The disorganised state of Ireland, occasioned by the famine and the enormous system of public relief which fostered idleness and destroyed the customary social restraints that kept the people in order, naturally led to much outrage9 and crime in that country. At the close of the ordinary Session of 1847, the Parliament, which had existed six years, was dissolved. The general election excited very little political interest, the minds of all parties being concentrated upon the terrible famine in Ireland, and the means necessary to mitigate10 its effects. The first Session of the new Parliament commenced on the 18th of November. Mr. Shaw-Lefevre was re-elected Speaker without opposition11, some leading Conservatives expressing their admiration12 of the impartiality13 and dignity with which he had presided over the deliberations of the House. The Royal Speech was delivered by commission. It lamented14 that in some counties in Ireland atrocious crimes had been committed, and a spirit of insubordination had manifested itself, leading to an organised resistance to legal rights. Parliament was therefore requested to take further precautions against the perpetration of crime in that country; at the same time recommending the consideration of measures that would advance the social improvement of its people. In the course of the debate on the Address the state of Ireland was the subject of much discussion; and on the 29th of November Sir George Grey, then Home Secretary, brought in a Bill for this purpose. In doing so, he gave a full exposition of the disorganised state of the country. He showed that "the number of attempts on life by firing at the person, which was, in six months of 1846, 55, was in the same six months of 1847, 126; the number of robberies of arms, which was, in six months of 1846, 207, in the same six months of 1847 was 530; and the number of firings of dwellings15, which in six months of 1846 was 51, was, in the same six months of 1847, 116. Even this statement gave an inadequate16 idea of the increase of those offences in districts which were now particularly infested17 by crime. The total number of offences of the three classes which he had just mentioned amounted, in the last month, to 195 in the whole of Ireland; but the counties of Clare, Limerick, and Tipperary furnished 139 of them—the extent of offences in those counties being 71 per cent. on the total of offences in Ireland, and the population being only 13 per cent. on the whole population of Ireland." It was principally to those counties that his observations applied18; but as the tendency of crime was to spread, they must be applied in some degree also to King's County, Roscommon, and part of Fermanagh. The crimes which he wished to repress were not directed against the landlord class alone, but against every class and description of landowners. Their ordinary object was the commission of wilful19 and deliberate assassination20, not in dark or desolate21 places, but in broad daylight—of assassination, too, encouraged by the entire impunity22 with which it was perpetrated; for it was notorious that none but the police would lend a hand to arrest the flight, or capture the person, of the assassin.
The murder of one landlord was sufficient to spread terror throughout the whole class, the most recent and horrible case being used for this purpose in the threatening notices. Thus, when Major Mahon was shot, a letter was sent to the wife of another landed proprietor23, warning her that if her husband did not remit24 all the arrears25 of rent due by his tenants26, two men would be sent to dispatch him as they had dispatched the demon27 Mahon. The Lord-Lieutenant had increased the[561] constabulary force in the disturbed districts, and called out the military to aid in the execution of the law. But it was the opinion of the magistrates29 in those districts that the powers of the executive were not sufficient. The object of Sir George Greys measure was to extend those powers—not to create any new tribunal, for trial by jury had worked satisfactorily. What he proposed was that the Lord-Lieutenant should have power to "proclaim" disturbed districts, to increase in them the constabulary force to any extent he might think fit out of the reserve of 600 in Dublin, to limit the use of firearms, and to establish nocturnal patrols. He thought that by such a measure the Government would be able to put down the crimes that were disorganising society in Ireland. Sir Robert Peel supported the Government measure. Mr. Feargus O'Connor divided the House against it; but was supported by only twenty members. It was soon after read a second time, having been strenuously30 resisted by some of the Irish members. It rapidly went through committee, and was read a third time, when the minority against it was only fourteen. The Bill passed through the Lords without alteration31.
TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN. (From a Photograph by Poulton and Son, Lee.)
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Misery32 and privation in large masses of people naturally engender33 disaffection, and predispose to rebellion; and this was the state of things in Ireland at the beginning of the memorable34 year of 1848. O'Connell had passed away from the scene. On the 28th of January, 1847, he left Ireland, never to return. He went to London for the purpose of attending his Parliamentary duties, but shortly after his arrival there he went for benefit of his health to Hastings. But a still greater change of scene and climate was found necessary, and he embarked35 for France, and proceeding36 to Paris, he was received with great consideration by the Marquis of Normanby, and other distinguished37 persons. In reply to a complimentary38 address from the electoral committee, of which Montalembert was chairman, O'Connell said, "Sickness and emotion close my mouth. I would require the eloquence39 of your president to express to you all my gratitude40. But it is impossible for me to say what I feel. Know, simply, that I regard this demonstration41 on your part as one of the most significant events of my life." He went from Paris to Lyons, where he[562] became much weaker. In all the French churches prayers were offered on behalf of "Le célèbre Irlandais, et le grand libérateur d'Irlande." At Marseilles he became rather better; but at Genoa death arrested his progress. He expired on the 15th of May (1847), apparently42 suffering little pain. He was on his way to Rome, intending to pay his homage43 in person to Pius IX., but finding this impossible, he ordered that his heart might be sent to Rome, and his body to Ireland. It has been remarked that O'Connell was the victim of the Irish famine, and that its progress might have been learnt from the study of his face. The buoyancy had gone out of his step; he had become a stooping and a broken-down man, shuffling44 along with difficulty, his features betraying despondency and misery. His memory was respected by Englishmen, because of the devotion of his life to the service of his country. Born of a conquered race and a persecuted45 religion, conscious of great energies and great talents, he resolved to make every Irishman the equal of every Englishman. After the labours of a quarter of a century he obtained Catholic Emancipation46.
It was the lot of the Earl of Clarendon to govern Ireland during the most trying period of her history. It was a trying crisis, affording great opportunity to a statesman of pre-eminent ability to lay broad and solid foundations for a better state of society. But though a painstaking47 and active administrator48, Clarendon was not a great statesman; he had no originating power to organise8 a new state of things, nor prescience to forecast the future; but he left no means untried by which he could overcome present difficulties. The population had been thinned with fearful rapidity; large numbers of the gentry49 had been reduced from affluence50 to destitution51; property was changing hands on all sides; the Government had immense funds placed at its command; a vast machinery52 and an enormous host of officials operating upon society when it was in the most plastic and unresisting state, a high order of statesmanship could have made an impress upon it that would have endured for ages. But Lord Clarendon's government, instead of putting forth53 the power that should have guided those mighty54 resources to beneficial and permanent results, allowed them to be agencies of deterioration55. The truth is, he was frightened by a contemptible56 organisation57, existing openly under his eyes in Dublin, for the avowed58 purpose of exciting rebellion and effecting revolution. The conspirators might have been promptly59 dealt with and extinguished in a summary way; but instead of dealing60 with it in this manner, Clarendon watched over its growth, and allowed it to come to maturity61, and then brought to bear upon it a great military force and all the imposing62 machinery of State trials; the only good result of which was a display of forensic63 eloquence worthy64 of the days of Flood and Grattan.
