THE HURON MISSION.
Plans of Conversion1 ? Aims and Motives2 ? Indian Diplomacy3 ? Hurons at Quebec ? Councils ? The Jesuit Chapel4 ? Le Borgne ? The Jesuits Thwarted5 ? Their Perseverance6 ? The Journey to the Hurons ? Jean de Brébeuf ? The Mission Begun
Le Jeune had learned the difficulties of the Algonquin mission. To imagine that he recoiled7 or faltered8 would be an injustice9 to his Order; but on two points he had gained convictions: first, that little progress could be made in converting these wandering hordes10 till they could be settled in fixed11 abodes13; and, secondly14, that their scanty15 numbers, their geographical16 position, and their slight influence in the politics of the wilderness18 offered no flattering promise that their conversion would be fruitful in further triumphs of the Faith. It was to another quarter that the Jesuits looked most earnestly. By the vast lakes of the West dwelt numerous stationary19 populations, and particularly the Hurons, on the lake which bears 43 their name. Here was a hopeful basis of indefinite conquests; for, the Hurons won over, the Faith would spread in wider and wider circles, embracing, one by one, the kindred tribes,—the Tobacco Nation, the Neutrals, the Eries, and the Andastes. Nay21, in His own time, God might lead into His fold even the potent22 and ferocious23 Iroquois.
The way was pathless and long, by rock and torrent24 and the gloom of savage25 forests. The goal was more dreary26 yet. Toil27, hardship, famine, filth28, sickness, solitude29, insult,—all that is most revolting to men nurtured30 among arts and letters, all that is most terrific to monastic credulity: such were the promise and the reality of the Huron mission. In the eyes of the Jesuits, the Huron country was the innermost stronghold of Satan, his castle and his donjon-keep. [1] All the weapons of his malice31 were prepared against the bold invader32 who should assail33 him in this, the heart of his ancient domain34. Far from shrinking, the priest's zeal35 rose to tenfold ardor36. He signed the cross, invoked37 St. Ignatius, St. Francis Xavier, or St. Francis Borgia, kissed his reliquary, said nine masses to the Virgin38, and stood prompt to battle with all the hosts of Hell.
[1] "Une des principales forteresses & comme un donjon des Demons39."—Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 100 (Cramoisy).
A life sequestered40 from social intercourse41, and remote from every prize which ambition holds worth the pursuit, or a lonely death, under forms, perhaps, the most appalling,—these were the missionaries42' alternatives. Their maligners may taunt43 44 them, if they will, with credulity, superstition44, or a blind enthusiasm; but slander45 itself cannot accuse them of hypocrisy46 or ambition. Doubtless, in their propagandism, they were acting47 in concurrence48 with a mundane49 policy; but, for the present at least, this policy was rational and humane50. They were promoting the ends of commerce and national expansion. The foundations of French dominion51 were to be laid deep in the heart and conscience of the savage. His stubborn neck was to be subdued52 to the "yoke53 of the Faith." The power of the priest established, that of the temporal ruler was secure. These sanguinary hordes, weaned from intestine54 strife55, were to unite in a common allegiance to God and the King. Mingled56 with French traders and French settlers, softened57 by French manners, guided by French priests, ruled by French officers, their now divided bands would become the constituents58 of a vast wilderness empire, which in time might span the continent. Spanish civilization crushed the Indian; English civilization scorned and neglected him; French civilization embraced and cherished him.
Policy and commerce, then, built their hopes on the priests. These commissioned interpreters of the Divine Will, accredited59 with letters patent from Heaven, and affiliated60 to God's anointed on earth, would have pushed to its most unqualified application the Scripture61 metaphor62 of the shepherd and the sheep. They would have tamed the wild man of the woods to a condition of obedience63, unquestioning, 45 passive, and absolute,—repugnant to manhood, and adverse64 to the invigorating and expansive spirit of modern civilization. Yet, full of error and full of danger as was their system, they embraced its serene65 and smiling falsehoods with the sincerity66 of martyrs67 and the self-devotion of saints.
