The conclusion of the Afghan war did not end the difficulties with the countries bordering on India. In the treaty with the Ameers of Scinde it was provided that Britain should have liberty to navigate4 the Indus for mercantile purposes, but that she should not bring into it any armed vessels5 or munitions6 of war, and that no British merchant should, on any account, settle in the country. Permission, however, was given to a British agent to reside at Kurrachee, and in 1836, when the country was threatened by Runjeet Singh, the British Government took advantage of the occasion to secure a footing in the country, one of the most fertile in the East. Kurrachee was only at the mouth of the river, but in 1838 a great step in advance was gained by getting a British agent to reside at Hyderabad, the capital, in order that he might be at hand to negotiate with Runjeet Singh. But the agent undertook to negotiate without consulting the Ameers, and awarded the payment of a large sum claimed by the Prince whom they dreaded7, for which sum they produced a full discharge. This discharge was ignored by the British Government in India, acting8 in the interests of[590] Shah Sujah, its royal protégé in Afghanistan. This was not all. A British army of 10,000 men, under Sir John Keane, marched, without permission, through Scinde, in order to support the same Prince against his competitors. Bolder encroachments were now made. The British Government determined10 on establishing a military force at Yatah, contrary to the wishes of the people, and compelled the Ameers to contribute to its support, in consideration of the advantages which it was alleged12 it would confer upon them. When the draft of a treaty to this effect was presented to the Ameers, one of them took the former treaties out of a box, and said, "What is to become of all these? Since the day that Scinde has been covenanted13 with the English there has been always something new. Your Government is never satisfied. We are anxious for your friendship; but we cannot be continually persecuted14. We have given you and your troops a passage through our territories, and now you wish to remain." But remonstrance15 was in vain. The treaty must be signed; and the great Christian16 Power, which had its headquarters at Calcutta, insisted that the British force might be located anywhere in the country west of the Indus, and that the Ameers must pay for its support three lacs of rupees.
Pottinger was the first political agent at Hyderabad. He was succeeded by Major Outram, who could detect no hostility17 or treacherous18 purpose in the rulers of the country, though he admitted that during the reverses in Afghanistan they had intrigued19 freely with the enemy. But this favourable20 account did not suit the designs of Lord Ellenborough. He had issued a proclamation as hollow as it was high-sounding, condemning21 the "political system" that had led to the Afghan war. But he immediately began to act upon that system in Scinde, though with the evacuation of Afghanistan the solitary23 reason for the occupation had disappeared. In order to accomplish his objects more effectually, he superseded24 Outram, and sent Sir Charles Napier, with full civil and military authority, to get possession of the country any way; by fair means if possible, but if not, he was at all events to get possession. It was to be his first "political duty" to hear what Major Outram and the other political agents had to allege11 against the Ameers of Hyderabad and Khyrpore, tending to prove hostile designs against the British Government, or to act hostilely against the British army. Lord Ellenborough added, "that they may have had such hostile feelings there can be no doubt. It would be impossible to suppose that they could entertain friendly feelings; but we should not be justified25 in inflicting26 punishment upon these thoughts. Should any Ameer or chief with whom we have a treaty of friendship and alliance have evinced hostile designs against us during the late events, which may have induced them to doubt the continuance of our power, it is the present intention of the Governor-General to inflict27 upon the treachery of such ally or friend so signal a punishment as shall effectually deter9 others from similar conduct. But the Governor-General would not proceed in this course without the most ample and convincing evidence of the guilt28 of the person accused." Certain letters were speedily produced by Sir Charles Napier (which, no doubt, he considered authentic29, though never proved to be so, and which might very easily have been fabricated by interested parties), showing a design among the chiefs to unite for the defence of their country. On the pretence30 of danger suggested by those documents, a new treaty was tendered to the Ameers for signature on the 6th of December, 1842, which required that around certain central positions the British Government should have portions of territory assigned to it, and another portion should be given to the Khan of Bhawlpore as a reward for his fidelity31; that the Ameers were to supply fuel for the steamers navigating32 the Indus, and that failing to do so, the servants of the Company were to fell what wood they required within a hundred yards of the river on either side, and that the East India Company should coin money for Scinde, with the head of the Queen of Great Britain stamped on one side. This was a virtual assertion of sovereign rights; and if the people had any spirit at all, any patriotism33, the casus belli so much desired was now forced upon them. The Ameers were so circumstanced that they pretended to accept the treaty; but it mattered little to Sir Charles Napier whether it was signed or not; for long before it was ratified34 he issued a proclamation in which he said, "The Governor-General of India has ordered me to take possession of the districts of Ledzeel Kote and of Banghara, and to reannex the said districts to the territory of his Highness the Nawab of Bhawlpore, to whom they will immediately be made over." This was done, and Sir Charles Napier forthwith marched into the country without any declaration of war; having by this time succeeded in blackening the character of the people, according to the custom of invaders36, in order to make the seizure38 and confiscation39 of[591] their country seem to be an act of righteous retribution. The following despatch40 from Sir Charles Napier would be worthy41 of a Norman invader37 of the twelfth century:—"I had discovered long ago that the Ameers put implicit42 faith in their deserts, and feel confident that we can never reach them there. Therefore, when negotiations43 and delays, and lying and intrigues44 of all kinds fail, they can at last declare their entire obedience45, innocence46, and humility47, and retire beyond our reach to their deserts, and from thence launch their wild bands against us, so as to cut off all our communications and render Scinde more hot than Nature has already done. So circumstanced, and after drawing all I could from Ali Moorad, whom I saw last night at Khyrpore, I made up my mind that, although war was not declared, nor is it necessary to declare it, I would at once march upon Emaum-Ghur, and prove to the whole Talpoor family, both of Khyrpore and Hyderabad, that neither their deserts nor their negotiations could protect them from the British troops. While they imagine they can fly with security they never will."
