THE HURON AND THE JESUIT.
Enthusiasm for the Mission ? Sickness of the Priests ? The Pest among the Hurons ? The Jesuit on his Rounds ? Efforts at Conversion1 ? Priests and Sorcerers ? The Man-Devil ? The Magician's Prescription2 ? Indian Doctors and Patients ? Covert3 Baptisms ? Self-Devotion of the Jesuits
Meanwhile from Old France to New came succors4 and reinforcements to the missions of the forest. More Jesuits crossed the sea to urge on the work of conversion. These were no stern exiles, seeking on barbarous shores an asylum5 for a persecuted6 faith. Rank, wealth, power, and royalty7 itself, smiled on their enterprise, and bade them God-speed. Yet, withal, a fervor8 more intense, a self-abnegation more complete, a self-devotion more constant and enduring, will scarcely find its record on the page of human history.
Holy Mother Church, linked in sordid10 wedlock11 to governments and thrones, numbered among her servants a host of the worldly and the proud, whose service of God was but the service of themselves,—and 84 many, too, who, in the sophistry13 of the human heart, thought themselves true soldiers of Heaven, while earthly pride, interest, and passion were the life-springs of their zeal14. This mighty15 Church of Rome, in her imposing17 march along the high road of history, heralded18 as infallible and divine, astounds19 the gazing world with prodigies20 of contradiction: now the protector of the oppressed, now the right arm of tyrants21; now breathing charity and love, now dark with the passions of Hell; now beaming with celestial22 truth, now masked in hypocrisy23 and lies; now a virgin24, now a harlot; an imperial queen, and a tinselled actress. Clearly, she is of earth, not of heaven; and her transcendently dramatic life is a type of the good and ill, the baseness and nobleness, the foulness25 and purity, the love and hate, the pride, passion, truth, falsehood, fierceness, and tenderness, that battle in the restless heart of man.
It was her nobler and purer part that gave life to the early missions of New France. That gloomy wilderness27, those hordes28 of savages29, had nothing to tempt31 the ambitious, the proud, the grasping, or the indolent. Obscure toil32, solitude33, privation, hardship, and death were to be the missionary34's portion. He who set sail for the country of the Hurons left behind him the world and all its prizes. True, he acted under orders,—obedient, like a soldier, to the word of command: but the astute35 Society of Jesus knew its members, weighed each in the balance, gave each his fitting task; and when the word was passed to embark36 for New France, it was 85 but the response to a secret longing37 of the fervent38 heart. The letters of these priests, departing for the scene of their labors39, breathe a spirit of enthusiastic exaltation, which, to a colder nature and a colder faith, may sometimes seem overstrained, but which is in no way disproportionate to the vastness of the effort and the sacrifice demanded of them. [1]
[1] The following are passages from letters of missionaries41 at this time. See "Divers42 Sentimens," appended to the Relation of 1635.
"On dit que les premiers43 qui fondent les Eglises d'ordinaire sont saincts: cette pensée m'attendrit si fort le c?ur, que quoy que ie me voye icy fort inutile dans ceste fortunée Nouuelle France, si faut-il que i'auoüe que ie ne me s?aurois defendre d'vne pensée qui me presse le c?ur: Cupio impendi, et superimpendi pro12 vobis, Pauure Nouuelle France, ie desire me sacrifier pour ton bien, et quand il me deuroit couster mille vies, moyennant que ie puisse aider à sauuer vne seule ame, ie seray trop heureux, et ma vie tres bien employée."
"Ma consolation44 parmy les Hurons, c'est que tous les iours ie me confesse, et puis ie dis la Messe, comme si ie deuois prendre le Viatique et mourir ce iour là, et ie ne crois pas qu'on puisse mieux viure, ny auec plus de satisfaction et de courage, et mesme de merites, que viure en un lieu, où on pense pouuoir mourir tous les iours, et auoir la deuise de S. Paul, Quotidie morior, fratres, etc. mes freres, je fais estat de mourir tous les iours."
"Qui ne void la Nouuelle France que par26 les yeux de chair et de nature, il n'y void que des bois et des croix; mais qui les considere auec les yeux de la grace et d'vne bonne vocation45, il n'y void que Dieu, les vertus et les graces, et on y trouue tant et de si solides consolations46, que si ie pouuois acheter la Nouuelle France, en donnant tout47 le Paradis Terrestre, certainement ie l'acheterois. Mon Dieu, qu'il fait bon estre au lieu où Dieu nous a mis de sa grace! veritablement i'ay trouué icy ce que i'auois esperé, vn c?ur selon le c?ur de Dieu, qui ne cherche que Dieu."