We have spoken already of the Hurons, of their populous69 villages on the borders of the great "Fresh Sea," their trade, their rude agriculture, their social life, their wild and incongruous superstitions70, and the sorcerers, diviners, and medicine-men who lived on their credulity. [2] Iroquois hostility71 left open but one avenue to their country, the long and circuitous72 route which, eighteen years before, had been explored by Champlain, [3]—up the river Ottawa, across Lake Nipissing, down French River, and along the shores of the great Georgian Bay of Lake Huron,—a route as difficult as it was tedious. Midway, on Allumette Island, in the Ottawa, dwelt the Algonquin tribe visited by Champlain in 1613, and who, amazed at the apparition73 of the white stranger, thought that he had fallen from the clouds. [4] Like other tribes of this region, they were keen traders, and would gladly have secured for themselves the benefits of an intermediate traffic between the Hurons and the French, receiving the furs of the former in barter74 at a low rate, and exchanging them with the latter at their full value. From their position, they 46 could at any time close the passage of the Ottawa; but, as this would have been a perilous75 exercise of their rights, [5] they were forced to act with discretion76. An opportunity for the practice of their diplomacy had lately occurred. On or near the Ottawa, at some distance below them, dwelt a small Algonquin tribe, called La Petite Nation. One of this people had lately killed a Frenchman, and the murderer was now in the hands of Champlain, a prisoner at the fort of Quebec. The savage politicians of Allumette Island contrived77, as will soon be seen, to turn this incident to profit.
[2] See Introduction.
[3] "Pioneers of France," 364.
[4] Ibid., 348.
[5] Nevertheless, the Hurons always passed this way as a matter of favor, and gave yearly presents to the Algonquins of the island, in acknowledgment of the privilege—Le Jeune, Relation, 1636, 70.—By the unwritten laws of the Hurons and Algonquins, every tribe had the right, even in full peace, of prohibiting the passage of every other tribe across its territory. In ordinary cases, such prohibitions78 were quietly submitted to.
"Ces Insulaires voudraient bien que les Hurons ne vinssent point aux Fran?ois & que les Fran?ois n'allassent point aux Hurons, afin d'emporter eux seuls tout79 le trafic," etc.—Relation, 1633, 205 (Cramoisy),—"desirans eux-mesmes aller recueiller les marchandises des peuples circonvoisins pour les apporter aux Fran?ois." This "Nation de l'Isle" has been erroneously located at Montreal. Its true position is indicated on the map of Du Creux, and on an ancient MS. map in the Dép?t des Cartes, of which a fac-simile is before me. See also "Pioneers of France," 347.
In the July that preceded Le Jeune's wintering with the Montagnais, a Huron Indian, well known to the French, came to Quebec with the tidings, that the annual canoe-fleet of his countrymen was descending80 the St. Lawrence. On the twenty-eighth, the river was alive with them. A hundred and forty canoes, with six or seven hundred savages81, landed at the warehouses82 beneath the fortified83 rock of Quebec, and set up their huts and camp-sheds 47 on the strand84 now covered by the lower town. The greater number brought furs and tobacco for the trade; others came as sight-seers; others to gamble, and others to steal, [6]—accomplishments in which the Hurons were proficient85: their gambling86 skill being exercised chiefly against each other, and their thieving talents against those of other nations.
[6] "Quelques vns d'entre eux ne viennent à la traite auec les Fran?ois que pour iou?r, d'autres pour voir, quelques vns pour dérober, et les plus sages87 et les plus riches pour trafiquer."—Le Jeune, Relation, 1633, 34.
The routine of these annual visits was nearly uniform. On the first day, the Indians built their huts; on the second, they held their council with the French officers at the fort; on the third and fourth, they bartered88 their furs and tobacco for kettles, hatchets89, knives, cloth, beads90, iron arrow-heads, coats, shirts, and other commodities; on the fifth, they were feasted by the French; and at daybreak of the next morning, they embarked92 and vanished like a flight of birds. [7]
[7] "Comme une volée d'oiseaux."—Le Jeune, Relation, 1633, 190 (Cramoisy).—The tobacco brought to the French by the Hurons may have been raised by the adjacent tribe of the Tionnontates, who cultivated it largely for sale. See Introduction.