The forces on which the Ameers relied numbered about 20,000 men, who had retired48 to a great stronghold, eight days' journey distant, in the dreary49 desert of Beloochistan. Thither50, notwithstanding the difficulties of the march, Sir Charles Napier boldly determined to pursue them. The wells being all dry, water for the troops and their horses had to be carried on camels' backs. With 360 men of the Queen's Regiment51, mounted on camels, and 200 irregular cavalry52, followed by ten camels bearing provisions, and eighty loaded with water, the adventurous53 general directed his perilous54 course into the desert, commencing his march on the 5th of January, 1843. After three or four days' march over burning sands, the camels became too weak to draw the howitzers. Their place was supplied, or their failing strength aided, by the hardy55 and indomitable Irishmen who formed part of the expedition. "At length, on the evening of the 14th, the square tower of Emaum-Ghur was discerned, rising on the distant horizon in solitary grandeur56, in that profound solitude57." They found the place deserted58; Mahommed Khan, the governor, having retired with his treasure the day before, leaving an immense quantity of ammunition59 behind. With this the fortress60 was blown up. No fewer than twenty-four mines were run under it in different parts. As Major Warburton, the engineer, was applying his fusee to the last one, his assistant cried, "The other mines are going to burst." "That may be," he replied; "but this must burst also." He then set fire to the fusee with his own hand, and quietly walked away. In a few minutes the stronghold of the Beloochees was blown into fragments. They had another, of equal strength, farther on in the desert; but to attack that with the forces now at his command was an impossibility; and so Sir Charles Napier returned, and rejoined his main army near Hyderabad, having sent Outram to negotiate the details of the treaty.
On the 12th of February, 1843, Outram persuaded the Ameers, who were in deadly fear of Napier, to sign the treaty. But the negotiator, who continued to place implicit confidence in the pacific professions of the Ameers—they being anxious to gain time till the hot weather should come, and give them an advantage against their enemies—was convinced of his mistake by a treacherous attack made on the British residency; the Ameers boasting that "every man, woman, and child belonging to the British army in Scinde should be collected on the field of battle, and have their throats cut, except the general, who should be led, chained, with a ring in his nose to the durbar." Outram's garrison61 consisted only of 100 soldiers, with forty rounds of ammunition each, with which he had to defend himself against 8,000 men with six guns. The British fired with effect from behind a wall till their ammunition was exhausted62, when they slowly retired till they got safe on board the British steamers, protected by their guns, which swept the flank of the enemy. The war had now come in earnest, and so Sir Charles Napier resolved to show the Ameers what British troops could do. The odds63 were greatly against him, for he had but 8,600 men, of whom only 400 were Europeans, with which he was to engage an army 22,000 strong, with 5,000 horse, and fifteen guns, all well posted in a strong position at Meeanee. It required marvellous hardihood in the veteran warrior64 of the Peninsula to enter upon such an unequal contest. But it was the first time that the ambition of his life was realised—in being placed in a position of supreme65 command—and he longed to show the world how worthily66 he could have filled it long ago. The officers who fought under him in that memorable67 battle deserve to be mentioned. Major Lloyd commanded the Artillery68, Captain Henderson the Sappers and Miners; next to them stood the 22nd, commanded by Colonel Pennefather; Colonel Teesdale led the 25th Sepoys; Colonel Read the 12th Native Infantry69; Major Clibborne the Bengal Engineers; Colonel Pattle the 9th Bengal Horse; and Captain[592] Tait the Poonah Horse. The plain between the two armies was about 1,000 yards in breadth. The space was rapidly passed over. Napier's men rushed forward, and crossing the bed of a river which intervened, they ran up the slope, while the artillery of the Beloochees fired over their heads. Reaching the summit, they beheld70, for the first time, the camp of the enemy, which was carried by the 22nd. The Native Infantry also behaved well, and while the little army was doing terrible execution upon the enemy, the artillery swept their ranks with shot and shell. Nevertheless, they fought bravely, and held their ground for three hours in a hand to hand encounter with their assailants. The chasms71 which were repeatedly made by the guns in the living mass were quickly filled up by those behind rushing forward to the conflict. The pressure of numbers bearing down the hill seemed more than once on the point of overwhelming the British, and obliterating72 their "thin red lines." Nearly all the officers were killed or wounded. Everything now depended upon the cavalry, which were commanded by Colonel Pattle, who was ordered to charge instantly. They went at full gallop73 through the jungle: fifty were thrown off their horses, but the rest pressed on, ascended74 the ridge75 of the hill, dashed into the thick of the enemy's ranks, fiercely cutting their way with their swords right and left, trampling76 down the men under their horses' feet, never ceasing till they had traversed the whole camp. The confusion and wavering thus occasioned gave courage to the infantry. The Irish and the Sepoys, raising the cry of victory, pressed on with fury, drove the enemy back down the hill, and compelled them to retreat, abandoning their guns, their ammunition, and their baggage, leaving their dead on the field, and marking their course by a long train of killed and wounded. Their loss was estimated at 5,000—1,000 bodies being found in the bed of the river. The British loss was almost incredibly small: six officers and fifty-four privates killed, fourteen officers and 109 men wounded.
