The New Governor ? Edifying3 Examples ? Le Jeune's Correspondents ? Rank and Devotion ? Nuns5 ? Priestly Authority ? Condition of Quebec ? The Hundred Associates ? Church Discipline ? Plays ? Fireworks ? Processions ? Catechizing ? Terrorism ? Pictures ? The Converts ? The Society of Jesus ? The Foresters
I have traced, in another volume, the life and death of the noble founder6 of New France, Samuel de Champlain. It was on Christmas Day, 1635, that his heroic spirit bade farewell to the frame it had animated7, and to the rugged8 cliff where he had toiled9 so long to lay the corner-stone of a Christian10 empire.
Quebec was without a governor. Who should succeed Champlain? and would his successor be found equally zealous12 for the Faith, and friendly to the mission? These doubts, as he himself tells us, agitated13 the mind of the Father Superior, Le Jeune; but they were happily set at rest, when, on a morning in June, he saw a ship anchoring in the basin below, and, hastening with his brethren to the landing-place, was there met by Charles Huault 150 de Montmagny, a Knight14 of Malta, followed by a train of officers and gentlemen. As they all climbed the rock together, Montmagny saw a crucifix planted by the path. He instantly fell on his knees before it; and nobles, soldiers, sailors, and priests imitated his example. The Jesuits sang Te Deum at the church, and the cannon15 roared from the adjacent fort. Here the new governor was scarcely installed, when a Jesuit came in to ask if he would be godfather to an Indian about to be baptized. "Most gladly," replied the pious16 Montmagny. He repaired on the instant to the convert's hut, with a company of gayly apparelled gentlemen; and while the inmates18 stared in amazement19 at the scarlet20 and embroidery21, he bestowed22 on the dying savage23 the name of Joseph, in honor of the spouse24 of the Virgin25 and the patron of New France. [1] Three days after, he was told that a dead proselyte was to be buried; on which, leaving the lines of the new fortification he was tracing, he took in hand a torch, De Lisle, his lieutenant26, took another, Repentigny and St. Jean, gentlemen of his suite27, with a band of soldiers followed, two priests bore the corpse28, and thus all moved together in procession to the place of burial. The Jesuits were comforted. Champlain himself had not displayed a zeal11 so edifying. [2]
[1] Le Jeune, Relation, 1636, 5 (Cramoisy). "Monsieur le Gouverneur se transporte aux Cabanes de ces pauures barbares, suivy d'une leste Noblesse. Je vous laisse à penser quel estonnement à ces Peuples de voir tant d'écarlate, tant de personnes bien faites sous leurs toits d'écorce!"
[2] Ibid., 83 (Cramoisy).
151 A considerable reinforcement came out with Montmagny, and among the rest several men of birth and substance, with their families and dependants29. "It was a sight to thank God for," exclaims Father Le Jeune, "to behold30 these delicate young ladies and these tender infants issuing from their wooden prison, like day from the shades of night." The Father, it will be remembered, had for some years past seen nothing but squaws, with papooses swathed like mummies and strapped31 to a board.
He was even more pleased with the contents of a huge packet of letters that was placed in his hands, bearing the signatures of nuns, priests, soldiers, courtiers, and princesses. A great interest in the mission had been kindled32 in France. Le Jeune's printed Relations had been read with avidity; and his Jesuit brethren, who, as teachers, preachers, and confessors, had spread themselves through the nation, had successfully fanned the rising flame. The Father Superior finds no words for his joy. "Heaven," he exclaims, "is the conductor of this enterprise. Nature's arms are not long enough to touch so many hearts." [3] He reads how in a single convent, thirteen nuns have devoted33 themselves by a vow34 to the work of converting the Indian women and children; how, in the church of Montmartre, a nun4 lies prostrate35 day and night before the altar, praying for the mission; [4] how 152 "the Carmelites are all on fire, the Ursulines full of zeal, the sisters of the Visitation have no words to speak their ardor"; [5] how some person unknown, but blessed of Heaven, means to found a school for Huron children; how the Duchesse d'Aiguillon has sent out six workmen to build a hospital for the Indians; how, in every house of the Jesuits, young priests turn eager eyes towards Canada; and how, on the voyage thither36, the devils raised a tempest, endeavoring, in vain fury, to drown the invaders37 of their American domain38. [6]
[3] "C'est Dieu qui conduit cette entreprise. La Nature n'a pas les bras assez longs," etc.—Relation, 1636, 3.
[4] Brébeuf, Relation des Hurons, 1636, 76.
[6] "L'Enfer enrageant de nous veoir aller en la Nouuelle France pour conuertir les infidelles et diminuer sa puissance, par17 dépit il sousleuoit tous les Elemens contre nous, et vouloit abysmer la flotte."—Divers Sentimens.