On the second day, then, the long file of chiefs and warriors93 mounted the pathway to the fort,—tall, well-moulded figures, robed in the skins of the beaver94 and the bear, each wild visage glowing with paint and glistening95 with the oil which the Hurons extracted from the seeds of the sunflower. The lank96 black hair of one streamed loose upon his shoulders; that of another was close shaven, except an upright ridge97, which, bristling98 like the crest99 of a dragoon's helmet, crossed the crown from the 48 forehead to the neck; while that of a third hung, long and flowing from one side, but on the other was cut short. Sixty chiefs and principal men, with a crowd of younger warriors, formed their council-circle in the fort, those of each village grouped together, and all seated on the ground with a gravity of bearing sufficiently100 curious to those who had seen the same men in the domestic circle of their lodge-fires. Here, too, were the Jesuits, robed in black, anxious and intent; and here was Champlain, who, as he surveyed the throng101, recognized among the elder warriors not a few of those who, eighteen years before, had been his companions in arms on his hapless foray against the Iroquois. [8]
[8] See "Pioneers of France," 370.
Their harangues103 of compliment being made and answered, and the inevitable104 presents given and received, Champlain introduced to the silent conclave105 the three missionaries, Brébeuf, Daniel, and Davost. To their lot had fallen the honors, dangers, and woes106 of the Huron mission. "These are our fathers," he said. "We love them more than we love ourselves. The whole French nation honors them. They do not go among you for your furs. They have left their friends and their country to show you the way to heaven. If you love the French, as you say you love them, then love and honor these our fathers." [9]
[9] Le Jeune, Relation, 1633, 274 (Cramoisy); Mercure Fran?ais, 1634, 845.
Two chiefs rose to reply, and each lavished107 all his 49 rhetoric108 in praises of Champlain and of the French. Brébeuf rose next, and spoke68 in broken Huron,—the assembly jerking in unison109, from the bottom of their throats, repeated ejaculations of applause. Then they surrounded him, and vied with each other for the honor of carrying him in their canoes. In short, the mission was accepted; and the chiefs of the different villages disputed among themselves the privilege of receiving and entertaining the three priests.
On the last of July, the day of the feast of St. Ignatius, Champlain and several masters of trading vessels110 went to the house of the Jesuits in quest of indulgences; and here they were soon beset112 by a crowd of curious Indians, who had finished their traffic, and were making a tour of observation. Being excluded from the house, they looked in at the windows of the room which served as a chapel; and Champlain, amused at their exclamations113 of wonder, gave one of them a piece of citron. The Huron tasted it, and, enraptured114, demanded what it was. Champlain replied, laughing, that it was the rind of a French pumpkin115. The fame of this delectable116 production was instantly spread abroad; and, at every window, eager voices and outstretched hands petitioned for a share of the marvellous vegetable. They were at length allowed to enter the chapel, which had lately been decorated with a few hangings, images, and pieces of plate. These unwonted splendors117 filled them with admiration118. They asked if the dove over the altar was the bird that makes the thunder; and, pointing to the images of 50 Loyola and Xavier, inquired if they were okies, or spirits: nor was their perplexity much diminished by Brébeuf's explanation of their true character. Three images of the Virgin next engaged their attention; and, in answer to their questions, they were told that they were the mother of Him who made the world. This greatly amused them, and they demanded if he had three mothers. "Oh!" exclaims the Father Superior, "had we but images of all the holy mysteries of our faith! They are a great assistance, for they speak their own lesson." [10] The mission was not doomed119 long to suffer from a dearth120 of these inestimable auxiliaries121.
[10] Relation, 1633, 38.