Next day the victorious77 general sent a message to Hyderabad, threatening to storm the city if it was not immediately surrendered. The walls were very strong, and might have been defended successfully; but the Ameers had lost heart, and six of them came out to the British camp, and laid their swords at the feet of the conqueror79. But though the city was in his possession, conquest seemed only to increase his difficulties. He had to keep possession of a large hostile city, and to defend his own entrenched81 camp against 20,000 Beloochees, who were still in the field under Shere Mahommed, and to accomplish all this he had but 2,000 effective men under his command. Reinforcements, however, were quickly dispatched by Lord Ellenborough. They arrived safely and gave him an army of 5,000 veteran troops. In the meantime, Shere Mahommed had come within five miles of the British camp, and sent Sir Charles Napier a summons to surrender; he had an army of 20,000 men in an extremely strong position. Nothing daunted82, Sir Charles Napier attacked the enemy. His plan of action was altered, on account of an unauthorised attack made by Colonel Stark83 with his cavalry, in consequence of the giving way of the centre before an onset84 of the Irish regiment. The cavalry charge, the result of a sudden inspiration, was brilliantly successful. The cavalry swept everything before them, and carried confusion and dismay into the rear of the enemy's centre. The British general instantly took advantage of this success, and, changing his plan, he led on the Irish infantry to storm the first nullah. After a fierce resistance, the scarp was mounted, and Lieutenant85 Coote fell wounded while in the act of waving the Beloochee standard in triumph on the summit. The Sepoys were equally successful in storming the second nullah, which was bravely defended, but ultimately carried with great loss to the enemy, who were routed in all directions, their retreating ranks being mowed86 down by the artillery, and pursued by the cavalry for a distance of several miles. The loss of the British in this great victory was only 270 men. Although the heat was then 110° in the shade, Sir Charles Napier rapidly pursued the enemy, so that his cavalry arrived at Meerpoor, a distance of forty miles, before Shere Mahommed could reach it. It was his capital—strongly fortified87, filled with stores of all kinds—and it fell without resistance into the hands of the British general. Shere Mahommed had retreated to the stronghold of Omerkote, in the desert. Thither he was pursued by Captain Whitlie, at the head of the Light Horse. The Ameer fled with some horsemen into the desert. The garrison that remained, after a few shots, pulled down their colours, and, on the 4th of April, the British standard waved on the towers of Omerkote.
The remnant of the Beloochee forces were hunted for some weeks by flying columns. At length, Captain Roberts, at the head of one of them, captured the brother of Shere Mahommed and 1,000 of his followers88. Another column was attacked by the Ameer himself; but his followers,[593] after the first round of fire, dispersed89. The whole military force of the Ameers was now annihilated90, and the conquest of Scinde was complete. "I think," said Sir Charles Napier, "I may venture to say that Scinde is now subdued91. The Scindian population everywhere express their satisfaction at the change of masters." No doubt the change from Mohammedan to British rule was an advantage to the poor Hindoos; and if it be allowable to do evil that good may come, Lord Ellenborough was justified in the means he had adopted for supplanting92 the Ameers.
THE CHARGE OF THE CAVALRY AT MEEANEE. (See p. 592.)
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The British public, thrilled by the news of his heroic achievements, fully78 sympathised with the victorious general. The thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to him and the army, and the Duke of Wellington expressed in the House of Lords the highest admiration93 of his generalship. Sir Charles Napier became the civil governor of the province which his sword had won for his Sovereign; and he showed by the excellence94 of his administration that his capacity as a statesman was equal to his genius as a general. He encouraged trade; he carried on extensive public works; he erected95 a pier1 at Kurrachee, extending two miles into the water, and forming a secure harbour; he organised a most efficient police; he raised a revenue sufficient to pay the whole expenses of the administration, giving a surplus of ￡90,000, which, added to the prize-money, brought half a million sterling96 into the Company's treasury97 in one year. The cultivators of the soil were protected in the enjoyment98 of the fruits of their industry; artisans, no longer liable to be mutilated for demanding their wages, came back from the countries to which they had fled; beautiful girls were no longer torn from their families to fill the zenanas of Mohammedan lords, or to be sold into slavery. The Hindoo merchant and the Parsee trader pursued their business with confidence, and commerce added to the wealth of the new province. The effect of these reforms was conspicuous99 in the loyalty100 of the Scindians during the revolt of 1857.
No sooner was the conquest of Scinde completed than the Governor-General began to discern another cloud looming101 in the distance. In the Punjab, Runjeet Singh had organised a regular[594] and well-disciplined army of 73,000 men. He died in 1839. His heir died the next year, it was supposed of poison. The next heir was killed a few days afterwards by accident. The third, who succeeded, was an effeminate prince, who left the government in the hands of his Minister, a wicked man, who, conspiring102 with others, caused to be murdered several members of the Royal Family. They were, in their turn, punished by having their heads cut off, and the only surviving son of Runjeet Singh, a boy only ten years of age, was proclaimed Maharajah. This was the work of the Sikh army, now virtually masters of the country. Lord Ellenborough and his Council suspected that this army, still 40,000 strong, and very brave, was unfriendly to the British, and might some day give trouble to the Indian Government—possibly invade its territories and cut off its communications. In order to guard against such contingencies103, it was necessary, they thought, to take possession of Gwalior, a powerful Mahratta State in Central India. This country lay on the flank of our line of communications with Allahabad, Benares, and Calcutta. In this country also there were, fortunately for the British, a disputed succession, royal murders, civil dissensions, and military disorganisation. A boy, adopted by the queen, was proclaimed Sovereign by the chiefs, with a regency, over which the British Government extended its protecting wing. The young Sovereign died in 1843, leaving no child; but his widow, then thirteen years of age, adopted a boy of eight, who became king under another regency. The regent Nana Sahib was deposed104, notwithstanding the support of the British Government. This was an offence which Lord Ellenborough would not allow to go unpunished; and besides, the disorganised army of Gwalior was said to be committing depredations105 along the British frontier. Here, then, in the estimation of the Governor-General, was a clear case for military intervention106, to put down disorder2, and secure a good position for future defence against the possible aggressions of the warlike Sikhs of the Punjab. Lord Ellenborough explained his policy to the Company, stating that the Indian Government could not descend108 from its high position as the paramount109 authority in India.
