PRIEST AND PAGAN.
Du Peron's Journey ? Daily Life of the Jesuits ? Their Missionary1 Excursions ? Converts at Ossossané ? Machinery2 of Conversion3 ? Conditions of Baptism ? Backsliders ? The Converts and their Countrymen ? The Cannibals at St. Joseph
We have already touched on the domestic life of the Jesuits. That we may the better know them, we will follow one of their number on his journey towards the scene of his labors5, and observe what awaited him on his arrival.
Father Fran?ois Du Peron came up the Ottawa in a Huron canoe in September, 1638, and was well treated by the Indian owner of the vessel6. Lalemant and Le Moyne, who had set out from Three Rivers before him, did not fare so well. The former was assailed7 by an Algonquin of Allumette Island, who tried to strangle him in revenge for the death of a child, which a Frenchman in the employ of the Jesuits had lately bled, but had failed to restore to health by the operation. Le 128 Moyne was abandoned by his Huron conductors, and remained for a fortnight by the bank of the river, with a French attendant who supported him by hunting. Another Huron, belonging to the flotilla that carried Du Peron, then took him into his canoe; but, becoming tired of him, was about to leave him on a rock in the river, when his brother priest bribed8 the savage9 with a blanket to carry him to his journey's end.
It was midnight, on the twenty-ninth of September, when Du Peron landed on the shore of Thunder Bay, after paddling without rest since one o'clock of the preceding morning. The night was rainy, and Ossossané was about fifteen miles distant. His Indian companions were impatient to reach their towns; the rain prevented the kindling10 of a fire; while the priest, who for a long time had not heard mass, was eager to renew his communion as soon as possible. Hence, tired and hungry as he was, he shouldered his sack, and took the path for Ossossané without breaking his fast. He toiled11 on, half-spent, amid the ceaseless pattering, trickling12, and whispering of innumerable drops among innumerable leaves, till, as day dawned, he reached a clearing, and descried13 through the mists a cluster of Huron houses. Faint and bedrenched, he entered the principal one, and was greeted with the monosyllable "Shay!"—"Welcome!" A squaw spread a mat for him by the fire, roasted four ears of Indian corn before the coals, baked two squashes in the embers, ladled from her kettle a dish of sagamite, and offered them to her famished14 guest. 129 Missionaries15 seem to have been a novelty at this place; for, while the Father breakfasted, a crowd, chiefly of children, gathered about him, and stared at him in silence. One examined the texture16 of his cassock; another put on his hat; a third took the shoes from his feet, and tried them on her own. Du Peron requited17 his entertainers with a few trinkets, and begged, by signs, a guide to Ossossané. An Indian accordingly set out with him, and conducted him to the mission-house, which he reached at six o'clock in the evening.
Here he found a warm welcome, and little other refreshment18. In respect to the commodities of life, the Jesuits were but a step in advance of the Indians. Their house, though well ventilated by numberless crevices19 in its bark walls, always smelt20 of smoke, and, when the wind was in certain quarters, was filled with it to suffocation21. At their meals, the Fathers sat on logs around the fire, over which their kettle was slung22 in the Indian fashion. Each had his wooden platter, which, from the difficulty of transportation, was valued, in the Huron country, at the price of a robe of beaver-skin, or a hundred francs. [1] Their food consisted of sagamite, or "mush," made of pounded Indian-corn, boiled with scraps23 of smoked fish. Chaumonot compares it to the paste used for papering the walls of houses. The repast was occasionally varied24 by a pumpkin25 or squash baked in the ashes, or, in the 130 season, by Indian corn roasted in the ear. They used no salt whatever. They could bring their cumbrous pictures, ornaments26, and vestments through the savage journey of the Ottawa; but they could not bring the common necessaries of life. By day, they read and studied by the light that streamed in through the large smoke-holes in the roof,—at night, by the blaze of the fire. Their only candles were a few of wax, for the altar. They cultivated a patch of ground, but raised nothing on it except wheat for making the sacramental bread. Their food was supplied by the Indians, to whom they gave, in return, cloth, knives, awls, needles, and various trinkets. Their supply of wine for the Eucharist was so scanty27, that they limited themselves to four or five drops for each mass. [2]
[1] "Nos plats, quoyque de bois, nous co?tent plus cher que les v?tres; ils sont de la valeur d'une robe de castor, c'est à dire28 cent francs."—Lettre du P. Du Peron à son Frère, 27 Avril, 1639.—The Father's appraisement29 seems a little questionable30.