The opening of the year 1848 was signalised by the appointment of a special commission, which was convened65 to try those accused of agrarian66 murders in the counties of Tipperary, Limerick, and Clare. The judges were the Chief Justice Blackburne and the Chief Baron67 Pigot. The commission was pre-eminently successful. The trials commenced at Limerick on the 4th of January. The Chief Justice, in his charge to the jury, drew a melancholy68 picture of the demoralised state of the country. He praised the patience and enduring fortitude69 of the people under the visitation of famine, which were generally in the highest degree exemplary, and he made this remarkable70 statement:—"I do not find in the calendar before me, nor after the experience of the last two circuits have I been able to find, a single case in which destitution or distress71, arising from the visitation of God, has in the remotest degree influenced this illegal confederacy, or stimulated72 any of those outrages73." The first person tried was the notorious William Ryan, nicknamed "Puck," one of the greatest ruffians ever brought to the bar of justice. He was tried for the murder of a neighbour, named John Kelly, into whose house he entered, and shot him dead upon the spot, in the presence of his family. He was found guilty, and hanged on the 8th of February. He was well known to have committed nine murders during the previous year. A man named Frewin, a respectable farmer, was transported for life, being found guilty of harbouring Ryan, and screening him from justice. The next batch74 of prisoners consisted of six ill-looking young fellows, all of whom appeared to be about twenty years of age, charged with the abduction of the daughter of a respectable farmer, named Maloney, for whom they were in the habit of working, in order that another farmer, named Creagh, might marry her.
These cases may serve as illustrations of the state of the country at that time. On the 10th of January between twenty and thirty of the convicts were brought up together for sentence, and it seemed difficult to believe that so ill-looking and desperate a set of villains75 could be congregated76 in one place. They had all, with one[563] exception, been found guilty, without any recommendation to mercy from the jury. After an impressive address from the judge, the sentences were pronounced, varying in the amount of punishment assigned. But they heard their doom77 with the greatest indifference78. The commission next adjourned79 to Ennis, the assize town of the county of Clare, where the results were equally satisfactory. The judges arrived at Clonmel, the chief town of Tipperary, on the 24th of January. There they found upwards80 of four hundred prisoners in gaol81, charged with crimes marked by various degrees of atrocity82. The trial that excited most attention here was that of John Sonergan, for the murder of Mr. William Roe83, a landed proprietor and a magistrate28 of the county, who was shot in the open day, upon the road near one of his own plantations84. The scene which was presented in this court on the 31st of January, was described in the report of the trials as scarcely ever paralleled. Five human beings, four of whom were convicted of murder, and one of an attempt to murder, stood in a row at the front of the dock, to receive the dreadful sentence of the law, which consigned85 them to an ignominious86 death.
Agrarian outrage had thus been effectually put down by the special commission; but a much more formidable difficulty was now to be encountered by the Government, which was called upon to suppress a rebellion. In order that its origin may be understood, it will be necessary to sketch87 briefly88 the rise and progress of the Young Ireland party. It had its origin in the establishment of the Nation newspaper in 1842, by Thomas Davis, Charles Gavan Duffy, and John Mitchel. Davis was a native of the county of Cork, a member of the Church of England, and a barrister who had devoted89 himself to literature. He was a man of genius and enthusiastic temperament90, combined with habits of study and a love of system. As a member of the Repeal91 Association, and as a writer in the Nation, he constantly advocated national independence. He was a vigorous writer, and also a poet. He was much respected personally by all classes, and would have exerted a powerful influence, but he was cut off by fever in the midst of his career. His memory received the honour of a public funeral, which was one of the largest and most respectable that had for some time taken place in Dublin. Mr. Duffy, the proprietor and editor of the Nation, a Roman Catholic and a native of Monaghan, had been connected with the press in Dublin. Mr. Mitchel, also a northerner and a solicitor93 by profession, was the son of a Unitarian minister in Newry. These men were all animated94 by the same burning love of Ireland, and unmitigated hatred95 of English domination. The Nation soon attained96 a vast circulation; its leading articles were distinguished by an earnestness, a fire, a power, an originality97 and boldness, till then unknown in the Irish press. Its columns were filled with the most brilliant productions in literature and poetry, all designed to glorify98 Ireland at the expense of England, and all breathing the spirit of war and defiance99 against the Government. In addition to the Nation, they prepared a number of small books, which they issued in a cheap form as an Irish library, devoted chiefly to the history of their country, and its struggles for independence. By their exertions100, reading-rooms were established throughout the country, and a native literature was extensively cultivated. The orator101 of the party was Thomas Meagher, at a later period general in the American army, son of a Waterford merchant, who was afterwards member of Parliament. He was a brilliant, fluent, ardent102, daring speaker; his appearance and manners were those of a gay, reckless, dashing cavalier; and his warlike harangues103 had won for him the designation, "Meagher of the Sword." His speeches fired his audience with wild enthusiasm. Since 1844, as we have seen, Mr. William Smith O'Brien had become the leader of this party, which differed in spirit and purpose from the Old Ireland party, of which O'Connell had been so long the leader. O'Connell's agitation104 even for Repeal was essentially105 religious. Ireland and the Roman Catholic Church were indissolubly associated in his mind. His habits as a nisi prius barrister made him an advocate more than a statesman; and having pleaded the cause of his Church for forty years, having been rewarded and retained for so doing by an annual "tribute" collected in the chapels107 of the kingdom, and having won his unparalleled popularity and almost kingly power by his services in this cause, he could not help regarding himself as the special champion of the Irish priests and their people. For them he courted Whig alliances, for them he abused the Tories, for them he sought Repeal, and for their sakes he deprecated war. He knew that the Protestants of Ireland would never sufficiently108 trust him or his ecclesiastical clients, to join them in a war against English supremacy109, which they disliked far less than Roman Catholic ascendency. He knew that a war for Repeal must be a civil and religious war; and he too well remembered the horrors of 1798, and was too well aware of the[564] power of England, seriously to encourage anything of the kind. He talked indeed about fighting at the monster meetings, but he did so merely to intimidate110 the Government, confident of his power to hold the masses in check, and to prevent breaches111 of the peace. The State prosecutions112 and the proceedings113 of the Young Ireland party worked in him the painful and almost heart-breaking conviction that he had gone too far. Another essential difference existed between the two parties regarding religion. The Young Irelanders wanted to ignore religion in the national struggle. Their object was to unite all Irishmen in the great cause, to exorcise the spirit of bigotry114, and to cultivate the spirit of religious toleration. But neither the Protestants nor the Catholics were prepared for this. The peasantry of the South especially would not enter into a contest in which their priests refused to lead and bless them; and these would neither lead nor bless except in the interest of their Church. This truth was discovered too late by Mr. Smith O'Brien and Mr. Meagher. The latter gentleman is said to have remarked in his prison, "We made a fatal mistake in not conciliating the Catholic priesthood. The agitation must be baptised in the old Holy Well."