The eve of departure came. The three priests packed their baggage, and Champlain paid their passage, or, in other words, made presents to the Indians who were to carry them in their canoes. They lodged122 that night in the storehouse of the fur company, around which the Hurons were encamped; and Le Jeune and De Nou? stayed with them to bid them farewell in the morning. At eleven at night, they were roused by a loud voice in the Indian camp, and saw Le Borgne, the one-eyed chief of Allumette Island, walking round among the huts, haranguing123 as he went. Brébeuf, listening, caught the import of his words. "We have begged the French captain to spare the life of the Algonquin of the Petite Nation whom he keeps in prison; but he will not listen to us. The prisoner will die. Then his people will revenge him. They will try to kill the three black-robes 51 whom you are about to carry to your country. If you do not defend them, the French will be angry, and charge you with their death. But if you do, then the Algonquins will make war on you, and the river will be closed. If the French captain will not let the prisoner go, then leave the three black-robes where they are; for, if you take them with you, they will bring you to trouble."
Such was the substance of Le Borgne's harangue102. The anxious priests hastened up to the fort, gained admittance, and roused Champlain from his slumbers124. He sent his interpreter with a message to the Hurons, that he wished to speak to them before their departure; and, accordingly, in the morning an Indian crier proclaimed through their camp that none should embark91 till the next day. Champlain convoked126 the chiefs, and tried persuasion127, promises, and threats; but Le Borgne had been busy among them with his intrigues128, and now he declared in the council, that, unless the prisoner were released, the missionaries would be murdered on their way, and war would ensue. The politic17 savage had two objects in view. On the one hand, he wished to interrupt the direct intercourse between the French and the Hurons; and, on the other, he thought to gain credit and influence with the nation of the prisoner by effecting his release. His first point was won. Champlain would not give up the murderer, knowing those with whom he was dealing129 too well to take a course which would have proclaimed the killing130 of a Frenchman a venial131 offence. The Hurons thereupon refused to carry the 52 missionaries to their country; coupling the refusal with many regrets and many protestations of love, partly, no doubt, sincere,—for the Jesuits had contrived to gain no little favor in their eyes. The council broke up, the Hurons embarked, and the priests returned to their convent.
Here, under the guidance of Brébeuf, they employed themselves, amid their other avocations132, in studying the Huron tongue. A year passed, and again the Indian traders descended133 from their villages. In the meanwhile, grievous calamities134 had befallen the nation. They had suffered deplorable reverses at the hands of the Iroquois; while a pestilence135, similar to that which a few years before had swept off the native populations of New England, had begun its ravages136 among them. They appeared at Three Rivers—this year the place of trade—in small numbers, and in a miserable137 state of dejection and alarm. Du Plessis Bochart, commander of the French fleet, called them to a council, harangued138 them, feasted them, and made them presents; but they refused to take the Jesuits. In private, however, some of them were gained over; then again refused; then, at the eleventh hour, a second time consented. On the eve of embarkation139, they once more wavered. All was confusion, doubt, and uncertainty140, when Brébeuf bethought him of a vow141 to St. Joseph. The vow was made. At once, he says, the Indians became tractable142; the Fathers embarked, and, amid salvos of cannon143 from the ships, set forth144 for the wild scene of their apostleship.