All turned with longing eyes towards the mission of the Hurons; for here the largest harvest promised to repay their labor40, and here hardships and dangers most abounded48. Two Jesuits, Pijart and Le Mercier, had been sent thither49 in 1635; and in midsummer of the next year three more arrived,—Jogues, 86 Chatelain, and Garnier. When, after their long and lonely journey, they reached Ihonatiria one by one, they were received by their brethren with scanty50 fare indeed, but with a fervor of affectionate welcome which more than made amends51; for among these priests, united in a community of faith and enthusiasm, there was far more than the genial52 comradeship of men joined in a common enterprise of self-devotion and peril53. [2] On their way, they had met Daniel and Davost descending54 to Quebec, to establish there a seminary of Huron children,—a project long cherished by Brébeuf and his companions.
[2] "Ie luy preparay de ce que nous auions, pour le receuoir, mais quel festin! vne poignée de petit poisson sec auec vn peu de farine; i'enuoyay chercher quelques nouueaux espics, que nous luy fismes rostir à la fa?on du pays; mais il est vray que dans son c?ur et à l'entendre, il ne fit iamais meilleure chere. La ioye qui se ressent à ces entreueu?s semble estre quelque image du contentement des bien-heureux à leur arriuée dans le Ciel, tant elle est pleine de suauité."—Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 106.
Scarcely had the new-comers arrived, when they were attacked by a contagious55 fever, which turned their mission-house into a hospital. Jogues, Garnier, and Chatelain fell ill in turn; and two of their domestics also were soon prostrated56, though the only one of the number who could hunt fortunately escaped. Those who remained in health attended the sick, and the sufferers vied with each other in efforts often beyond their strength to relieve their companions in misfortune. [3] The disease in no case proved fatal; but scarcely had health 87 begun to return to their household, when an unforeseen calamity57 demanded the exertion58 of all their energies.
[3] Lettre de Brébeuf au T. R. P. Mutio Vitelleschi, 20 Mai, 1637, in Carayon, 157. Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 120, 123.
The pestilence59, which for two years past had from time to time visited the Huron towns, now returned with tenfold violence, and with it soon appeared a new and fearful scourge,—the small-pox. Terror was universal. The contagion60 increased as autumn advanced; and when winter came, far from ceasing, as the priests had hoped, its ravages61 were appalling62. The season of Huron festivity was turned to a season of mourning; and such was the despondency and dismay, that suicide became frequent. The Jesuits, singly or in pairs, journeyed in the depth of winter from village to village, ministering to the sick, and seeking to commend their religious teachings by their efforts to relieve bodily distress63. Happily, perhaps, for their patients, they had no medicine but a little senna. A few raisins64 were left, however; and one or two of these, with a spoonful of sweetened water, were always eagerly accepted by the sufferers, who thought them endowed with some mysterious and sovereign efficacy. No house was left unvisited. As the missionary, physician at once to body and soul, entered one of these smoky dens65, he saw the inmates66, their heads muffled67 in their robes of skins, seated around the fires in silent dejection. Everywhere was heard the wail68 of sick and dying children; and on or under the platforms at the sides of the house crouched69 squalid men and women, in all the stages of the distemper. The Father approached, made 88 inquiries70, spoke71 words of kindness, administered his harmless remedies, or offered a bowl of broth72 made from game brought in by the Frenchman who hunted for the mission. [4] The body cared for, he next addressed himself to the soul. "This life is short, and very miserable73. It matters little whether we live or die." The patient remained silent, or grumbled74 his dissent75. The Jesuit, after enlarging for a time, in broken Huron, on the brevity and nothingness of mortal weal or woe76, passed next to the joys of Heaven and the pains of Hell, which he set forth77 with his best rhetoric78. His pictures of infernal fires and torturing devils were readily comprehended, if the listener had consciousness enough to comprehend anything; but with respect to the advantages of the French Paradise, he was slow of conviction. "I wish to go where my relations and ancestors have gone," was a common reply. "Heaven is a good place for Frenchmen," said another; "but I wish to be among Indians, for the French will give me nothing to eat when I get there." [5] Often the patient was stolidly79 silent; sometimes he was hopelessly perverse80 and contradictory81. Again, Nature triumphed over Grace. "Which will you choose," demanded 89 the priest of a dying woman, "Heaven or Hell?" "Hell, if my children are there, as you say," returned the mother. "Do they hunt in Heaven, or make war, or go to feasts?" asked an anxious inquirer. "Oh, no!" replied the Father. "Then," returned the querist, "I will not go. It