When the two parties separated in 1846, the Young Irelanders established the Irish Confederation, which held its meetings in the Music Hall, Abbey Street, and whose platform was occupied by a number of young men, who subsequently figured in the State trials—Mr. Dillon, a barrister, who had been a moderator in Trinity College, Mr. Doheny, solicitor, Mr. O'Gorman, and Mr. Martin, a Protestant gentleman of property in the county Down. The object of the confederacy was to prepare the country for national independence, "by the force of opinion, by the combination of all classes of Irishmen, and the exercise of all the political, social, and moral influence within their reach." They disclaimed116 any intention of involving the country in civil war, or invading the just rights of any of its people; and they were specially115 anxious that Protestants and Roman Catholics should be united in the movement. Resolutions to this effect were adopted at a great meeting in the Rotunda117, a revolutionary amendment118 by Mr. Mitchel having been rejected, after a stormy debate, which lasted three days, and did not terminate on the last day until one o'clock at night. This led to Mitchel's secession from the Nation, and the establishment of the United Irishman, in which he openly and violently advocated rebellion and revolution. He continually insisted on the adoption119 of the most diabolical120 and repulsive121 measures, with the utmost sang froid. Every Saturday his journal contained a letter "To the Earl of Clarendon, Her Majesty122's Executioner-General and Butcher-General of Ireland." Plans of insurrection were freely propounded123; the nature and efficiency of street fighting were copiously124 discussed; ladies were invited to throw vitriol from their windows on the Queen's troops, and to fling empty bottles before the cavalry125 that they might stumble and fall. Precise instructions were given, week after week, for the erection of barricades126, the perforation of walls, and other means of attack and defence in the war against the Queen.
Such was the state of things in Ireland when the news of the French Revolution arrived and produced an electric effect throughout the country. The danger of permitting such atrocious incitements to civil war to be circulated among the people was obvious to every one, and yet Lord Clarendon allowed this propagandism of rebellion and revolution to go on with impunity for months.· Mitchel might have been arrested and prosecuted127 for seditious libels any day; the newsvendors who hawked128 the United Irishman through the streets might have been taken up by the police, but the Government still remained inactive. Encouraged by this impunity, the revolutionary party had established confederate clubs, by means of which they were rapidly enlisting129 and organising the artisans of the city, at whose meetings the most treasonable proceedings were adopted.
[565]
MUSTER130 OF THE IRISH AT MULLINAHONE. (See p. 568.)
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In the meantime rumours131 were in circulation, said to have emanated132 from Dublin Castle, to the effect that a conspiracy133 existed to massacre134 the members of the Government and the loyal citizens. However these rumours may have originated, they spread a panic through the city. People expected that when they woke some morning they would find the barricades up in the leading streets, and behold135 an imitation of the bloody136 scenes lately enacted137 in Paris. The Government seemed to share the alarm. Strong bodies of soldiers were posted in different parts of the city. Trinity College, the buildings of the Royal Dublin Society, the Linen138 Hall, and the Custom House were occupied as temporary barracks. The Bank of Ireland was put in a state of defence, and cannon139 were placed on the roof in such a way as to command the streets. Bullet-proof shutters140 were furnished for the front of Trinity College. The Viceroy evidently apprehended141 some serious work, for he ordered the troops in all these extemporised fortresses143 to be furnished with rations3 for several[566] days. These preparations for a siege continued throughout the months of March and April. For more than three months the chambers144 of the College were turned into barracks; the troops were paraded in the quadrangles every morning. In all the fortified145 positions the soldiers were kept under arms at unreasonable146 hours. In fact the whole community was in a state of painful suspense147, hourly anticipating the attacks of an imaginary enemy. During all this time there was not a single dep?t of arms seized nor a single rebellious148 leader arrested. The clubs, indeed, were meeting and plotting, and the Government spies were amongst them, but they had made no preparations for insurrection that should have excited alarm. There was much talk of the manufacture of pikes, but the only instance made public was one in which a blacksmith had been asked to make one by a detective policeman.
During this protracted149 agony of suspense and alarm business was almost at a standstill. Nobody seemed to think or talk of anything but the rebellion—the chances of success and the possibility of having to submit to a republic. There could not be a more striking proof of the inability of Lord Clarendon to cope with this emergency than his dealings with the proprietors150 of the World, a journal with a weekly circulation of only 500 or 600 copies, which subsisted151 by levying152 blackmail153 for suppressing attacks on private character. It was regarded as a common nuisance, and yet the Lord-Lieutenant took the editor into his confidence, held private conferences with him on the state of the country, and gave him large sums for writing articles in defence of law and order. These sums amounted to ￡1,700, and he afterwards gave him ￡2,000 to stop an action in the Court of Queen's Bench. Mr. Birch, the gentleman in question, was not satisfied with this liberal remuneration for his services; the mine was too rich not to be worked out, and he afterwards brought an action against Sir William Somerville, then Chief Secretary, for some thousands more, when Lord Clarendon himself was produced as a witness, and admitted the foregoing facts. The decision of the court was against Birch; but when, in February, 1852, the subject was brought before the House of Commons by Lord Naas, the Clarendon and Birch transactions were sanctioned by a majority of 92.