His arguments seemed to satisfy the Home Government, and a large force was sent from Agra to Gwalior, under Sir Hugh Gough, then Commander-in-Chief of India, as successor of Sir Jasper Nicholls. So much interest did Lord Ellenborough feel in this invading expedition that it was accompanied by him in person. The Mahrattas of course prepared to defend themselves. They were met at Maharajpore. After a severe struggle, in which the enemy were bayoneted at their guns, and a series of bloody110 conflicts had taken place in the streets, the British were victorious, and got possession of twenty-eight guns, with the key of the enemy's position. The battle, however, was not over when this vantage ground was gained; for though the enemy had fallen back, they were prepared for a desperate resistance in other less favourable positions. A general attack was then ordered. Brigadier Scott, at the head of the 10th Light Horse, and Captain Grant, with his Horse Artillery, had scattered111 their cavalry which covered the extreme right. General Vaillant then led on the 40th Queen's, and successively gained three strong positions, which the enemy defended with the utmost firmness and courage, not quitting their guns till they were cut down by their fierce assailants. In this attack they lost six regimental standards. The 2nd Native Infantry also acted bravely on this occasion. The 39th Queen's also made an impetuous attack, and the result was that the enemy were driven from all their entrenchments in utter confusion, with the loss of nine standards and sixty-four guns. Seven of our officers were killed on the spot or wounded mortally. Our total loss was 106 killed, and 684 wounded. The Commander-in-Chief wrote in his despatch:—"I regret to say that our loss has been very severe—infinitely beyond what I calculated upon. Indeed, I did not do justice to the gallantry of my opponents." It was a loss certainly almost unprecedented112 in Indian warfare113, and it is remarkable114 that this misfortune repeatedly occurred while Lord Gough was Commander-in-Chief. Lord Ellenborough, with his suite115, was rash enough to be under fire during part of the engagement. The loss of the enemy was estimated at 3,000. Major-General Gray, with only 2,000 men, on the same day won a victory over 12,000 of the Mahrattas, in the fortified village of Mangor, about twelve miles from Gwalior. Here, too, the loss of the victors was very heavy, more than a tenth of the little army having fallen.
After these victories an armistice116 was agreed upon, as a preliminary to negotiations. The result was submission117 on the part of the Mahrattas, and the occupation of Gwalior by British troops. The Governor-General then imposed the terms of peace, which did not include the seizure of any territory, but consisted solely118 in the usurpation119 of[595] sovereignty. The Mahrattas were compelled to disband their army and abolish their government. The supreme authority was lodged120 in a Council of men devoted121 to the East India Company, whose President was to receive his instructions from the British Resident. A new army was organised as a contingent122, which was to be at the service of the Indian Government when required. Until the majority of the reigning123 Prince, the administrators124 of the Government were to act on the British Resident's advice, not only generally or in important points, but in all matters wherein such advice should be offered.
The career of Lord Ellenborough as Governor-General of India was one of the most remarkable in its annals. He went out for the purpose of inaugurating a policy of peace, conciliation125, and non-intervention. His course from that day was one of constant aggression107 and war. The conquests of Scinde and Gwalior were planned and prepared for deliberately126 and in good time; and when the Governments to be subdued were goaded127 into hostilities128, he was ready to pounce129 upon them with overwhelming force. His friends defended this policy on the ground that, though it was aggressive it was self-defensive; to guard against a possible, but very remote contingency—an invasion of the Sikhs to drive the British out of India. The Governor-General, however, had become entirely130 too warlike; and since he had smelt131 powder and tasted blood at Gwalior, the Board of Control, who had already formally censured132 his Scinde policy, became so alarmed at his martial133 propensities134 that they determined on his immediate22 recall, and sent out Sir Henry Hardinge to rule in his stead.
Sir Henry Hardinge, the new Governor-General of India, whom Sir Robert Peel recommended to the Board of Control, had been in the army since he was thirteen years of age. He had followed Wellington through all the battles of the Peninsular war, and had won all the military glory that could be desired, so that he was not likely to follow the example of Lord Ellenborough in opening fresh fields for the gathering135 of laurels136 in India. The Chairman of the East India Company, giving him instructions on his departure, cautioned him against following the example of Lord Ellenborough in appointing military officers as administrators in preference to the civil servants of the Crown. He reminded him that the members of the Civil Service were educated with a special view to the important duties of civil administration, upon the upright and intelligent performance of which so much of the happiness of the people depended. He expressed a hope that he would appreciate justly the eminent137 qualities of the civil servants of India; and that he would act towards the Sepoys with every degree of consideration and indulgence, compatible with the maintenance of order and obedience. He urged that his policy should be essentially138 pacific, and should tend to the development of the internal resources of the country, while endeavouring to improve the condition of the finances.
[596]
THACKWELL AT SOBRAON. (See p. 599.)