is not good to be lazy." But above all other obstacles was the dread82 of starvation in the regions of the blest. Nor, when the dying Indian had been induced at last to express a desire for Paradise, was it an easy matter to bring him to a due contrition83 for his sins; for he would deny with indignation that he had ever committed any. When at length, as sometimes happened, all these difficulties gave way, and the patient had been brought to what seemed to his instructor84 a fitting frame for baptism, the priest, with contentment at his heart, brought water in a cup or in the hollow of his hand, touched his forehead with the mystic drop, and snatched him from an eternity85 of woe. But the convert, even after his baptism, did not always manifest a satisfactory spiritual condition. "Why did you baptize that Iroquois?" asked one of the dying neophytes, speaking of the prisoner recently tortured; "he will get to Heaven before us, and, when he sees us coming, he will drive us out." [6]
[4] Game was so scarce in the Huron country, that it was greatly prized as a luxury. Le Mercier speaks of an Indian, sixty years of age, who walked twelve miles to taste the wild-fowl killed by the French hunter. The ordinary food was corn, beans, pumpkins86, and fish.
[5] It was scarcely possible to convince the Indians, that there was but one God for themselves and the whites. The proposition was met by such arguments as this: "If we had been of one father, we should know how to make knives and coats as well as you."—Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 147.
[6] Most of the above traits are drawn87 from Le Mercier's report of 1637. The rest are from Brébeuf.
Thus did these worthy88 priests, too conscientious89 to let these unfortunates die in peace, follow them with benevolent90 persecutions to the hour of their death.
90 It was clear to the Fathers, that their ministrations were valued solely91 because their religion was supposed by many to be a "medicine," or charm, efficacious against famine, disease, and death. They themselves, indeed, firmly believed that saints and angels were always at hand with temporal succors for the faithful. At their intercession, St. Joseph had interposed to procure92 a happy delivery to a squaw in protracted93 pains of childbirth; [7] and they never doubted, that, in the hour of need, the celestial powers would confound the unbeliever with intervention94 direct and manifest. At the town of Wenrio, the people, after trying in vain all the feasts, dances, and preposterous95 ceremonies by which their medicine-men sought to stop the pest, resolved to essay the "medicine" of the French, and, to that end, called the priests to a council. "What must we do, that your God may take pity on us?" Brébeuf's answer was uncompromising:—
[7] Brébeuf, Relation des Hurons, 1636, 89. Another woman was delivered on touching96 a relic97 of St. Ignatius. Ibid., 90.
"Believe in Him; keep His commandments; abjure98 your faith in dreams; take but one wife, and be true to her; give up your superstitious99 feasts; renounce100 your assemblies of debauchery; eat no human flesh; never give feasts to demons101; and make a vow103, that, if God will deliver you from this pest, you will build a chapel104 to offer Him thanksgiving and praise." [8]
[8] Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 114, 116 (Cramoisy).
The terms were too hard. They would fain bargain 91 to be let off with building the chapel alone; but Brébeuf would bate105 them nothing, and the council broke up in despair.
At Ossossané, a few miles distant, the people, in a frenzy106 of terror, accepted the conditions, and promised to renounce their superstitions107 and reform their manners. It was a labor of Hercules, a cleansing109 of Augean stables; but the scared savages were ready to make any promise that might stay the pestilence. One of their principal sorcerers proclaimed in a loud voice through the streets of the town, that the God of the French was their master, and that thenceforth all must live according to His will. "What consolation," exclaims Le Mercier, "to see God glorified110 by the lips of an imp16 of Satan!" [9]
[9] Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 127, 128 (Cramoisy).
Their joy was short. The proclamation was on the twelfth of December. On the twenty-first, a noted111 sorcerer came to Ossossané. He was of a dwarfish112, hump-backed figure,—most rare among this symmetrical people,—with a vicious face, and a dress consisting of a torn and shabby robe of beaver-skin. Scarcely had he arrived, when, with ten or twelve other savages, he ensconced himself in a kennel113 of bark made for the occasion. In the midst were placed several stones, heated red-hot. On these the sorcerer threw tobacco, producing a stifling114 fumigation115; in the midst of which, for a full half-hour, he sang, at the top of his throat, those boastful, yet meaningless, rhapsodies of which Indian magical songs are composed. Then came 92 a grand "medicine-feast"; and the disappointed Jesuits saw plainly that the objects of their spiritual care, unwilling116 to throw away any chance of cure, were bent117 on invoking118 aid from God and the Devil at once.