53 They reckoned the distance at nine hundred miles; but distance was the least repellent feature of this most arduous145 journey. Barefoot, lest their shoes should injure the frail146 vessel111, each crouched147 in his canoe, toiling148 with unpractised hands to propel it. Before him, week after week, he saw the same lank, unkempt hair, the same tawny149 shoulders, and long, naked arms ceaselessly plying150 the paddle. The canoes were soon separated; and, for more than a month, the Frenchmen rarely or never met. Brébeuf spoke a little Huron, and could converse151 with his escort; but Daniel and Davost were doomed to a silence unbroken save by the occasional unintelligible152 complaints and menaces of the Indians, of whom many were sick with the epidemic153, and all were terrified, desponding, and sullen154. Their only food was a pittance155 of Indian corn, crushed between two stones and mixed with water. The toil was extreme. Brébeuf counted thirty-five portages, where the canoes were lifted from the water, and carried on the shoulders of the voyagers around rapids or cataracts156. More than fifty times, besides, they were forced to wade158 in the raging current, pushing up their empty barks, or dragging them with ropes. Brébeuf tried to do his part; but the boulders159 and sharp rocks wounded his naked feet, and compelled him to desist. He and his companions bore their share of the baggage across the portages, sometimes a distance of several miles. Four trips, at the least, were required to convey the whole. The way was through the dense160 forest, incumbered with rocks 54 and logs, tangled161 with roots and underbrush, damp with perpetual shade, and redolent of decayed leaves and mouldering162 wood. [11] The Indians themselves were often spent with fatigue163. Brébeuf, a man of iron frame and a nature unconquerably resolute164, doubted if his strength would sustain him to the journey's end. He complains that he had no moment to read his breviary, except by the moonlight or the fire, when stretched out to sleep on a bare rock by some savage cataract157 of the Ottawa, or in a damp nook of the adjacent forest.
[11] "Adioustez à ces difficultez, qu'il faut coucher sur la terre nu?, ou sur quelque dure roche, faute de trouuer dix ou douze pieds de terre en quarré pour placer vne chetiue cabane; qu'il faut sentir incessamment la puanteur des Sauuages recreus, marcher dans les eaux, dans les fanges, dans l'obscurité et l'embarras des forest, où les piqueures d'vne multitude infinie de mousquilles et cousins vous importunent fort."—Brébeuf, Relation des Hurons, 1635, 25, 26.
All the Jesuits, as well as several of their countrymen who accompanied them, suffered more or less at the hands of their ill-humored conductors. [12] Davost's Indian robbed him of a part of his baggage, threw a part into the river, including most of the books and writing-materials of the three priests, and then left him behind, among the Algonquins of 55 Allumette Island. He found means to continue the journey, and at length reached the Huron towns in a lamentable165 state of bodily prostration166. Daniel, too, was deserted167, but fortunately found another party who received him into their canoe. A young Frenchman, named Martin, was abandoned among the Nipissings; another, named Baron168, on reaching the Huron country, was robbed by his conductors of all he had, except the weapons in his hands. Of these he made good use, compelling the robbers to restore a part of their plunder169.
[12] "En ce voyage, il nous a fallu tous commencer par20 ces experiences à porter la Croix que Nostre Seigneur nous presente pour son honneur, et pour le salut de ces pauures Barbares. Certes ie me suis trouué quelquesfois si las, que le corps170 n'en pouuoit plus. Mais d'ailleurs mon ame ressentoit de tres-grands contentemens, considerant que ie souffrois pour Dieu: nul ne le s?ait, s'il ne l'experimente. Tous n'en ont pas esté quittes à si bon marché."—Brébeuf, Relation des Hurons, 1635, 26.
Three years afterwards, a paper was printed by the Jesuits of Paris, called Instruction pour les Pères de nostre Compagnie qui seront enuoiez aux Hurons, and containing directions for their conduct on this route by the Ottawa. It is highly characteristic, both of the missionaries and of the Indians. Some of the points are, in substance, as follows.—You should love the Indians like brothers, with whom you are to spend the rest of your life.—Never make them wait for you in embarking171.—Take a flint and steel to light their pipes and kindle172 their fire at night; for these little services win their hearts.—Try to eat their sagamite as they cook it, bad and dirty as it is.—Fasten up the skirts of your cassock, that you may not carry water or sand into the canoe.—Wear no shoes or stockings in the canoe; but you may put them on in crossing the portages.—Do not make yourself troublesome, even to a single Indian.—Do not ask them too many questions.—Bear their faults in silence, and appear always cheerful.—Buy fish for them from the tribes you will pass; and for this purpose take with you some awls, beads, knives, and fish-hooks.—Be not ceremonious with the Indians; take at once what they offer you: ceremony offends them.—Be very careful, when in the canoe, that the brim of your hat does not annoy them. Perhaps it would be better to wear your night-cap. There is no such thing as impropriety among Indians.—Remember that it is Christ and his cross that you are seeking; and if you aim at anything else, you will get nothing but affliction for body and mind.