While the Irish Government was in this state of miserable154 trepidation155, the Dublin confederates carried on their proceedings with the most perfect unconcern and consciousness of impunity. Among these proceedings was the sending of a deputation to Paris to seek the aid of the republican Government on behalf of the "oppressed nationality of Ireland." The deputation consisted of Messrs. O'Brien, Meagher, and O'Gorman. They were the bearers of three congratulatory addresses, to which Lamartine gave a magniloquent reply about the great democratic principle—"this new Christianity bursting forth at the opportune156 moment." The destinies of Ireland had always deeply moved the heart of Europe. "The children of that glorious isle157 of Erin," whose natural genius and pathetic history were equally symbolic158 of the poetry and the heroism159 of the nations of the North, would always find in France under the republic a generous response to all its friendly sentiments. But as regarded intervention160, the Provisional Government gave the same answer that they had given to Germany, to Belgium, and to Italy. "Where there is a difference of race—where nations are aliens in blood—intervention is not allowable. We belong to no party in Ireland or elsewhere except to that which contends for justice, for liberty, and for the happiness of the Irish people. We are at peace," continued Lamartine, "and we are desirous of remaining on good terms of equality, not with this or that part of Great Britain, but with Great Britain entire. We believe this peace to be useful and honourable161, not only to Great Britain and to the French Republic, but to the human race. We will not commit an act, we will not utter a word, we will not breathe an insinuation, at variance162 with principles of the reciprocal inviolability of nations which we have proclaimed, and of which the continent of Europe is already gathering163 the fruits. The fallen monarchy164 had treaties and diplomatists. Our diplomatists are nations—our treaties are sympathies." The sympathies felt for the Irish revolutionists, however, were barren. Nevertheless the deputation who were complimented as "aliens in blood" shouted "Vive la République," "Vive Lamartine," who had just declared that the French would be insane were they openly to exchange such sympathy for "unmeaning and partial alliance with even the most legitimate165 parties in the countries that surrounded them."
Mr. Smith O'Brien returned to London, took his seat in the House of Commons, and spoke166 on the Crown and Government Securities Bill, the design of which was to facilitate prosecutions for political offences. He spoke openly of the military strength of the Republican party in Ireland, and the probable issue of an appeal to arms. But his[567] address produced a scene of indescribable commotion167 and violence, and he was overwhelmed in a torrent168 of jeers169, groans170, and hisses171, while Sir George Grey, in replying to him, was cheered with the utmost enthusiasm.
In the meantime the preparations for civil war went on steadily172 on both sides in Dublin, neither party venturing to interfere173 with the other. Lest the Government should not be able to subdue174 the rebellion with 10,000 troops in the strong points of the city, and artillery175 commanding the great thoroughfares, with loopholes for sharpshooters in every public building, an association was formed to provide loyal citizens with arms and combine them in self-defence. The committee of this body ordered six hundred stand of arms from the manufacturer, and also some thousands of knots of blue ribbon to be worn by the loyal on the night of the barricades. It was intimated that the Government would pay for those things, but as it did not, an action for the cost of the muskets176 was brought against a gentleman who went to inspect them. Circulars were sent round to the principal inhabitants, with directions as to the best means of defending their houses when attacked by the insurgents177. There were instances in which the lower parts of houses were furnished with ball-proof shutters, and a month's provisions of salted meat and biscuits actually laid in. The Orange-men—regarded with so much coldness by the Government in quiet times—were now courted; their leaders were confidentially178 consulted by the Lord-Lieutenant; their addresses were gratefully acknowledged; they were supplied with muskets, and the certificate of the master of an Orange lodge179 was recognised by the police authorities as a passport for the importation of arms.
A regrettable episode in this rebellious movement occurred on the 29th of April in the city of Limerick. The Sarsfield Club in that place invited Messrs. Smith O'Brien, Mitchell, and Meagher to a public soirée. The followers180 of O'Connell, known as the Old Ireland party, being very indignant at the treatment O'Connell had received from the Young Ireland leaders, resolved to take this opportunity of punishing the men who had broken the heart of the Liberator181. They began by burning John Mitchel in effigy182, and, placing the flaming figure against the window where the soirée was held, they set fire to the building. As the company rushed out they were attacked by the mob. Mr. Smith O'Brien, then member for the county of Limerick, was roughly handled. He was struck with a stone in the face, with another in the back of the head, and was besides severely183 hurt by a blow on the side. Had it not been for the protection of some friends who gathered round him, he would probably have been killed.
At length, after much mischievous184 delay, the Government ventured to lay hands upon the disseminators of sedition185 and the organisers of rebellion. On the 13th of May John Mitchel was arrested and committed to Newgate. On the 15th, Mr. Smith O'Brien, who had been previously186 arrested and was out on bail187, was brought to trial in the Queen's Bench, and arraigned188 on ex officio information as being a wicked, seditious, and turbulent person, and having delivered a speech for the purpose of exciting hatred and contempt against the Queen in Ireland, and inducing the people to rise in rebellion. He was defended by Mr. Butt189, a Conservative barrister, who spoke of the ancient lineage and estimable character of the prisoner, concluding thus:—"Believe me, gentlemen, all cannot be right in a country in which such a man as William Smith O'Brien is guilty, if guilty you pronounce him, of sedition." At the conclusion of this sentence the majority of the bar, and of the people in court, rose from their seats and loudly cheered, the ladies in the galleries waving their handkerchiefs. The jury were locked up all night without refreshments190, but they could not agree. The next day Meagher was tried, with a similar result, and was hailed by a cheering multitude outside, whom he addressed from a window in the Nation office. Mitchel, however, was tried, found guilty, and sentenced to transportation for fourteen years; he was immediately conveyed in the police prison van to a small steamer which waited in the bay, and then to a man-of-war which conveyed him to Bermuda.
But it was not till the end of July that Lord Clarendon obtained the extraordinary powers which he demanded for putting down rebellion. These were conveyed in an Act to empower the Lord-Lieutenant to apprehend142 and detain till the 1st day of March, 1849, such persons as he should "suspect" of conspiring191 against her Majesty's person or Government. On the 27th of July a despatch192 from Dublin appeared in the late editions of some of the London morning papers, stating that the railway station at Thurles had been burned; that for several miles along the lines the rails had been torn up; that dreadful fighting had been going on in Clonmel; that the people were armed in masses; that the troops were over-powered; that some refused to act; that the insurrection had also broken out in Kilkenny,[568] Waterford, and Cork, and all through the South. This was pure invention. No such events had occurred. In order to avoid arrest, the leaders fled from Dublin, and the clubs were completely dispersed193. Mr. Smith O'Brien started on the 22nd by the night mail for Wexford. From Enniscorthy he crossed the mountains to the county Carlow; at Graiguemanagh he visited the parish priest, who offered him no encouragement, but gave him to understand that, in the opinion of the priests, those who attempted to raise a rebellion in the county were insane. He passed on to the towns of Carlow and Kilkenny, where he harangued194 the people and called upon them to rise. He arrived at Carrick-on-Suir on the 24th, and thence he went to Cashel. Leaders had been arrested—namely, Duffy, Martin, Williams, O'Doherty, Meagher, and Doheny. The Act, which received the Royal Assent195 on the 29th of July, was conveyed by express to Dublin, and immediately the Lord-Lieutenant issued a proclamation ordering the suppression of the conspiracy, which should have been done six months before. In pursuance of this proclamation, the principal cities were occupied by the military. Cannon were planted at the ends of the streets, and all but those who had certificates of loyalty196 were deprived of their arms. The police entered the offices of the Nation and Felon197, seized all the copies of those papers, and scattered198 the types. Twelve counties were proclaimed, and a number of young men arrested having commissions and uniforms for the "Irish Army of Liberation."
