圆周,周长,圆周线 | |
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228 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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229 appease | |
v.安抚,缓和,平息,满足 | |
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230 lamented | |
adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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231 stipulated | |
vt.& vi.规定;约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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232 enlist | |
vt.谋取(支持等),赢得;征募;vi.入伍 | |
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233 enlistment | |
n.应征入伍,获得,取得 | |
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234 expended | |
v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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235 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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236 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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237 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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238 pacification | |
n. 讲和,绥靖,平定 | |
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239 encompassed | |
v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 );包围;包含;包括 | |
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240 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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241 gild | |
vt.给…镀金,把…漆成金色,使呈金色 | |
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242 recess | |
n.短期休息,壁凹(墙上装架子,柜子等凹处) | |
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243 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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244 evaded | |
逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 ); 避开; 回避; 想不出 | |
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245 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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246 averted | |
防止,避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 ); 转移 | |
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247 proroguing | |
v.使(议会)休会( prorogue的现在分词 ) | |
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248 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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249 assassination | |
n.暗杀;暗杀事件 | |
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250 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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251 embarrassments | |
n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 );难堪;局促不安;令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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252 ramifications | |
n.结果,后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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253 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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254 liberated | |
a.无拘束的,放纵的 | |
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255 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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256 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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257 persevering | |
a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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258 counteraction | |
反对的行动,抵抗,反动 | |
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259 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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260 abhorrence | |
n.憎恶;可憎恶的事 | |
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261 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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262 adverted | |
引起注意(advert的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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263 wade | |
v.跋涉,涉水;n.跋涉 | |
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264 reprehending | |
v.斥责,指摘,责备( reprehend的现在分词 ) | |
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265 alluding | |
提及,暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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266 elicited | |
引出,探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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267 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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268 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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269 aggravating | |
adj.恼人的,讨厌的 | |
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270 strenuously | |
adv.奋发地,费力地 | |
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271 franchise | |
n.特许,特权,专营权,特许权 | |
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272 franchises | |
n.(尤指选举议员的)选举权( franchise的名词复数 );参政权;获特许权的商业机构(或服务);(公司授予的)特许经销权v.给…以特许权,出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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273 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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274 scanty | |
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
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275 ballot | |
n.(不记名)投票,投票总数,投票权;vi.投票 | |
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276 indicted | |
控告,起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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277 bail | |
v.舀(水),保释;n.保证金,保释,保释人 | |
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278 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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279 inflame | |
v.使燃烧;使极度激动;使发炎 | |
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280 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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281 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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282 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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283 lieutenants | |
n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 );副职官员;空军;仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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284 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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285 subscriptions | |
n.(报刊等的)订阅费( subscription的名词复数 );捐款;(俱乐部的)会员费;捐助 | |
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286 subscriber | |
n.用户,订户;(慈善机关等的)定期捐款者;预约者;签署者 | |
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287 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
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288 incessant | |
adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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289 metropolitan | |
adj.大城市的,大都会的 | |
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290 mustering | |
v.集合,召集,集结(尤指部队)( muster的现在分词 );(自他人处)搜集某事物;聚集;激发 | |
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291 abreast | |
adv.并排地;跟上(时代)的步伐,与…并进地 | |
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292 disperse | |
vi.使分散;使消失;vt.分散;驱散 | |
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293 batons | |
n.(警察武器)警棍( baton的名词复数 );(乐队指挥用的)指挥棒;接力棒 | |
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294 warehouses | |
仓库,货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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295 demolished | |
v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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296 exulting | |
vi. 欢欣鼓舞,狂喜 | |
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297 constables | |
n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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298 galloping | |
adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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299 conflagration | |
n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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300 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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301 scouring | |
擦[洗]净,冲刷,洗涤 | |
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302 vowing | |
起誓,发誓(vow的现在分词形式) | |
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303 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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304 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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305 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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306 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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307 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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308 borough | |
n.享有自治权的市镇;(英)自治市镇 | |
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309 apprised | |
v.告知,通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 );评价 | |
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310 muskets | |
n.火枪,(尤指)滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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311 shutters | |
百叶窗( shutter的名词复数 ); (照相机的)快门 | |
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312 commuted | |
通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 ); 减(刑); 代偿 | |
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313 steward | |
n.乘务员,服务员;看管人;膳食管理员 | |
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314 emboldened | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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315 agitators | |
n.(尤指政治变革的)鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 );煽动者;搅拌器;搅拌机 | |
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316 repeal | |
n.废止,撤消;v.废止,撤消 | |
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317 liberator | |
解放者 | |
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318 allusion | |
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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319 insinuating | |
adj.曲意巴结的,暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 );巧妙或迂回地潜入;(使)缓慢进入;慢慢伸入 | |
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320 rustic | |
adj.乡村的,有乡村特色的;n.乡下人,乡巴佬 | |
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321 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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322 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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323 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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324 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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325 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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326 vindication | |
n.洗冤,证实 | |
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327 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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328 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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329 heinous | |
adj.可憎的,十恶不赦的 | |
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330 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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331 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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332 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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333 persevere | |
v.坚持,坚忍,不屈不挠 | |
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334 radicals | |
n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 );根基;基本原理;[数学]根数 | |
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335 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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336 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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337 imputation | |
n.归罪,责难 | |
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338 ordeal | |
n.苦难经历,(尤指对品格、耐力的)严峻考验 | |
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339 refractory | |
adj.倔强的,难驾驭的 | |
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340 perversity | |
n.任性;刚愎自用 | |
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341 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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342 emancipation | |
n.(从束缚、支配下)解放 | |
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343 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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344 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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345 persistently | |
ad.坚持地;固执地 | |
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346 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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347 apprenticeship | |
n.学徒身份;学徒期 | |
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348 enfranchisement | |
选举权 | |
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349 scruple | |
n./v.顾忌,迟疑 | |
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350 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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351 vehement | |
adj.感情强烈的;热烈的;(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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