Great was Le Jeune's delight at the exalted40 rank of some of those who gave their patronage41 to the mission; and again and again his satisfaction flows from his pen in mysterious allusions42 to these eminent43 persons. [7] In his eyes, the vicious imbecile who sat on the throne of France was the anointed champion of the Faith, and the cruel and ambitious priest who ruled king and nation alike was the chosen instrument of Heaven. Church and State, linked in alliance close and potential, played faithfully into each other's hands; and that enthusiasm, in which the Jesuit saw the direct inspiration of God, was fostered by all the prestige 153 of royalty45 and all the patronage of power. And, as often happens where the interests of a hierarchy46 are identified with the interests of a ruling class, religion was become a fashion, as graceful47 and as comforting as the courtier's embroidered48 mantle49 or the court lady's robe of fur.
[7] Among his correspondents was the young Duc d'Enghien, afterwards the Great Condé, at this time fifteen years old. "Dieu soit loüé! tout50 le ciel de nostre chere Patrie nous promet de fauorables influences, iusques à ce nouuel astre, qui commence à paroistre parmy ceux de la premiere grandeur51."—Le Jeune, Relation, 1636, 3, 4.
Such, we may well believe, was the complexion52 of the enthusiasm which animated some of Le Jeune's noble and princely correspondents. But there were deeper fervors, glowing in the still depths of convent cells, and kindling53 the breasts of their inmates with quenchless54 longings55. Yet we hear of no zeal for the mission among religious communities of men. The Jesuits regarded the field as their own, and desired no rivals. They looked forward to the day when Canada should be another Paraguay. [8] It was to the combustible56 hearts of female recluses57 that the torch was most busily applied58; and here, accordingly, blazed forth59 a prodigious60 and amazing flame. "If all had their pious will," writes Le Jeune, "Quebec would soon be flooded with nuns." [9]
[8] "Que si celuy qui a escrit cette lettre a leu la Relation de ce qui se passe au Paraguais, qu'il a veu ce qui se fera un jour en la Nouuelle France."—Le Jeune, Relation, 1637, 304 (Cramoisy).
Both Montmagny and De Lisle were half churchmen, for both were Knights63 of Malta. More and more the powers spiritual engrossed64 the colony. As nearly as might be, the sword itself was in priestly hands. The Jesuits were all in all. Authority, absolute and without appeal, was 154 vested in a council composed of the governor, Le Jeune, and the syndic, an official supposed to represent the interests of the inhabitants. [10] There was no tribunal of justice, and the governor pronounced summarily on all complaints. The church adjoined the fort; and before it was planted a stake bearing a placard with a prohibition65 against blasphemy66, drunkenness, or neglect of mass and other religious rites61. To the stake was also attached a chain and iron collar; and hard by was a wooden horse, whereon a culprit was now and then mounted by way of example and warning. [11] In a community so absolutely priest-governed, overt67 offences were, however, rare; and, except on the annual arrival of the ships from France, when the rock swarmed68 with godless sailors, Quebec was a model of decorum, and wore, as its chroniclers tell us, an aspect unspeakably edifying.
[10] Le Clerc, établissement de la Foy, Chap. XV.
[11] Le Jeune, Relation, 1636, 153, 154 (Cramoisy).
In the year 1640, various new establishments of religion and charity might have been seen at Quebec. There was the beginning of a college and a seminary for Huron children, an embryo69 Ursuline convent, an incipient70 hospital, and a new Algonquin mission at a place called Sillery, four miles distant. Champlain's fort had been enlarged and partly rebuilt in stone by Montmagny, who had also laid out streets on the site of the future city, though as yet the streets had no houses. Behind the fort, and very near it, stood the church and a house for the Jesuits. Both were of pine 155 wood; and this year, 1640, both were burned to the ground, to be afterwards rebuilt in stone. The Jesuits, however, continued to occupy their rude mission-house of Notre-Dame des Anges, on the St. Charles, where we first found them.
The country around Quebec was still an unbroken wilderness71, with the exception of a small clearing made by the Sieur Giffard on his seigniory of Beauport, another made by M. de Puiseaux between Quebec and Sillery, and possibly one or two feeble attempts in other quarters. [12] The total population did not much exceed two hundred, including women and children. Of this number, by far the greater part were agents of the fur company known as the Hundred Associates, and men in their employ. Some of these had brought over their families. The remaining inhabitants were priests, nuns, and a very few colonists73.