Descending French River, and following the lonely shores of the great Georgian Bay, the canoe which carried Brébeuf at length neared its destination, thirty days after leaving Three Rivers. Before him, stretched in savage slumber125, lay the forest shore of the Hurons. Did his spirit sink as he approached his dreary home, oppressed with a dark foreboding of what the future should bring 56 forth? There is some reason to think so. Yet it was but the shadow of a moment; for his masculine heart had lost the sense of fear, and his intrepid173 nature was fired with a zeal before which doubts and uncertainties174 fled like the mists of the morning. Not the grim enthusiasm of negation175, tearing up the weeds of rooted falsehood, or with bold hand felling to the earth the baneful176 growth of overshadowing abuses: his was the ancient faith uncurtailed, redeemed177 from the decay of centuries, kindled178 with a new life, and stimulated179 to a preternatural growth and fruitfulness.
Brébeuf and his Huron companions having landed, the Indians, throwing the missionary's baggage on the ground, left him to his own resources; and, without heeding180 his remonstrances181, set forth for their respective villages, some twenty miles distant. Thus abandoned, the priest kneeled, not to implore182 succor183 in his perplexity, but to offer thanks to the Providence184 which had shielded him thus far. Then, rising, he pondered as to what course he should take. He knew the spot well. It was on the borders of the small inlet called Thunder Bay. In the neighboring Huron town of Toanché he had lived three years, preaching and baptizing; [13] but Toanché had now ceased to exist. Here, étienne Brulé, Champlain's adventurous185 interpreter, had recently been murdered by the inhabitants, who, in 57 excitement and alarm, dreading186 the consequences of their deed, had deserted the spot, and built, at the distance of a few miles, a new town, called Ihonatiria. [14] Brébeuf hid his baggage in the woods, including the vessels for the Mass, more precious than all the rest, and began his search for this new abode12. He passed the burnt remains187 of Toanché, saw the charred188 poles that had formed the frame of his little chapel of bark, and found, as he thought, the spot where Brulé had fallen. [15] Evening was near, when, after following, bewildered and anxious, a gloomy forest path, he issued upon a wild clearing, and saw before him the bark roofs of Ihonatiria.
[13] From 1626 to 1629. There is no record of the events of this first mission, which was ended with the English occupation of Quebec. Brébeuf had previously189 spent the winter of 1625-26 among the Algonquins, like Le Jeune in 1633-34.—Lettre du P. Charles Lalemant au T. R. P. Mutio Vitelleschi, 1 Aug., 1626, in Carayon.
[14] Concerning Brulé, see "Pioneers of France," 377-380.
[15] "Ie vis pareillement l'endroit où le pauure Estienne Brulé auoit esté barbarement et tra?treusement assommé; ce qui me fit penser que quelque iour on nous pourroit bien traitter de la sorte, et desirer au moins que ce fust en pourchassant la gloire de N. Seigneur."—Brébeuf, Relation des Hurons, 1635, 28, 29.—The missionary's prognostics were but too well founded.
A crowd ran out to meet him. "Echom has come again! Echom has come again!" they cried, recognizing in the distance the stately figure, robed in black, that advanced from the border of the forest. They led him to the town, and the whole population swarmed190 about him. After a short rest, he set out with a number of young Indians in quest of his baggage, returning with it at one o'clock in the morning. There was a certain Awandoay in the village, noted191 as one of the richest and most hospitable192 of the Hurons,—a distinction not easily won where hospitality was 58 universal. His house was large, and amply stored with beans and corn; and though his prosperity had excited the jealousy193 of the villagers, he had recovered their good-will by his generosity194. With him Brébeuf made his abode, anxiously waiting, week after week, the arrival of his companions. One by one, they appeared: Daniel, weary and worn; Davost, half dead with famine and fatigue; and their French attendants, each with his tale of hardship and indignity195. At length, all were assembled under the roof of the hospitable Indian, and once more the Huron mission was begun.