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Sir Henry arrived at Calcutta in September, 1844. He found that tranquillity139 prevailed throughout the empire, and applied140 his energies to the formation of railways. But he had soon to encounter the exigencies141 of war. Notwithstanding the stringent142 injunctions he had received to cultivate the most amicable143 spirit with the Sikhs, he was obliged to tax the resources of the empire in maintaining with them one of the most desperate conflicts recorded in Indian history. The Sikhs were a warlike race, distinguished144 not less by fanaticism145 than bravery. They were bound together and inspired by the most powerful religious convictions—a tall, muscular, and athletic146 race of men, full of patriotic147 ardour, elevated by an ancient faith. They were confederated in various provinces, to the number of about 7,000,000. They were accustomed to ride upon fleet horses, and had organised an effective cavalry, while their infantry had been disciplined by French and Italian officers. They could, if necessary, bring into the field 260,000 fighting men; but their regular army now consisted of 73,000 men with 200 pieces of artillery. Settled chiefly in the Punjab, a country of extraordinary fertility, they also abounded148 in Mooltan, Afghanistan, and Cashmere, celebrated149 from the most ancient times as the favoured abode150 of manufacturing industry, social order, wealth, and happiness. This warlike race had been governed by Runjeet Singh, a chief of extraordinary ability, energy, and determination. He had but one eye; he was deeply marked with the small-pox; his aspect was repulsive151, and his manner rude; yet was he looked up to by this great people with respectful homage152, and obeyed with implicit trust. While he lived he maintained an alliance with the British Government; but after his death the Sikhs were divided into two factions—one headed by Gholab Singh, and professing153 to be favourable to the British; the other by the Ranee, who yielded to the clamours of the unpaid154 soldiers to be led against the English. Accordingly the[597] military forces of the Sikhs were ordered to march down to the Sutlej. But their intended attack was prevented by the astrologers, who declared that the auspicious155 day for marching had not yet arrived. Sir Henry Hardinge, however, in common with the most experienced officers of the Indian Government, did not think the Sikh army would cross the Sutlej with its infantry and artillery, or that they would have recourse to offensive operations on a large scale. Up to this period it had committed no act of aggression. In 1843 and 1844 it had moved down the river from Lahore, and after remaining there encamped a few weeks, had returned to the capital. These reasons, and, above all, his extreme anxiety to avoid hostilities, induced him not to make any hasty movement with his army, which, when the two armies came into each other's presence, might bring about a collision. This moderation, however, was misconstrued by the Sikhs. They supposed that the British were afraid to encounter them. Accordingly, on the night of the 9th of December, 1845, a portion of the Sikh army appeared within three miles of the Sutlej; and information was received by our garrison at Ferozepore that preparations were making on a large scale for the movement of infantry, artillery, and stores from the Sikh capital, Lahore. On the 12th of December the Sikh army crossed the Sutlej, and concentrated in great force on the British side of the river. The British reserves, meanwhile, were advancing to meet this formidable enemy; but they were still far off, and Ferozepore had but a garrison of 9,500 men to withstand an army of 60,000 with 100 guns! Sir Charles Napier wrote in his "Memoirs156" that he did not think history would let off Sir Henry Hardinge for allowing such an army to cross the river unmolested, and entrench80 itself on the other side. It is quite certain that Sir Charles would not have given them such an advantage. But their generals did not know how to use it. Sir Henry Hardinge had hastened in person to assist General Gough in conducting the operations against the enemy, and both putting themselves at the head of the advanced guard, they were followed by the reserves, marching at the rate of twenty-six miles a day, full of excitement at the prospect157 of more fighting.
At length the Sikhs moved on to meet the British on the 18th of December. When they came in sight, the British bugles158 sounded, and the wearied soldiers, who had been lying on the ground, started up and stood to their arms. The Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief rode from regiment to regiment, cheering the spirits of their men, and rousing them to the needful pitch of valour by encouraging exhortations159. About two miles from Moodkee, Gough, at the head of the advanced guard, found the enemy encamped behind sandy hillocks and jungle, 20,000 strong, with forty guns, which immediately opened fire as he approached. The battlefield was a sandy plain, on which the view was obstructed160 by small hills, which prevented the belligerents161 from seeing one another till they were quite near. For some time the contest was maintained on both sides by the artillery. Then General Gough ordered the advance of a column of cavalry—the 3rd Light Dragoons, the 5th Light Cavalry, and the 4th Lancers. The column was launched like an immense thunderbolt against a mass of Sikh cavalry, and proved so irresistible162 in its terrific onset that it broke them up into fragments, scattered them about, and swept along the whole line of the enemy, cutting down the gunners, and suspending for a time the roar of their artillery. Soon afterwards the infantry came into action, led on by Sir Harry163 Smith, General Gilbert, and Sir John M'Caskill. The Sikhs fought bravely and obstinately165 at every point; but when the steady incessant166 fire of the artillery had done its work, a general charge was made, with loud, exultant167 cheers, and the enemy were driven from their ground with tremendous loss. The day had closed upon the battlefield, but the routed enemy were pursued for a mile and a half by the light of the stars.
The British losses in the battle of Moodkee were very heavy—215 killed; among whom were Sir Robert Sale, Sir John M'Caskill, and a number of young officers who had greatly distinguished themselves. The wounded amounted to 657. Meanwhile, the enemy, having left seventeen guns upon the field, retired in tolerably good order, within their entrenched camp, which they had formed at Ferozeshah, on the banks of the Sutlej, near Ferozepore. For two days both armies remained inactive, but ready to renew the conflict. The losses of the British had been made up by the arrival of the 29th Queen's and the 1st Bengal Light Infantry. A memorable event in the history of British warfare in India, was that Sir Henry Hardinge, the veteran commander, the hero of so many battles, the Governor-General of India, offered his services to Sir Hugh Gough as second in command. The offer was accepted, and the army marched forth35 to attack the enemy's camp. They started at daybreak on the 21st, and about midday a junction[598] was effected with General Littler's division, which had marched out from Ferozepore, according to orders sent the night before. The British army was now raised to 19,000 effective men. The enemy were double that number, strongly entrenched, well provisioned, and fresh after two days' rest; while our troops were ill provided with food, and had marched ten miles that morning. To attack the Sikhs without waiting for some expected reinforcements was hazardous168; to postpone169 the attack for another day seemed still more so—as there was a second Sikh army of equal force, which would then have reached the scene of action. An immediate attack was therefore determined upon—Gough leading the right wing, and Hardinge the left. The Sikh artillery was heavier than the British. The guns were protected behind embrasures, the gunners were sure in their aim; and so terrible was the effect that the 62nd Regiment, which led on the attack, was nearly cut away, and several Sepoy regiments170 broke and fled. The whole of the left wing, though led on gallantly171 by the Governor-General, were driven back, after carrying part of the works. The right wing, under General Gough, succeeded better, and held possession of several of the ramparts. But the Sikhs were still in possession of the fortified village of Ferozeshah, and remained so till night closed upon the scene; when the smoke and dust subsided172, and the silence was broken only by an occasional shot from the guns, responded to in the darkness—the gunners seeing no enemy, but aiming at the flash of light.