[12] For Giffard, Puiseaux, and other colonists, compare Langevin, Notes sur les Archives de Notre-Dame de Beauport, 5, 6, 7; Ferland, Notes sur les Archives de N. D. de Québec, 22, 24 (1863); Ibid., Cours d'Histoire du Canada, I. 266; Le Jeune, Relation, 1636, 45; Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Fran?aise, I. c. iv., v.
The Company of the Hundred Associates was bound by its charter to send to Canada four thousand colonists before the year 1643. [13] It had neither the means nor the will to fulfil this engagement. Some of its members were willing to make personal sacrifices for promoting the missions, and building up a colony purely74 Catholic. Others thought only of the profits of trade; and the practical affairs of the company had passed entirely75 156 into the hands of this portion of its members. They sought to evade76 obligations the fulfilment of which would have ruined them. Instead of sending out colonists, they granted lands with the condition that the grantees should furnish a certain number of settlers to clear and till them, and these were to be credited to the Company. [14] The grantees took the land, but rarely fulfilled the condition. Some of these grants were corrupt77 and iniquitous78. Thus, a son of Lauson, president of the Company, received, in the name of a third person, a tract79 of land on the south side of the St. Lawrence of sixty leagues front. To this were added all the islands in that river, excepting those of Montreal and Orleans, together with the exclusive right of fishing in it through its whole extent. [15] Lauson sent out not a single colonist72 to these vast concessions80.
[13] See "Pioneers of France," 399.
[14] This appears in many early grants of the Company. Thus, in a grant to Simon Le Ma?tre, Jan. 15, 1636, "que les hommes que le dit … fera passer en la N. F. tourneront à la décharge de la dite Compagnie," etc., etc.—See Pièces sur la Tenure81 Seigneuriale, published by the Canadian government, passim.
[15] Archives du Séminaire de Villemarie, cited by Faillon, I. 350. Lauson's father owned Montreal. The son's grant extended from the River St. Francis to a point far above Montreal.—La Fontaine, Mémoire sur la Famille de Lauson.
There was no real motive82 for emigration. No persecution83 expelled the colonist from his home; for none but good Catholics were tolerated in New France. The settler could not trade with the Indians, except on condition of selling again to the Company at a fixed84 price. He might hunt, but he could not fish; and he was forced to beg 157 or buy food for years before he could obtain it from that rude soil in sufficient quantity for the wants of his family. The Company imported provisions every year for those in its employ; and of these supplies a portion was needed for the relief of starving settlers. Giffard and his seven men on his seigniory of Beauport were for some time the only settlers—excepting, perhaps, the Hébert family—who could support themselves throughout the year. The rigor85 of the climate repelled86 the emigrant87; nor were the attractions which Father Le Jeune held forth—"piety88, freedom, and independence"—of a nature to entice89 him across the sea, when it is remembered that this freedom consisted in subjection to the arbitrary will of a priest and a soldier, and in the liability, should he forget to go to mass, of being made fast to a post with a collar and chain, like a dog.
Aside from the fur trade of the Company, the whole life of the colony was in missions, convents, religious schools, and hospitals. Here on the rock of Quebec were the appendages90, useful and otherwise, of an old-established civilization. While as yet there were no inhabitants, and no immediate91 hope of any, there were institutions for the care of children, the sick, and the decrepit92. All these were supported by a charity in most cases precarious93. The Jesuits relied chiefly on the Company, who, by the terms of their patent, were obliged to maintain religious worship. [16] Of the origin of the 158 convent, hospital, and seminary I shall soon have occasion to speak.
[16] It is a principle of the Jesuits, that each of its establishments shall find a support of its own, and not be a burden on the general funds of the Society. The Relations are full of appeals to the charity of devout94 persons in behalf of the missions.
"Of what use to the country at this period could have been two communities of cloistered95 nuns?" asks the modern historian of the Ursulines of Quebec. And he answers by citing the words of Pope Gregory the Great, who, when Rome was ravaged96 by famine, pestilence97, and the barbarians98, declared that his only hope was in the prayers of the three thousand nuns then assembled in the holy city.—Les Ursulines de Québec. Introd., XI.
Quebec wore an aspect half military, half monastic. At sunrise and sunset, a squad99 of soldiers in the pay of the Company paraded in the fort; and, as in Champlain's time, the bells of the church rang morning, noon, and night. Confessions100, masses, and penances102 were punctiliously103 observed; and, from the governor to the meanest laborer104, the Jesuit watched and guided all. The social atmosphere of New England itself was not more suffocating105. By day and by night, at home, at church, or at his daily work, the colonist lived under the eyes of busy and over-zealous priests. At times, the denizens106 of Quebec grew restless. In 1639, deputies were covertly107 sent to beg relief in France, and "to represent the hell in which the consciences of the colony were kept by the union of the temporal and spiritual authority in the same hands." [17] In 1642, partial and ineffective measures were taken, with the countenance108 of Richelieu, for introducing into New France an Order less greedy of seigniories and endowments than the Jesuits, 159 and less prone109 to political encroachment110. [18] No favorable result followed; and the colony remained as before, in a pitiful state of cramping111 and dwarfing112 vassalage113.