The hump-backed sorcerer became a thorn in the side of the Fathers, who more than half believed his own account of his origin. He was, he said, not a man, but an oki,—a spirit, or, as the priests rendered it, a demon102,—and had dwelt with other okies under the earth, when the whim119 seized him to become a man. Therefore he ascended120 to the upper world, in company with a female spirit. They hid beside a path, and, when they saw a woman passing, they entered her womb. After a time they were born, but not until the male oki had quarrelled with and strangled his female companion, who came dead into the world. [10] The character of the sorcerer seems to have comported121 reasonably well with this story of his origin. He pretended to have an absolute control over the pestilence, and his prescriptions122 were scrupulously123 followed.
[10] Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 72 (Cramoisy). This "petit sorcier" is often mentioned elsewhere.
He had several conspicuous124 rivals, besides a host of humbler competitors. One of these magician-doctors, who was nearly blind, made for himself a kennel at the end of his house, where he fasted for seven days. [11] On the sixth day the spirits appeared, and, among other revelations, told 93 him that the disease could be frightened away by means of images of straw, like scarecrows, placed on the tops of the houses. Within forty-eight hours after this announcement, the roofs of Onnentisati and the neighboring villages were covered with an army of these effigies125. The Indians tried to persuade the Jesuits to put them on the mission-house; but the priests replied, that the cross before their door was a better protector; and, for further security, they set another on their roof, declaring that they would rely on it to save them from infection. [12] The Indians, on their part, anxious that their scarecrows should do their office well, addressed them in loud harangues126 and burned offerings of tobacco to them. [13]
[11] See Introduction.
[12] "Qu'en vertu de ce signe nous ne redoutions point les demons, et esperions que Dieu preserueroit nostre petite maison de cette maladie contagieuse."—Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 150.
[13] Ibid., 157.
There was another sorcerer, whose medical practice was so extensive, that, unable to attend to all his patients, he sent substitutes to the surrounding towns, first imparting to them his own mysterious power. One of these deputies came to Ossossané while the priests were there. The principal house was thronged127 with expectant savages, anxiously waiting his arrival. A chief carried before him a kettle of mystic water, with which the envoy128 sprinkled the company, [14] at the same time fanning them 94 with the wing of a wild turkey. Then came a grand medicine-feast, followed by a medicine-dance of women.
[14] The idea seems to have been taken from the holy water of the French. Le Mercier says that a Huron who had been to Quebec once asked him the use of the vase of water at the door of the chapel. The priest told him that it was "to frighten away the devils". On this, he begged earnestly to have some of it.
Opinion was divided as to the nature of the pest; but the greater number were agreed that it was a malignant129 oki, who came from Lake Huron. [15] As it was of the last moment to conciliate or frighten him, no means to these ends were neglected. Feasts were held for him, at which, to do him honor, each guest gorged131 himself like a vulture. A mystic fraternity danced with firebrands in their mouths; while other dancers wore masks, and pretended to be hump-backed. Tobacco was burned to the Demon of the Pest, no less than to the scarecrows which were to frighten him. A chief climbed to the roof of a house, and shouted to the invisible monster, "If you want flesh, go to our enemies, go to the Iroquois!"—while, to add terror to persuasion132, the crowd in the dwelling133 below yelled with all the force of their lungs, and beat furiously with sticks on the walls of bark.
[15] Many believed that the country was bewitched by wicked sorcerers, one of whom, it was said, had been seen at night roaming around the villages, vomiting134 fire. (Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 134.) This superstition108 of sorcerers vomiting fire was common among the Iroquois of New York.—Others held that a sister of étienne Brulé caused the evil, in revenge for the death of her brother, murdered some years before. She was said to have been seen flying over the country, breathing forth pestilence.