The weary night at length passed. The dull sun of a December day (the 22nd) rose upon the ghastly scenes of that gory173 battlefield. The soldiers, many of whom were without food from the morning of the previous day, were again marshalled in order of battle. The artillery commenced the work, but with little effect. "But why waste time and ammunition thus?" said Gough. "We must try the bayonet once more." Then was made a tremendous charge for life. At first, part of the line reeled under the storm from the enemy's guns; but still the whole army pressed on with desperate shouts, the two wings closing in upon the village, driving everything before them, and still pressing onward174 till they captured the whole of the enemy's guns on the works. The two generals, waving the captured banners, rode in triumph before the victorious army, and were hailed with enthusiastic applause. The whole of the enemy's military stores and camp furniture, with seventy-three guns and seventeen standards, remained in possession of the British. One Sikh army was now defeated; but there was another to come on, 30,000 strong, most of whom were perfectly175 fresh. The spirit of the Commander-in-Chief seemed now to fail him, and he so despaired of the issue that he confessed in a letter to his friend, that for a moment he felt regret as each passing shot left him still on horseback. Most of our cavalry were hardly able to move from the exhaustion176 of the horses; our ammunition was nearly spent, while the fire from the enemy's guns was rapid. At this critical moment, owing to a misconception of orders, our cavalry and artillery moved off from the flanks, which they protected, taking the road towards Ferozepore. It was a blunder that seemed ordered by Providence177 to save our army from annihilation; for the Sikhs—not knowing our weakness, and conceiving that the design was to take possession of the fords, and prevent their crossing the river—immediately began to retreat. Our infantry pursued; and such was the consternation178 and confusion of the enemy, that they never stopped running till they got to the other side of the Sutlej. In these terrible battles the British lost, in killed and wounded, 2,415 men, being a sixth of the whole number engaged. Among the killed were Major Broadfoot, political agent in the North-West Provinces, Colonel Wallace, and Major Somerset.
It was apprehended179 that the enemy would return next day in greater force to renew the contest; but as they did not, the Commander-in-Chief seized the opportunity to summon the troops to join him in public thanksgiving to God for the victory. The year 1846 dawned upon the still undecided contest. The British gained most by the delay. The Governor-General had ordered up fresh troops from Meerut, Cawnpore, Delhi, and Agra. By the end of January Sir Hugh Gough had under his command 30,000 men of all arms. On every road leading to the scene of action, from Britain's Indian possessions, convoys181 were seen bearing provisions and stores of all sorts to the army; while reinforcements were pressing onward rapidly that they might share the glory by confronting the greatest danger. That danger was still grave. The Sikhs also were bringing up reinforcements, and strengthening their entrenched camp at the British side of the Sutlej, having constructed a bridge of boats for the conveyance182 of their troops and stores across the river. The enemy had established a considerable magazine at a fortified village some miles from the camp, and Sir Harry Smith proceeded at the head of a[599] detachment to attack it. But Sirdar Runjeet Singh intercepted183 him, cut off and captured all his baggage; but being reinforced, he met the enemy again at a place on the Sutlej, called Aliwal. The Sikh army, which seemed in the best possible order and discipline, were drawn184 up in imposing185 array, 20,000 strong with 70 guns, while the British were 9,000 with 32. After a series of splendid charges the enemy were driven successively from every position, and fled in confusion across the river. Several of the British horsemen followed the guns into the river, and spiked186 them there. The loss of the Sikhs is said to have been 3,000, while that of the British was only 673 killed and wounded. The moral effect of this victory over such unequal forces was of the utmost advantage to the rest of the army (January 28th, 1846).
On the 8th of February was fought the great and decisive battle of Sobraon, the name of the tête du pont, at the entrenched camp of the Sikhs, where all the forces of the enemy were now concentrated. The camps extended along both sides of the river, and were defended by 130 pieces of artillery, of which nearly half were of heavy calibre, and which were all served by excellent gunners. The British troops formed a vast semicircle, each end of which touched the river, the village of Sobraon being in the centre, where the enemy were defended by a triple line of works, one within another, flanked by the most formidable redoubts. The battle commenced by the discharge of artillery on both sides, which played with terrific force for three hours. After this the British guns went up at a gallop till they came within 300 yards of the works, where it was intended the assault should be delivered. Halting there, they poured a concentrated fire upon the position for some time. After this the assault was made by the infantry, running. The regiment which led the way was the 10th, supported by the 53rd Queen's and the 43rd and 59th Native Infantry. They were repulsed187 with dreadful slaughter188. The post of honour and of danger was now taken by the Ghoorkas. A desperate struggle with the bayonet ensued; the Sikhs were overpowered by the brigades of Stacey and Wilkinson; but, as the fire of the enemy was now concentrated upon this point, the brave assailants were in danger of being overwhelmed and destroyed. The British Commander-in-Chief seeing this, sent forward the brigades of Ashburnham, as well as Smith's division, against the right of the enemy, while his artillery played furiously upon their whole line. The Sikhs fought with no less valour and determination than the British. Not one of their gunners flinched189 till he was struck down at his post. Into every gap opened by the artillery they rushed with desperate resolution, repelling190 the assaulting columns of the British. At length the cavalry, which has so often decided180 the fate of the day in great battles, were instrumental in achieving the victory. The Sappers and Miners having succeeded in opening a passage through which the horses could enter in single file, the 3rd Queen's Dragoons, under Sir Joseph Thackwell, got inside the works, quickly formed, and galloping191 along in the rear of the batteries, cut down the gunners as they passed. General Gough promptly192 followed up this advantage by ordering forward the whole three divisions of the centre and the right. It was then that the fighting may be said to have commenced in earnest. The struggle was long, bloody, and relentless193. No quarter was given or asked; the Sikhs fighting like men for whom death had no terrors, and for whom death in battle was the happiest as well as the most glorious exit from life. But they encountered men with hearts as stout194 and stronger muscle, and they were at length gradually forced back upon the river by the irresistible British bayonet. The bridge at length gave way under the enormous weight, and thousands were precipitated195 into the water and drowned. But even in the midst of this catastrophe196 the drowning fanatics197 would accept no mercy from the Feringhees. Our losses amounted to 320 killed and 2,063 wounded. Of the European officers, thirteen were killed and 101 wounded. The loss of the Sikhs in the battle of Sobraon was estimated at from 10,000 to 13,000 men, the greater number being shot down or drowned in the attempt to cross the bridge. They left in the hands of the victors sixty-seven guns, 200 camel swivels, nineteen standards, and a great quantity of ammunition.