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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faltered
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| （嗓音）颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 )； 支吾其词； 蹒跚； 摇晃 | |
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injustice
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hordes
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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abode
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abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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secondly
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scanty
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geographical
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politic
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wilderness
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stationary
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par
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nay
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potent
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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28
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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29
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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30
nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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31
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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32
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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33
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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34
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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35
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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36
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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37
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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38
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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39
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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40
sequestered
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| adj.扣押的；隐退的；幽静的；偏僻的v.使隔绝，使隔离( sequester的过去式和过去分词 )；扣押 | |
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41
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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42
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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43
taunt
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| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
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44
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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45
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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46
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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47
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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48
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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49
mundane
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| adj.平凡的；尘世的；宇宙的 | |
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50
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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51
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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52
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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53
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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54
intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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55
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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56
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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57
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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58
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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59
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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60
affiliated
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| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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61
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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62
metaphor
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| n.隐喻，暗喻 | |
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63
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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64
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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65
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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66
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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67
martyrs
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|
| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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68
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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69
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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70
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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71
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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72
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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73
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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74
barter
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| n.物物交换，以货易货，实物交易 | |
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75
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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76
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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77
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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78
prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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79
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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80
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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81
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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82
warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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83
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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84
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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85
proficient
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| adj.熟练的，精通的；n.能手，专家 | |
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86
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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87
sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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88
bartered
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| v.作物物交换，以货换货( barter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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90
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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91
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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92
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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93
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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94
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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95
glistening
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| adj.闪耀的，反光的v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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96
lank
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| adj.瘦削的；稀疏的 | |
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97
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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98
bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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99
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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100
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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101
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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102
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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103
harangues
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| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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104
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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105
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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106
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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107
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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109
unison
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| n.步调一致，行动一致 | |
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110
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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111
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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112
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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113
exclamations
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| n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 )；感叹；感叹语；感叹词 | |
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114
enraptured
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| v.使狂喜( enrapture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
pumpkin
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| n.南瓜 | |
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116
delectable
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| adj.使人愉快的；美味的 | |
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117
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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118
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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119
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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120
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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121
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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122
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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123
haranguing
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的现在分词 ) | |
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124
slumbers
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| 睡眠，安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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125
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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126
convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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128
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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129
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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130
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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131
venial
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| adj.可宽恕的；轻微的 | |
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132
avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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133
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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134
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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135
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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136
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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137
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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138
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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140
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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141
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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142
tractable
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| adj.易驾驭的；温顺的 | |
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143
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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144
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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145
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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146
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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147
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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149
tawny
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| adj.茶色的，黄褐色的；n.黄褐色 | |
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150
plying
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的现在分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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151
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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152
unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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153
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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154
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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155
pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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156
cataracts
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| n.大瀑布( cataract的名词复数 )；白内障 | |
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157
cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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158
wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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159
boulders
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| n.卵石( boulder的名词复数 )；巨砾；（受水或天气侵蚀而成的）巨石；漂砾 | |
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160
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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161
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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162
mouldering
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| v.腐朽( moulder的现在分词 )；腐烂，崩塌 | |
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163
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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165
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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166
prostration
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| n. 平伏, 跪倒, 疲劳 | |
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167
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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168
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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169
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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170
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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171
embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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172
kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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173
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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174
uncertainties
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| 无把握( uncertainty的名词复数 )； 不确定； 变化不定； 无把握、不确定的事物 | |
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175
negation
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| n.否定；否认 | |
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176
baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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177
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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178
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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179
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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180
heeding
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的现在分词 ) | |
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181
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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182
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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183
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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184
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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185
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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186
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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187
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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188
charred
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| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
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189
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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190
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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191
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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192
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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193
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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194
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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195
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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