A Privy199 Council was held at Dublin Castle, at which it was determined200 to offer rewards for the arrest of the principal conspirators—￡500 for William Smith O'Brien, and ￡300 each for Meagher, Dillon, and O'Doherty. The offence charged was, having taken up arms against her Majesty. The rewards offered soon brought matters to a crisis. As soon as the proclamations were posted up, Sub-Inspector201 Trant proceeded from Callan, in the county Kilkenny, with a body of between fifty and sixty of the constabulary, in the hope of capturing some of the proclaimed rebels. Arrived on Boulagh Common, near Ballingarry, on the borders of Tipperary and Kilkenny, they took possession of a slated202 farmhouse203, belonging to a widow named Cormack. This house they hastily fortified, by piling tables, beds, and other articles against the doors and windows. The insurrection actually commenced at a place called Mullinahone, where, at the ringing of the chapel106 bell, large numbers of the peasantry assembled in arms, and hailed Smith O'Brien as their general. He was armed with a short pike and several pistols, which he had fastened to a belt. On the 26th of July he went to the police barrack, where there were but six men, and endeavoured to persuade them to join him, promising204 better pay and promotion205 under the republic, and telling them that they would resist at their peril206. They refused. He then demanded their arms, but they answered that they would die rather than surrender them. He gave them an hour to consider, but departed without carrying his threat into execution. On the 29th Mr. Smith O'Brien appeared on Boulagh Common with increased forces, who surrounded the house in which the constabulary were shut up. He went into the cabbage garden to speak to the police at an open window. He addressed one of the men, and earnestly pressed them to surrender and give up their arms. The constable207 said he would call Mr. Trant. That gentleman immediately hastened to the spot; but the rebel chief had taken his departure. Apprehending208 an attack, Mr. Trant immediately ordered his men to fire, when a battle commenced, which speedily terminated in the defeat of the rebels, of whom two were killed and several wounded. Two shots were aimed at Smith O'Brien without effect; but one of them hit a rebel who was standing209 by his side brandishing210 a pike. He was killed on the spot. Another party of police under the command of Mr. Cox, and accompanied by Mr. French, the stipendiary magistrate, came up at the instant, and fired on the rebels, after which they fled in the greatest disorder211. Eighteen were killed, and a large number wounded. The police suffered no loss whatever. A large detachment of the 83rd Regiment212 and about 150 of the constabulary, with Inspector Blake, hastened to the defence of the besieged213 party; but when they arrived the danger was over, and the police returned to Callan. That evening twenty signal fires blazed on the mountain of Slieve-na-mon. Next day, being Sunday, the military did not attend public worship, and were everywhere kept on the alert. The greatest excitement appeared amongst the peasantry at the Roman Catholic chapels, who were in hourly expectation of being called upon to act, the most anxious solicitude214 being painted upon the countenances215 of the women. There is no doubt, from the temper of the population, that had the priests given the word, there would have been a general rising. But they almost universally condemned216 the conduct of the leaders as insane, and as certain to involve them and all who joined them in destruction. In the meantime, General[569] Macdonald, at the head of his flying column, consisting of 1,700 men, pursued the insurgents, while troops and artillery were poured into Clonmel, Kilkenny, and Thurles. Near the latter place General Macdonald encamped on the domain217 of Turtulla, the seat of Mr. Maher, M.P. The butchers of Thurles refused to supply the men with meat, and consequently provisions had to be brought from the commissariat stores at Limerick, and large quantities of biscuits from Dublin, the people having broken into the house of the baker218 who supplied them with bread at Thurles and destroyed his furniture.
By permission, from the Picture in the Corporation of Leicester Art Gallery.
AN IRISH EVICTION219, 1850.
FROM THE PAINTING BY F. GOODALL, R.A.
[See larger version]
SMITH O'BRIEN.
[See larger version]
After the flight from Ballingarry, and the desertion of his followers, Smith O'Brien abandoned the cause in despair, and concealed220 himself for several days among the peasantry in a miserable state of mind. He had none of the qualities of a rebel chief, and he had not at all calculated the exigencies221 of the position that he had so rashly and criminally assumed, involving the necessity of wholesale222 plunder223 and sanguinary civil strife224, from which his nature shrank. Besides, he soon found that the people would not trust a Protestant leader, and that there was, after all, no magic in the name of O'Brien for a Roman Catholic community. But to the honour of the peasantry it should be spoken, that though many of them were then on the verge of starvation, not one of them yielded to the temptation of large rewards to betray him or his fugitive225 colleagues, and several of them ran the risk of transportation by giving them shelter. In these circumstances, on the 5th of August, Mr. O'Brien walked from his hiding-place in Keeper Mountain into Thurles, where he arrived about eight o'clock in the evening. He[570] went immediately to the railway station to procure226 a ticket for Limerick. On the platform there were seventeen constables227 in plain clothes, who did not know him; but a railway guard named Hulme, an Englishman, recognised him, and tapping him on the shoulder, he presented a pistol at him and said, "You are the Queen's prisoner." A strong escort of police was immediately procured228, and the prisoner was conveyed in a special train to Dublin, where he was lodged229 in Kilmainham gaol.
Thus ended the rebellion of 1848, which had so long kept the country in a state of alarm. It is true that some of the leaders headed small bodies of insurgents in the county of Waterford, and attacked several police barracks, but in none of the affrays were the insurgents successful. The police, who were not more than one to fifty of the rebels, routed them in every instance without any loss of life on their part. The constabulary were then 10,000 strong in Ireland, and Smith O'Brien confidently counted upon their desertion to his ranks; but though the majority of the force were Roman Catholics, they were loyal to a man. Dillon and O'Gorman had escaped to France, but Terence McManus, a fine young man, who had given up a prosperous business as a broker230 in Liverpool, to become an officer in the "Army of Liberation," was arrested in an American vessel231 proceeding from Cork to the United States. A special commission for the trial of the prisoners was opened on the 21st of September, at Clonmel, high treason having been committed in the county Tipperary.