The whole army now crossed the river at leisure, and marched towards Lahore. Lord Hardinge issued a proclamation, in which he stated that the war was the result of the wanton and unprovoked incursion of the Sikhs; that the British Government wanted no acquisition of territory, but only security for the future, indemnity198 for the expenses of the war, and the establishment of a government at Lahore, which should afford a guarantee against such aggressions in the time to come. The Ranee and her durbar, or council, now saw the necessity of prompt submission, which was tendered by plenipotentiaries sent to the British camp, who threw the whole blame of the war on the[600] uncontrollable troops. They were well received by the Governor-General, and a treaty was without difficulty concluded on the 15th of February at a place called Kussoor. By the terms of the treaty, all the territory lying between the river Beas and the Sutlej was ceded199 to the British Government. The sum of one million sterling was to be paid for the expenses of the war; but the sum was found too heavy, and instead Gholab Singh was rewarded for his fidelity to the British by the grant of a large tract200 of territory between the Beas and the Indus. Peace having been thus concluded, the young Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, was received by the Governor-General at his camp with Oriental pomp; and on the 22nd of February Sir Henry Hardinge entered Lahore at the head of his victorious army, taking possession of the gates, the citadel201, and the Royal palace.
These great victories, so hardly won with such heavy sacrifices of human life, and accompanied by such heroic achievements, excited the admiration of the British public. The principal actors were munificently202 rewarded. The Governor-General was created Viscount Hardinge of Lahore, the title being accompanied by a shower of honours from his Sovereign, and a large pension from the East India Company. Sir Hugh Gough was also raised to the peerage, and received from the Company an annual pension of ￡2,000, with the same amount from Parliament, for three lives. Many of the officers engaged in the Sikh war received promotion203 and military orders, and a gratuity204 of twelve months' pay was given to all the soldiers without exception engaged in the campaign.
But the conquered Sikhs did not very easily acquiesce205 in the terms proposed by the conquerors206, in spite of the wise administration of the great brothers John and Henry Lawrence, who organised a thoroughly207 efficient government in the new territories. Gholab Singh was chased from the territory the British had given him, and it became necessary that British arms should reinstate him, and that a British force should permanently208 garrison Lahore, at a cost to the Sikh Government of ￡220,000 a year. The intriguing209 and restless Ranee was sent off from the capital to Sharpoora, where she was kept under surveillance. Sir Charles Napier was obliged to resign his government in Scinde from ill-health, and he returned home in 1847. The Governor-General, after making a progress through various parts of the empire, in order to inaugurate and encourage works of social improvement, was also obliged to retire from his post, in consequence of the failure of his health owing to the fatigues210 and hardships he had endured in the campaign, and Henry Lawrence accompanied him. On his return home Hardinge was made Master-General of the Ordnance211 and Commander-in-Chief, being succeeded in India by Lord Dalhousie, who arrived there on the 10th of January, 1848. He, too, found disturbances212 to be quelled213 and treachery to be punished among our allies and tributaries214. Troubles occurred at Lahore, where the hostility of the inhabitants to the British broke out with terrible effect. Mr. Vans Agnew, the British Resident, and Lieutenant Anderson were treacherously215 murdered at Mooltan, apparently216 by the orders of Moolraj, who had been ordered to pay a large sum as succession duty to the Sikh Government. Their death was avenged217 by Lieutenant Edwardes and General Courtland, who, at the head of a small force, attacked and defeated the revolted Sikhs, 3,000 strong. At length 26,000 troops under General Whish invested the place. But his troops went over to the enemy, and he was compelled to raise the siege and retire. At the same time an insurrection broke out in the Punjab, headed by the governor of the North-West Provinces; in fact, there was a general revolt of the Sikhs against British rule.
On the 20th of October, 1848, Chuttur Singh and his son, Shere Singh, raised the standard of revolt in the Punjab, and soon appeared at the head of 30,000 men. In November Lord Gough encountered them with 20,000. At Ramnuggur, in attacking the position of the enemy, his men were led into an ambuscade, and were repulsed with tremendous loss. The contest was again renewed on the 13th of January, 1849, when the Sikhs were also very strongly posted in a jungle with 40,000 men and sixty-two guns. Near the village of Chillianwallah a desperate battle was fought, and had lasted for some time when the 14th Light Dragoons, on being ordered to charge, turned and fled through our Horse Artillery, upsetting several guns, and causing such confusion that the Sikh cavalry, promptly availing themselves of the advantage, made a charge, and cut down seventy of our gunners, capturing six guns and five colours. The result was a drawn battle, but the loss on our side was fearful—twenty-seven officers and 731 men killed, and sixty-six officers and 1,446 men wounded. This terrible reverse produced a profound sensation at home. It was ascribed to bad generalship, and there were loud cries for the recall of Lord Gough. The Duke of[601] Wellington felt that the case was so desperate that he called upon Sir Charles Napier to go out and take the command, though suffering under a mortal disease, using the memorable expression, "If you don't go, I must." Sir Charles went immediately. But before he arrived, Lord Gough, on the 21st of February, had retrieved218 his reputation, and covered the British arms with fresh glory by winning, in magnificent style, the great battle of Goojerat, with the loss of only ninety-two killed and 682 wounded. Mooltan had been besieged219 again in December. During the bombardment the principal magazine was blown up. It contained 16,000 lbs. of powder: 800 persons were killed or wounded by the explosion, and many buildings destroyed. But Moolraj, though he saw ruined in a moment a work which it cost him five years to construct, still held out. On the 2nd of January the city was stormed, but the citadel remained. Though of immense strength, it yielded to artillery, and Moolraj, with his garrison of nearly 4,000 men, surrendered at discretion220.