[2] The above particulars are drawn31 from a long letter of Fran?ois Du Peron to his brother, Joseph-Imbert Du Peron, dated at La Conception (Ossossané), April 27, 1639, and from a letter, equally long, of Chaumonot to Father Philippe Nappi, dated Du Pays des Hurons, May 26, 1640. Both are in Carayon. These private letters of the Jesuits, of which many are extant, in some cases written on birch-bark, are invaluable32 as illustrations of the subject.
The Jesuits soon learned to make wine from wild grapes. Those in Maine and Acadia, at a later period, made good candles from the waxy33 fruit of the shrub34 known locally as the "bayberry."
Their life was regulated with a conventual strictness. At four in the morning, a bell roused them from the sheets of bark on which they slept. Masses, private devotions, reading religious books, and breakfasting, filled the time until eight, when they opened their door and admitted the Indians. As many of these proved intolerable nuisances, they took what Lalemant calls the honnête liberty of turning out the most intrusive35 and impracticable,—an 131 act performed with all tact36 and courtesy, and rarely taken in dudgeon. Having thus winnowed37 their company, they catechized those that remained, as opportunity offered. In the intervals38, the guests squatted39 by the fire and smoked their pipes.
As among the Spartan40 virtues41 of the Hurons that of thieving was especially conspicuous42, it was necessary that one or more of the Fathers should remain on guard at the house all day. The rest went forth43 on their missionary labors, baptizing and instructing, as we have seen. To each priest who could speak Huron [3] was assigned a certain number of houses,—in some instances, as many as forty; and as these often had five or six fires, with two families to each, his spiritual flock was as numerous as it was intractable. It was his care to see that none of the number died without baptism, and by every means in his power to commend the doctrines44 of his faith to the acceptance of those in health.
[3] At the end of the year 1638, there were seven priests who spoke46 Huron, and three who had begun to learn it.
At dinner, which was at two o'clock, grace was said in Huron,—for the benefit of the Indians present,—and a chapter of the Bible was read aloud during the meal. At four or five, according to the season, the Indians were dismissed, the door closed, and the evening spent in writing, reading, studying the language, devotion, and conversation on the affairs of the mission.
The local missions here referred to embraced 132 Ossossané and the villages of the neighborhood; but the priests by no means confined themselves within these limits. They made distant excursions, two in company, until every house in every Huron town had heard the annunciation of the new doctrine45. On these journeys, they carried blankets or large mantles47 at their backs, for sleeping in at night, besides a supply of needles, awls, beads49, and other small articles, to pay for their lodging50 and entertainment: for the Hurons, hospitable51 without stint52 to each other, expected full compensation from the Jesuits.
At Ossossané, the house of the Jesuits no longer served the double purpose of dwelling53 and chapel54. In 1638, they had in their pay twelve artisans and laborers55, sent up from Quebec, [4] who had built, before the close of the year, a chapel of wood. [5] Hither they removed their pictures and ornaments; and here, in winter, several fires were kept burning, for the comfort of the half-naked converts. [6] Of these they now had at Ossossané about sixty,—a large, though evidently not a very solid nucleus56 for the Huron church,—and they labored57 hard and anxiously to confirm and multiply them. Of a Sunday morning in winter, one could have seen them coming to mass, often from a considerable distance, "as naked," says Lalemant, "as your hand, except a skin over their backs like a mantle48, and, in the coldest weather, a few skins around 133 their feet and legs." They knelt, mingled58 with the French mechanics, before the altar,—very awkwardly at first, for the posture59 was new to them,—and all received the sacrament together: a spectacle which, as the missionary chronicler declares, repaid a hundred times all the labor4 of their conversion. [7]
[4] Du Peron in Carayon, 173.
[5] "La chapelle est faite d'une charpente bien jolie, semblable presque, en fa?on et grandeur60, à notre chapelle de St. Julien."—Ibid., 183.
[6] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 62.
[7] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 62.