The trial of the chief prisoner lasted nine days. The jury brought in a verdict of guilty, but unanimously and strongly prayed that his life might be spared. It was generally understood that this recommendation would be acted upon, especially as the insurgents had killed none of the Queen's subjects, and their leader had done all in his power to dissuade232 them from the perpetration of crime. McManus and Meagher were next tried, and also found guilty, with a similar recommendation to mercy. When they were asked why sentence of death should not be passed upon them, Smith O'Brien answered that he was perfectly233 satisfied with the consciousness of having performed his duty to his country, and that he had done only what, in his opinion, it was the duty of every Irishman to have done. This no doubt would have been very noble language if there had been a certainty or even a likelihood that the sentence of death would be executed, but as no one expected it, there was perhaps a touch of the melodramatic in the tone of defiance adopted by the prisoners. The Government acted towards them with the greatest forbearance and humanity. They brought a writ92 of error before the House of Lords on account of objections to the jury panel; but the sentence of the court was confirmed. The sentence of death was commuted235 to transportation for life; but they protested against this and insisted on their legal right to be either hanged or set free, in consequence of which an Act was passed quickly through Parliament to remove all doubt about the right of the Crown to commute234 the sentence. The convicts were sent to Van Diemen's Land, where they were allowed to go about freely, on their parole. Meagher and McManus ultimately escaped to America, and Smith O'Brien after some years obtained a free pardon, and was permitted to return home to his family, but without feeling the least gratitude to the Government, or losing the conviction that he had only done his duty to his country. Mr. (afterwards Sir) Gavan Duffy was tried for high treason in Dublin, in February, 1849, but the jury disagreed. He was again tried in April following, when the same thing occurred, and Mr. Duffy gave security to appear again, if required, himself in ￡1,000.
It was not to be expected that the difficulties of Ireland would have passed away with the paroxysm of the crisis through which that nation had been working into a better state of existence. The social evils of that country were too deep-rooted and too extensive to be got rid of suddenly. The political disturbances236 above recorded, coming immediately after the famine, tended to retard237 the process of recovery. Another failure of the potato crop caused severe distress in some parts of the country, while in the poorer districts the pressure upon the rates had a crushing effect upon the owners of land, which was, perhaps, in the majority of cases, heavily encumbered. This led to the passing of a measure for the establishment of a "rate in aid," in the Session of 1849, by which the burden of supporting the poor was more equally divided, and a portion of it placed upon the shoulders most able to bear it. In anticipation238 of this rate the Chancellor239 of the Exchequer240, Sir Charles Wood, proposed an advance of ￡100,000 to meet the existing pressure. The proposed "rate in aid" was sixpence in the pound, to be levied241 in every union in Ireland, towards a general fund for the relief of the poor, and this was connected with a provision that the maximum rate should not exceed five shillings in the pound in any electoral[571] division. The proposition of the Government, with the exception of the maximum rate clause, was agreed to after a good deal of discussion and various amendments242. In the House of Lords the Bill was carried with difficulty, after much discussion and the moving of various amendments.
But at length the Legislature adopted a measure which attempted to go to the root of one of the greatest evils that afflicted243 Ireland. This was a Bill for facilitating the transfer of encumbered estates, which was passed into law, and is generally known as the Encumbered Estates Act. It was introduced by the Solicitor-General, Sir Samuel Romilly, on the 26th of April. Nothing could be more unsatisfactory than the state of landed property in that country. Many of the estates had been in Chancery for a long series of years, under the management of receivers, and periodically let at rack-rents. Many others which were not in Chancery were so heavily mortgaged that the owners were merely nominal244. Others again were so tied up by family settlements, or held by such defective245 titles, that they could not be transferred. Consequently, a great portion of the landed property of the country was in such a condition that capital could not be invested in it, or expended246 on it. The course of proceeding in Chancery was so slow, so expensive, so ruinous, and the court was so apparently incapable247 of reform, that nothing could be expected from that quarter. The Government, therefore, proposed to establish a commission, invested with all the powers of that court, and capable of exercising those powers in a summary manner, without delay and without expense, so that an encumbered estate could be at once sold, either wholly or in part, and a parliamentary title given, which should be good against all the world. This important measure met with general approval in both Houses. Indeed it was hailed with satisfaction by all classes of the community, with the exception of a portion of the Irish landed gentry. There were three commissioners248 appointed, lawyers of eminence249 and experience in connection with land. By a subsequent enactment250 in 1849, it was regulated as a permanent institution, under the title of the Landed Estates Court; the three commissioners were styled judges, ranking with the judges of the Law Courts. The number of petitions or applications for sale made to this court from the 17th of October, 1849, to the 1st of August, 1850, was 1,085, and of this number those by owners amounted to 177—nearly one-sixth of the whole. The rental251 of the estates thus sought to be sold by the nominal proprietors, anxious to be relieved of their burdens, was ￡195,000 per annum, and the encumbrances252 affecting them amounted to no less than ￡3,260,000. The rental of the estates included in 1,085 applications, made by others not owners, amounted to ￡655,470 per annum, and the debt upon these amounted to the enormous sum of ￡12,400,348. One of the estates brought before the court had been in Chancery for seventy years, the original bill having been filed by Lord Mansfield in 1781. The estates were broken up into parcels for the convenience of purchasers, many of whom were the occupying tenants, and the great majority were Irishmen. Generally the properties brought their full value, estimated by the poor-law valuation, not by the rack rents which were set down in the agents' books, but never recovered. The amount of capital that lay dormant253 in Ireland, waiting for investment in land, may be inferred from the fact that in nine years—from 1849 to 1858—the sum of twenty-two millions sterling254 was paid for 2,380 estates. But in the pacification255 of Ireland the Act accomplished256 far less than was hoped by Sir Robert Peel, who practically forced the measure upon the Ministry257. Men of capital looked for a fair percentage for their investments: many of them were merchants and solicitors258, without any of the attachments259 that subsisted between the old race of landlords and their tenants, and they naturally dealt with land as they did with other matters—in a commercial spirit—and evicted260 wholesale tenants who were unable to pay.