Besides these public efforts to stay the pestilence, the sufferers, each for himself, had their own methods of cure, dictated135 by dreams or prescribed by established usage. Thus two of the priests, entering 95 a house, saw a sick man crouched in a corner, while near him sat three friends. Before each of these was placed a huge portion of food,—enough, the witness declares, for four,—and though all were gorged to suffocation136, with starting eyeballs and distended137 veins138, they still held staunchly to their task, resolved at all costs to devour139 the whole, in order to cure the patient, who meanwhile ceased not, in feeble tones, to praise their exertions140, and implore141 them to persevere142. [16]
[16] "En fin9 il leur fallut rendre gorge130, ce qu'ils firent à diuerses reprises, ne laissants pas pour cela de continuer à vuider leur plat."—Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 142.—This beastly superstition exists in some tribes at the present day. A kindred superstition once fell under the writer's notice, in the case of a wounded Indian, who begged of every one he met to drink a large bowl of water, in order that he, the Indian, might be cured.
Turning from these eccentricities143 of the "noble savage30" [17] to the zealots who were toiling144, according to their light, to snatch him from the clutch of Satan, we see the irrepressible Jesuits roaming from town to town in restless quest of subjects for baptism. In the case of adults, they thought some little preparation essential; but their efforts to this end, even with the aid of St. Joseph, whom they constantly invoked145, [18] were not always successful; and, 96 cheaply as they offered salvation146, they sometimes railed to find a purchaser. With infants, however, a simple drop of water sufficed for the transfer from a prospective147 Hell to an assured Paradise. The Indians, who at first had sought baptism as a cure, now began to regard it as a cause of death; and when the priest entered a lodge148 where a sick child lay in extremity149, the scowling150 parents watched him with jealous distrust, lest unawares the deadly drop should be applied151. The Jesuits were equal to the emergency. Father Le Mercier will best tell his own story.
[17] In the midst of these absurdities152 we find recorded one of the best traits of the Indian character. At Ihonatiria, a house occupied by a family of orphan153 children was burned to the ground, leaving the inmates destitute154. The villagers united to aid them. Each contributed something, and they were soon better provided for than before.
[18] "C'est nostre refuge ordinaire en semblables necessitez, et d'ordinaire auec tels succez, que nous auons sujet d'en benir Dieu à iamais, qui nous fait cognoistre en cette barbarie le credit de ce S. Patriarche aupres de son infinie misericorde."—Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 153.—In the case of a woman at Onnentisati, "Dieu nous inspira de luy vou?r quelques Messes en l'honneur de S. Joseph." The effect was prompt. In half an hour the woman was ready for baptism. On the same page we have another subject secured to Heaven, "sans doute par les merites du glorieux Patriarche S. Joseph."
"On the third of May, Father Pierre Pijart baptized at Anonatea a little child two months old, in manifest danger of death, without being seen by the parents, who would not give their consent. This is the device which he used. Our sugar does wonders for us. He pretended to make the child drink a little sugared water, and at the same time dipped a finger in it. As the father of the infant began to suspect something, and called out to him not to baptize it, he gave the spoon to a woman who was near, and said to her, 'Give it to him yourself.' She approached and found the child asleep; and at the same time Father Pijart, under pretence155 of seeing if he was really asleep, touched his face with his wet finger, and baptized him. At the end of forty-eight hours he went to Heaven.
97 "Some days before, the missionary had used the same device (industrie) for baptizing a little boy six or seven years old. His father, who was very sick, had several times refused to receive baptism; and when asked if he would not be glad to have his son baptized, he had answered, No. 'At least,' said Father Pijart, 'you will not object to my giving him a little sugar.' 'No; but you must not baptize him.' The missionary gave it to him once; then again; and at the third spoonful, before he had put the sugar into the water, he let a drop of it fall on the child, at the same time pronouncing the sacramental words. A little girl, who was looking at him, cried out, 'Father, he is baptizing him!' The child's father was much disturbed; but the missionary said to him, 'Did you not see that I was giving him sugar?' The child died soon after; but God showed His grace to the father, who is now in perfect health." [19]
[19] Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 165. Various other cases of the kind are mentioned in the Relations.
That equivocal morality, lashed156 by the withering157 satire158 of Pascal,—a morality built on the doctrine159 that all means are permissible160 for saving souls from perdition, and that sin itself is no sin when its object is the "greater glory of God,"—found far less scope in the rude wilderness of the Hurons than among the interests, ambitions, and passions of civilized161 life. Nor were these men, chosen from the purest of their Order, personally well fitted to illustrate162 the capabilities163 of this elastic164 system. Yet now and then, by the light of their own writings, 98 we may observe that the teachings of the school of Loyola had not been wholly without effect in the formation of their ethics165.