No small curiosity was experienced to see the man that had maintained a defence, obstinate164 and protracted221 beyond any related in the annals of modern war. Gorgeously attired222 in silks and splendid arms, he rode a magnificent Arab steed, with a rich saddle-cloth of scarlet223. He but little exceeded the middle size, was powerfully but elegantly formed; his keen, dark, piercing, restless eyes surveyed at a glance everything around. He neither wore the face of defiance224 nor dejection; but moved along under the general gaze as one conscious of having bravely done his duty.
The result of these victories was that the Punjab was annexed225 to our Indian Empire, the reasons for this step being explained by the Governor-General in a proclamation, which announced favourable terms for the conquered people. Henry Lawrence, as is well known, was against the annexation, but his arguments were overridden226 by the strenuous227 Governor-General, and he became chief of the Commission, with his brother John as a member, for the administration of the Punjab. Moolraj was subsequently tried for the murder of Mr. Agnew and Mr. Anderson, and being found guilty, he was sentenced to death. The sentence was afterwards commuted228 to imprisonment229 for life.
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1
pier
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| n.码头；桥墩，桥柱；[建]窗间壁，支柱 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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navigate
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| v.航行，飞行；导航，领航 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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7
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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covenanted
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| v.立约，立誓( covenant的过去分词 ) | |
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persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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intrigued
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| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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navigating
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| v.给（船舶、飞机等）引航，导航( navigate的现在分词 )；（从海上、空中等）横越；横渡；飞跃 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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38
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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40
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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41
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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45
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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48
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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51
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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56
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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57
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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58
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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59
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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60
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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61
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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62
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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63
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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64
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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65
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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66
worthily
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| 重要地，可敬地，正当地 | |
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67
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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68
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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69
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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70
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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71
chasms
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| 裂缝( chasm的名词复数 )； 裂口； 分歧； 差别 | |
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72
obliterating
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| v.除去( obliterate的现在分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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73
gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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74
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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76
trampling
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| 踩( trample的现在分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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77
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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78
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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79
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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80
entrench
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| v.使根深蒂固；n.壕沟；防御设施 | |
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81
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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82
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
stark
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| adj.荒凉的；严酷的；完全的；adv.完全地 | |
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84
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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85
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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86
mowed
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| v.刈，割( mow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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88
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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89
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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90
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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91
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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92
supplanting
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的现在分词 ) | |
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93
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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94
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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95
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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96
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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97
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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98
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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99
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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100
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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101
looming
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| n.上现蜃景（光通过低层大气发生异常折射形成的一种海市蜃楼）v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的现在分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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102
conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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103
contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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104
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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105
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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106
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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107
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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108
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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109
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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110
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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111
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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112
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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113
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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114
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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115
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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116
armistice
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| n.休战，停战协定 | |
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117
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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118
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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119
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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120
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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121
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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122
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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123
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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124
administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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125
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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126
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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127
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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128
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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129
pounce
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| n.猛扑；v.猛扑，突然袭击，欣然同意 | |
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130
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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131
smelt
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| v.熔解，熔炼；n.银白鱼，胡瓜鱼 | |
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132
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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133
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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134
propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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135
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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136
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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137
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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138
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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139
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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140
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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141
exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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142
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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143
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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144
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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145
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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146
athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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147
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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148
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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150
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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151
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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152
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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153
professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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154
unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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155
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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156
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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157
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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158
bugles
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| 妙脆角，一种类似薯片但做成尖角或喇叭状的零食； 号角( bugle的名词复数 )； 喇叭； 匍匐筋骨草； （装饰女服用的）柱状玻璃（或塑料）小珠 | |
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159
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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160
obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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161
belligerents
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| n.交战的一方（指国家、集团或个人）( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
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162
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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163
harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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164
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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165
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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166
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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167
exultant
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| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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168
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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169
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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170
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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171
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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172
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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173
gory
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| adj.流血的；残酷的 | |
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174
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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175
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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176
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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177
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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178
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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179
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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180
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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181
convoys
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| n.（有护航的）船队( convoy的名词复数 )；车队；护航（队）；护送队 | |
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182
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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183
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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184
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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185
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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186
spiked
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| adj.有穗的；成锥形的；有尖顶的 | |
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187
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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188
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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189
flinched
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| v.（因危险和痛苦）退缩，畏惧( flinch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190
repelling
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| v.击退( repel的现在分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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191
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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192
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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193
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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195
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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196
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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197
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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198
indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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199
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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200
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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201
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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202
munificently
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203
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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204
gratuity
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| n.赏钱，小费 | |
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205
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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206
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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207
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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208
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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209
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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210
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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211
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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212
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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213
quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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214
tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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215
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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216
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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217
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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218
retrieved
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| v.取回( retrieve的过去式和过去分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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219
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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221
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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222
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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223
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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224
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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225
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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226
overridden
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| 越控( override的过去分词 )； （以权力）否决； 优先于； 比…更重要 | |
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227
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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228
commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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229
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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