Soon after the prorogation261 of Parliament in the autumn her Majesty resolved to pay her first visit to her Irish subjects. At Cowes a royal squadron was in readiness to convoy262 the Victoria and Albert across the Channel. The Queen was accompanied by Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice. The royal yacht anchored alongside the Ganges, her arrival off the Irish coast being announced by the booming of artillery on the 2nd of August, which was the signal for the lighting263 of bonfires upon the hills around the picturesque264 town of Cove. In the morning a deputation went on board, consisting of the Marquis of Thomond, head of the house of O'Brien, the Earl of Bandon and several of the nobility and gentry of the county, with the Mayor of Cork, and Mr. Fagan, M.P. for that city. They were introduced to her Majesty by Sir George Grey, the Secretary of State in attendance during the visit. Arrangements were then made for the landing, and about three o'clock the Queen first set foot upon Irish[572] ground, amidst the most enthusiastic demonstrations265 of loyalty from the multitudes assembled to bid their Sovereign welcome, mingling266 their cheers with the roar of cannon, which reverberated267 from the hills around. A pavilion had been erected268 for her Majesty's reception, and over it floated a banner, with the word "Cove" emblazoned upon it. The Queen had consented, at the request of the inhabitants, to change the name of the place and call it "Queenstown," and when she left the pavilion the first flag was pulled down and another erected in its stead, with the new name. Thus the old name of "Cove" was extinguished by the Queen's visit, just as the old name of "Dunleary" had been extinguished by the visit of George IV.
The royal party then proceeded up the beautiful river Lee, to the city of Cork, hailed by cheering crowds at every point along the banks where a sight of the Queen could be obtained. All the population of the capital of Munster seemed to have turned out to do homage to their Sovereign. A procession was quickly formed. The Queen and the Royal Family occupied carriages lent for the occasion by Lord Bandon. The procession passed under several beautiful triumphal arches, erected at different points. The public buildings and many private houses were adorned269 with banners of every hue270, evergreens271, and all possible signs of rejoicing. The windows, balconies, and all available positions were crowded by the citizens, cheering and waving their hats and handkerchiefs. When this ceremony had been gone through, the Queen returned to the Victoria and Albert in Queenstown Harbour. At night the whole of that town was brilliantly illuminated272. In Cork, also, the public buildings and the principal streets were lit up in honour of her Majesty's visit. Her Majesty, before she departed, was pleased to say to Sir Thomas Deane that "nothing could be more gratifying" than her reception.
About ten o'clock on the morning of the 4th of August the squadron weighed anchor for Dublin Bay. They passed that night in Waterford Harbour, and arrived at Kingstown on the afternoon of the following day. When the Queen appeared on deck there was a tremendous burst of cheering, which was renewed again and again, especially when the Victoria and Albert amidst salutes273 from yachts and steamers, swung round at anchor, head to wind. At that time it is calculated that there must have been 40,000 people present. Monday, the 6th of August, was an auspicious274 day for the Irish metropolis275. It opened with a brilliant sun, and from an early hour all the population of Dublin seemed astir. Trains began to run to Kingstown as early as half-past six, and from that hour to noon the multitudes poured in by sea and land in order to see and welcome their Queen. The Earl of Clarendon (the Lord-Lieutenant), Lady Clarendon, Prince George of Cambridge, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Sir Edward Blakeney, Commander of the Forces, the Archbishop of Dublin, the Duke of Leinster, the chief judges, and a number of peers and leading gentry, arrived early to welcome the Sovereign. There was also a deputation from the county of Dublin, consisting of the High Sheriff, Mr. Ennis, Lords Charlemont, Brabazon, Howth, Monck, Roebuck, and others. The Queen landed at ten o'clock. The excitement and tumultuous joy at that moment cannot be described. There was a special train in waiting to convey the Queen to Dublin, which stopped at Sandymount Station, where the procession was to be formed. In addition to the innumerable carriages waiting to take their places, there was a cavalcade276 of the gentry of the county and a countless277 multitude of pedestrians278. The procession began to move soon after ten o'clock, passing over Ball's Bridge and on through Baggot Street. At Baggot Street Bridge the city gate was erected. All was enthusiasm, exultation279, and joy. Nobody could then have imagined that only one short year before there had been in this very city bands of rebels arming themselves against the Queen's authority. All traces of rebellion, disaffection, discontent and misery were forgotten in that demonstration of loyalty.
On Monday night the whole city was brilliantly illuminated. The excitement of the multitude had time to cool next day, for it rained incessantly280 from morning till night. But the rain did not keep the Queen in-doors. She was out early through the city, visiting the Bank of Ireland, the National Model Schools, the University, and the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham. There she cheered the hearts of the brave old pensioners281 by saying, "I am glad indeed to see you all so comfortable." The illuminations were repeated this evening with, if possible, increased splendour, and the streets were filled with people in every direction, all behaving in the most orderly manner. Her Majesty held a levee in Dublin Castle on Wednesday, which was attended by unprecedented282 numbers. On Thursday she witnessed a grand review in the Ph?nix Park, and held a Drawing-room in her palace in the evening. The Queen left Dublin on Friday evening, followed to the railway station by immense multitudes, cheering and blessing283 as only[573] enthusiastic Celts can cheer and bless. The scene at the embarkation284 in Kingstown Harbour was very touching285. The whole space and the piers286 were crowded as when she arrived. The cheering and waving of handkerchiefs seemed to affect her Majesty as the royal yacht moved slowly out towards the extremity288 of the pier287 near the lighthouse. She left the two ladies-in-waiting with whom she was conversing289 on deck, ran up to the paddle-box, and, taking her place beside Prince Albert, she gazed upon the scene before her, graciously waving her hand in response to the parting salutations of her loyal Irish subjects. She appeared to give some order to the commander, the paddles immediately ceased to move, and the vessel merely floated on; the royal standard was lowered in courtesy to the cheering thousands on shore; and this stately obeisance290 was repeated five times. This incident produced a deep impression on the hearts of the people, and it was this picture that dwelt longest on their minds.
After a rough passage the squadron arrived, at three in the morning, in Carrickfergus Road, about seven miles from Belfast. The water in the Channel was not deep enough for the Victoria and Albert, and the royal party went on board the Fairy tender, in which they rapidly glided291 up the lough, and anchored at the quay292, where they landed in order to see the town. Loyal mottoes told, in every form of expression, the welcome of the inhabitants of the capital of Ulster. An arch of grand architectural proportions, richly decorated with floral ornaments293 and waving banners, spanned the High Street. Her Majesty visited the Queen's College and the Linen Hall. Although a flourishing city, Belfast had not then much to boast of architecturally, and therefore there was not much to be seen. The numerous mills about the town would remind the Queen more of Lancashire than of Ireland, giving her assurance by that same token that Ulster was the most industrious294 and most prosperous province of the Emerald Isle. If, in Cork, where O'Connell had been obeyed almost as Sovereign of the country, the Queen was hailed with such enthusiastic devotion, how intense must have been the loyal demonstrations in a town out of which the Repeal chief was obliged to fly secretly, to avoid being stoned to death.