But when we see them, in the gloomy February of 1637, and the gloomier months that followed, toiling on foot from one infected town to another, wading166 through the sodden167 snow, under the bare and dripping forests, drenched168 with incessant169 rains, till they descried170 at length through the storm the clustered dwellings171 of some barbarous hamlet,—when we see them entering, one after another, these wretched abodes172 of misery173 and darkness, and all for one sole end, the baptism of the sick and dying, we may smile at the futility174 of the object, but we must needs admire the self-sacrificing zeal with which it was pursued.
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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covert
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| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
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4
succors
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| n.救助，帮助（尤指需要时）( succor的名词复数 )v.给予帮助( succor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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6
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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wedlock
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| n.婚姻，已婚状态 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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imp
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| n.顽童 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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heralded
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| v.预示( herald的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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astounds
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| v.使震惊，使大吃一惊( astound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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foulness
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26
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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30
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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32
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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33
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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34
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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35
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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36
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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37
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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38
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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39
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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40
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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41
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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42
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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43
premiers
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| n.总理，首相( premier的名词复数 )；首席官员， | |
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44
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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45
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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46
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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47
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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48
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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50
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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51
amends
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| n. 赔偿 | |
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52
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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53
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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54
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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55
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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56
prostrated
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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57
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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58
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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59
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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60
contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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61
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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62
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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63
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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64
raisins
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| n.葡萄干( raisin的名词复数 ) | |
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65
dens
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| n.牙齿，齿状部分；兽窝( den的名词复数 )；窝点；休息室；书斋 | |
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66
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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67
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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68
wail
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| vt./vi.大声哀号，恸哭；呼啸，尖啸 | |
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69
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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71
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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72
broth
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| n.原(汁)汤(鱼汤、肉汤、菜汤等) | |
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73
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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74
grumbled
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| 抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 发牢骚； 咕哝； 发哼声 | |
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75
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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76
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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77
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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78
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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79
stolidly
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| adv.迟钝地，神经麻木地 | |
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80
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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81
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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82
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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83
contrition
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| n.悔罪，痛悔 | |
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84
instructor
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| n.指导者，教员，教练 | |
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85
eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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86
pumpkins
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| n.南瓜( pumpkin的名词复数 )；南瓜的果肉，南瓜囊 | |
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87
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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88
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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89
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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90
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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91
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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92
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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93
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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94
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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95
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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96
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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97
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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98
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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99
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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100
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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101
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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102
demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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103
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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104
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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105
bate
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| v.压制；减弱；n.（制革用的）软化剂 | |
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106
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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107
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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108
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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109
cleansing
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| n. 净化(垃圾) adj. 清洁用的 动词cleanse的现在分词 | |
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110
glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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111
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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112
dwarfish
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| a.像侏儒的，矮小的 | |
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113
kennel
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| n.狗舍，狗窝 | |
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114
stifling
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| a.令人窒息的 | |
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115
fumigation
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| n.烟熏，熏蒸；忿恨 | |
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116
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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117
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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118
invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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119
whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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120
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
comported
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| v.表现( comport的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
prescriptions
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| 药( prescription的名词复数 )； 处方； 开处方； 计划 | |
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123
scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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124
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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125
effigies
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| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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126
harangues
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| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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127
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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129
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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130
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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131
gorged
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| v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的过去式和过去分词 )；作呕 | |
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132
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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133
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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134
vomiting
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| 吐 | |
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135
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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136
suffocation
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| n.窒息 | |
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137
distended
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| v.（使）膨胀，肿胀( distend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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139
devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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140
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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141
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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142
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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143
eccentricities
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| n.古怪行为( eccentricity的名词复数 )；反常；怪癖 | |
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144
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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145
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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146
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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147
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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148
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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149
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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150
scowling
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| 怒视，生气地皱眉( scowl的现在分词 ) | |
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151
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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152
absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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153
orphan
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| n.孤儿；adj.无父母的 | |
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154
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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155
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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156
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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157
withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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158
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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159
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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160
permissible
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| adj.可允许的，许可的 | |
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161
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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162
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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163
capabilities
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| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
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164
elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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165
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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166
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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167
sodden
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| adj.浑身湿透的；v.使浸透；使呆头呆脑 | |
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168
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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169
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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170
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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171
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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172
abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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173
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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174
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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