Some of the principal methods of conversion are curiously61 illustrated62 in a letter written by Garnier to a friend in France. "Send me," he says, "a picture of Christ without a beard." Several Virgins64 are also requested, together with a variety of souls in perdition—ames damnées—most of them to be mounted in a portable form. Particular directions are given with respect to the demons65, dragons, flames, and other essentials of these works of art. Of souls in bliss—ames bienheureuses—he thinks that one will be enough. All the pictures must be in full face, not in profile; and they must look directly at the beholder66, with open eyes. The colors should be bright; and there must be no flowers or animals, as these distract the attention of the Indians. [8]
[8] Garnier, Lettre 17me, MS. These directions show an excellent knowledge of Indian peculiarities67. The Indian dislike of a beard is well known. Catlin, the painter, once caused a fatal quarrel among a party of Sioux, by representing one of them in profile, whereupon he was jibed68 by a rival as being but half a man.
The first point with the priests was of course to bring the objects of their zeal69 to an acceptance of the fundamental doctrines of the Roman Church; but, as the mind of the savage was by no means 134 that beautiful blank which some have represented it, there was much to be erased70 as well as to be written. They must renounce71 a host of superstitions72, to which they were attached with a strange tenacity74, or which may rather be said to have been ingrained in their very natures. Certain points of Christian75 morality were also strongly urged by the missionaries, who insisted that the convert should take but one wife, and not cast her off without grave cause, and that he should renounce the gross license76 almost universal among the Hurons. Murder, cannibalism77, and several other offences, were also forbidden. Yet, while laboring78 at the work of conversion with an energy never surpassed, and battling against the powers of darkness with the mettle79 of paladins, the Jesuits never had the folly80 to assume towards the Indians a dictatorial81 or overbearing tone. Gentleness, kindness, and patience were the rule of their intercourse82. [9] They studied the nature of the savage, and conformed themselves to it with an admirable tact. Far from treating the Indian as an alien and barbarian83, they would fain have adopted him as a countryman; and they 135 proposed to the Hurons that a number of young Frenchmen should settle among them, and marry their daughters in solemn form. The listeners were gratified at an overture84 so flattering. "But what is the use," they demanded, "of so much ceremony? If the Frenchmen want our women, they are welcome to come and take them whenever they please, as they always used to do." [10]
[9] The following passage from the "Divers85 Sentimens," before cited, will illustrate63 this point. "Pour conuertir les Sauuages, il n'y faut pas tant de science que de bonté et vertu bien solide. Les quatre Elemens d'vn homme Apostolique en la Nouuelle France sont l'Affabilité, l'Humilité, la Patience et vne Charité genereuse. Le zele trop ardent86 brusle plus qu'il n'eschauffe, et gaste tout87; il faut vne grande magnanimité et condescendance, pour attirer peu à peu ces Sauuages. Ils n'entendent pas bien nostre Theologie, mais ils entendent parfaictement bien nostre humilité et nostre affabilité, et se laissent gaigner."
So too Brébeuf, in a letter to Vitelleschi, General of the Jesuits (see Carayon, 163): "Ce qu'il faut demander, avant tout, des ouvriers destinés à cette mission, c'est une douceur inaltérable et une patience à toute épreuve."
[10] Le Mercier, Relation des Hurons, 1637, 160.
The Fathers are well agreed that their difficulties did not arise from any natural defect of understanding on the part of the Indians, who, according to Chaumonot, were more intelligent than the French peasantry, and who, in some instances, showed in their way a marked capacity. It was the inert88 mass of pride, sensuality, indolence, and superstition73 that opposed the march of the Faith, and in which the Devil lay intrenched as behind impregnable breastworks. [11]
[11] In this connection, the following specimen89 of Indian reasoning is worth noting. At the height of the pestilence90, a Huron said to one of the priests, "I see plainly that your God is angry with us because we will not believe and obey him. Ihonatiria, where you first taught his word, is entirely91 ruined. Then you came here to Ossossané, and we would not listen; so Ossossané is ruined too. This year you have been all through our country, and found scarcely any who would do what God commands; therefore the pestilence is everywhere." After premises92 so hopeful, the Fathers looked for a satisfactory conclusion; but the Indian proceeded—"My opinion is, that we ought to shut you out from all the houses, and stop our ears when you speak of God, so that we cannot hear. Then we shall not be so guilty of rejecting the truth, and he will not punish us so cruelly."—Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1640, 80.