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cove
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| n.小海湾，小峡谷 | |
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cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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organise
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| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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impunity
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proprietor
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remit
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arrears
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tenants
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demon
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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strenuously
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alteration
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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engender
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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35
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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36
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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37
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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38
complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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39
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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40
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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41
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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42
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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43
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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44
shuffling
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| adj. 慢慢移动的, 滑移的 动词shuffle的现在分词形式 | |
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45
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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46
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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47
painstaking
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| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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48
administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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49
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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50
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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51
destitution
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|
| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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52
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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53
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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54
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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55
deterioration
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|
| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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56
contemptible
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|
| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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57
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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58
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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59
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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60
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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61
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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62
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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63
forensic
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|
| adj.法庭的，雄辩的 | |
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64
worthy
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|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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65
convened
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|
| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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66
agrarian
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|
| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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67
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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68
melancholy
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|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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69
fortitude
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|
| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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70
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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71
distress
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|
| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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72
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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73
outrages
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|
| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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74
batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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75
villains
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|
| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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76
congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
doom
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|
| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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78
indifference
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|
| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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79
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
upwards
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|
| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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81
gaol
|
|
| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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82
atrocity
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|
| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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83
roe
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|
| n.鱼卵；獐鹿 | |
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84
plantations
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|
| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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85
consigned
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|
| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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86
ignominious
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|
| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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87
sketch
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|
| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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88
briefly
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|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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89
devoted
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|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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90
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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91
repeal
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|
| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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92
writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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93
solicitor
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|
| n.初级律师，事务律师 | |
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94
animated
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|
| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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95
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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96
attained
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|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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97
originality
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|
| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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98
glorify
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|
| vt.颂扬，赞美，使增光，美化 | |
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99
defiance
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|
| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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100
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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101
orator
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|
| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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102
ardent
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|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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103
harangues
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|
| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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104
agitation
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|
| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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105
essentially
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|
| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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106
chapel
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|
| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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107
chapels
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|
| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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108
sufficiently
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|
| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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109
supremacy
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|
| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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110
intimidate
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| vt.恐吓，威胁 | |
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111
breaches
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|
| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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112
prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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113
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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114
bigotry
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|
| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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115
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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116
disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
rotunda
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| n.圆形建筑物；圆厅 | |
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118
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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119
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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120
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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121
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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122
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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123
propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
copiously
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| adv.丰富地，充裕地 | |
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125
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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126
barricades
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| 路障，障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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127
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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128
hawked
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| 通过叫卖主动兜售（hawk的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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129
enlisting
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| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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130
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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131
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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132
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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133
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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134
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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135
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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136
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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137
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
linen
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|
| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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139
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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140
shutters
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| 百叶窗( shutter的名词复数 )； （照相机的）快门 | |
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141
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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142
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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143
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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144
chambers
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|
| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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145
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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146
unreasonable
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|
| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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147
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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148
rebellious
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|
| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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149
protracted
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|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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150
proprietors
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|
| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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151
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
levying
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|
| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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153
blackmail
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| n.讹诈，敲诈，勒索，胁迫，恫吓 | |
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154
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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155
trepidation
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|
| n.惊恐，惶恐 | |
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156
opportune
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|
| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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157
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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158
symbolic
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|
| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
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159
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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160
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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161
honourable
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|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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162
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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163
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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164
monarchy
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|
| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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165
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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166
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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167
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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168
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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169
jeers
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| n.操纵帆桁下部（使其上下的）索具；嘲讽( jeer的名词复数 )v.嘲笑( jeer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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170
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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171
hisses
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| 嘶嘶声( hiss的名词复数 ) | |
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172
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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173
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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174
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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175
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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176
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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177
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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178
confidentially
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| ad.秘密地，悄悄地 | |
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179
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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180
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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181
liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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182
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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183
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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184
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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185
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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186
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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187
bail
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| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
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188
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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189
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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190
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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191
conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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192
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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193
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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194
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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196
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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197
felon
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| n.重罪犯；adj.残忍的 | |
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198
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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199
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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200
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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201
inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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202
slated
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| 用石板瓦盖( slate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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203
farmhouse
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| n.农场住宅（尤指主要住房） | |
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204
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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205
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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206
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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207
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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208
apprehending
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的现在分词 )； 理解 | |
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209
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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210
brandishing
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| v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 )；炫耀 | |
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211
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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212
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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213
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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214
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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215
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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216
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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217
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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218
baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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219
eviction
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| n.租地等的收回 | |
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220
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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221
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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222
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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223
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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224
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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225
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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226
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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227
constables
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| n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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228
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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229
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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230
broker
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| n.中间人，经纪人；v.作为中间人来安排 | |
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231
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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232
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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233
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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234
commute
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| vi.乘车上下班；vt.减(刑)；折合；n.上下班交通 | |
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235
commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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236
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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237
retard
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| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
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238
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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239
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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240
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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241
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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242
amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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243
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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244
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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245
defective
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|
| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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246
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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247
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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248
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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249
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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250
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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251
rental
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| n.租赁，出租，出租业 | |
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252
encumbrances
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| n.负担( encumbrance的名词复数 )；累赘；妨碍；阻碍 | |
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253
dormant
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| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
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254
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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255
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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256
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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257
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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258
solicitors
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| 初级律师( solicitor的名词复数 ) | |
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259
attachments
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| n.（用电子邮件发送的）附件( attachment的名词复数 )；附着；连接；附属物 | |
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260
evicted
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| v.（依法从房屋里或土地上）驱逐，赶出( evict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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261
prorogation
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| n.休会，闭会 | |
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262
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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263
lighting
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| n.照明，光线的明暗，舞台灯光 | |
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264
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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265
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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266
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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267
reverberated
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| 回响，回荡( reverberate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使反响，使回荡，使反射 | |
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268
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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269
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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270
hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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271
evergreens
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| n.常青树，常绿植物，万年青( evergreen的名词复数 ) | |
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272
illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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273
salutes
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| n.致敬，欢迎，敬礼( salute的名词复数 )v.欢迎，致敬( salute的第三人称单数 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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274
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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275
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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276
cavalcade
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| n.车队等的行列 | |
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277
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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278
pedestrians
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| n.步行者( pedestrian的名词复数 ) | |
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279
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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280
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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281
pensioners
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| n.领取退休、养老金或抚恤金的人( pensioner的名词复数 ) | |
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282
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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283
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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284
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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285
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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286
piers
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| n.水上平台( pier的名词复数 )；（常设有娱乐场所的）突堤；柱子；墙墩 | |
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287
pier
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| n.码头；桥墩，桥柱；[建]窗间壁，支柱 | |
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288
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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289
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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290
obeisance
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| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
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291
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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292
quay
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| n.码头，靠岸处 | |
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293
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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294
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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