It soon became evident that it was easier to make a convert than to keep him. Many of the Indians clung to the idea that baptism was a safeguard against pestilence and misfortune; and when 136 the fallacy of this notion was made apparent, their zeal cooled. Their only amusements consisted of feasts, dances, and games, many of which were, to a greater or less degree, of a superstitious93 character; and as the Fathers could rarely prove to their own satisfaction the absence of the diabolic element in any one of them, they proscribed94 the whole indiscriminately, to the extreme disgust of the neophyte95. His countrymen, too, beset96 him with dismal97 prognostics: as, "You will kill no more game,"—"All your hair will come out before spring," and so forth. Various doubts also assailed him with regard to the substantial advantages of his new profession; and several converts were filled with anxiety in view of the probable want of tobacco in Heaven, saying that they could not do without it. [12] Nor was it pleasant to these incipient98 Christians99, as they sat in class listening to the instructions of their teacher, to find themselves and him suddenly made the targets of a shower of sticks, snowballs, corn-cobs, and other rubbish, flung at them by a screeching100 rabble101 of vagabond boys. [13]
[12] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 80.
[13] Ibid., 78.
Yet, while most of the neophytes demanded an anxious and diligent102 cultivation103, there were a few of excellent promise; and of one or two especially, the Fathers, in the fulness of their satisfaction, assure us again and again "that they were savage only in name." [14]
[14] From June, 1639, to June, 1640, about a thousand persons were baptized. Of these, two hundred and sixty were infants, and many more were children. Very many died soon after baptism. Of the whole number, less than twenty were baptized in health,—a number much below that of the preceding year.
The following is a curious case of precocious104 piety105. It is that of a child at St. Joseph. "Elle n'a que deux ans, et fait joliment le signe de la croix, et prend elle-même de l'eau bénite; et une fois se mit à crier, sortant de la Chapelle, à cause que sa mère qui la portoit ne lui avoit donné le loisir d'en prendre. Il l'a fallu reporter en prendre."—Lettres de Garnier, MSS.
137 As the town of Ihonatiria, where the Jesuits had made their first abode106, was ruined by the pestilence, the mission established there, and known by the name of St. Joseph, was removed, in the summer of 1638, to Teanaustayé, a large town at the foot of a range of hills near the southern borders of the Huron territory. The Hurons, this year, had had unwonted successes in their war with the Iroquois, and had taken, at various times, nearly a hundred prisoners. Many of these were brought to the seat of the new mission of St. Joseph, and put to death with frightful107 tortures, though not before several had been converted and baptized. The torture was followed, in spite of the remonstrances108 of the priests, by those cannibal feasts customary with the Hurons on such occasions. Once, when the Fathers had been strenuous109 in their denunciations, a hand of the victim, duly prepared, was flung in at their door, as an invitation to join in the festivity. As the owner of the severed110 member had been baptized, they dug a hole in their chapel, and buried it with solemn rites111 of sepulture. [15]
[15] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 70.
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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toiled
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trickling
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| n.油画底色含油太多而成泡沫状突起v.滴( trickle的现在分词 )；淌；使)慢慢走；缓慢移动 | |
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descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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crevices
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| n.（尤指岩石的）裂缝，缺口( crevice的名词复数 ) | |
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smelt
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suffocation
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slung
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scraps
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varied
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pumpkin
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ornaments
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scanty
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dire
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appraisement
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questionable
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drawn
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invaluable
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waxy
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shrub
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intrusive
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tact
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winnowed
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intervals
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squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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conspicuous
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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stint
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| v.节省，限制，停止；n.舍不得化，节约，限制；连续不断的一段时间从事某件事 | |
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53
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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54
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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58
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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beholder
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| n.观看者，旁观者 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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jibed
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| v.与…一致( jibe的过去式和过去分词 )；（与…）相符；相匹配 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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erased
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| v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；清除 | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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cannibalism
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| n.同类相食；吃人肉 | |
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78
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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dictatorial
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| adj. 独裁的，专断的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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overture
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| n.前奏曲、序曲，提议，提案，初步交涉 | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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neophyte
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| n.新信徒；开始者 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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incipient
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| adj.起初的，发端的，初期的 | |
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99
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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100
screeching
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| v.发出尖叫声( screech的现在分词 )；发出粗而刺耳的声音；高叫 | |
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101
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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102
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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103
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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104
precocious
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| adj.早熟的；较早显出的 | |
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105
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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106
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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107
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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108
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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109
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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111
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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