[17] "Pour leur representer la gehenne où estoient les consciences de la Colonie, de se voir gouverné par les mesmes personnes pour le spirituel et pour le temporel."—Le Clerc, I. 478.
[18] Declaration de Pierre Breant, par devant les Notaires du Roy, MS. The Order was that of the Capuchins, who, like the Récollets, are a branch of the Franciscans. Their introduction into Canada was prevented; but they established themselves in Maine.
This is the view of a heretic. It was the aim of the founders114 of New France to build on a foundation purely and supremely116 Catholic. What this involved is plain; for no degree of personal virtue117 is a guaranty against the evils which attach to the temporal rule of ecclesiastics118. Burning with love and devotion to Christ and his immaculate Mother, the fervent119 and conscientious120 priest regards with mixed pity and indignation those who fail in this supreme115 allegiance. Piety and charity alike demand that he should bring back the rash wanderer to the fold of his divine Master, and snatch him from the perdition into which his guilt121 must otherwise plunge122 him. And while he, the priest, himself yields reverence123 and obedience124 to the Superior, in whom he sees the representative of Deity125, it behooves126 him, in his degree, to require obedience from those whom he imagines that God has confided127 to his guidance. His conscience, then, acts in perfect accord with the love of power innate128 in the human heart. These allied129 forces mingle130 with a perplexing subtlety131; pride, disguised even from itself, walks in the likeness132 of love and duty; and a thousand times on the pages 160 of history we find Hell beguiling133 the virtues134 of Heaven to do its work. The instinct of domination is a weed that grows rank in the shadow of the temple, climbs over it, possesses it, covers its ruin, and feeds on its decay. The unchecked sway of priests has always been the most mischievous135 of tyrannies; and even were they all well-meaning and sincere, it would be so still.
To the Jesuits, the atmosphere of Quebec was well-nigh celestial136. "In the climate of New France," they write, "one learns perfectly137 to seek only God, to have no desire but God, no purpose but for God." And again: "To live in New France is in truth to live in the bosom138 of God." "If," adds Le Jeune, "any one of those who die in this country goes to perdition, I think he will be doubly guilty." [19]
[19] "La Nouuelle France est vn vray climat où on apprend parfaictement bien à ne chercher que Dieu, ne desirer que Dieu seul, auoir l'intention purement à Dieu, etc.… Viure en la Nouuelle France, c'est à vray dire44 viure dans le sein de Dieu, et ne respirer que l'air de sa Diuine conduite."—Divers Sentimens. "Si quelqu'un de ceux qui meurent en ces contrées se damne, je croy qu'il sera doublement coupable."—Relation, 1640, 5 (Cramoisy).
The very amusements of this pious community were acts of religion. Thus, on the fête-day of St. Joseph, the patron of New France, there was a show of fireworks to do him honor. In the forty volumes of the Jesuit Relations there is but one pictorial139 illustration; and this represents the pyrotechnic contrivance in question, together with a figure of the Governor in the act of touching140 it off. [20] 161 But, what is more curious, a Catholic writer of the present day, the Abbé Faillon, in an elaborate and learned work, dilates141 at length on the details of the display; and this, too, with a gravity which evinces his conviction that squibs, rockets, blue-lights, and serpents are important instruments for the saving of souls. [21] On May-Day of the same year, 1637, Montmagny planted before the church a May-pole surmounted142 by a triple crown, beneath which were three symbolical143 circles decorated with wreaths, and bearing severally the names, Iesus, Maria, Ioseph; the soldiers drew up before it, and saluted144 it with a volley of musketry. [22]
[20] Relation, 1637, 8. The Relations, as originally published, comprised about forty volumes.
[21] Histoire de la Colonie Fran?aise, I. 291, 292.
[22] Relation, 1637, 82.
On the anniversary of the Dauphin's birth there was a dramatic performance, in which an unbeliever, speaking Algonquin for the profit of the Indians present, was hunted into Hell by fiends. [23] Religious processions were frequent. In one of them, the Governor in a court dress and a baptized Indian in beaver-skins were joint145 supporters of the canopy146 which covered the Host. [24] In another, six Indians led the van, arrayed each in a velvet147 coat of scarlet and gold sent them by the King. Then came other Indian converts, two and two; then the foundress of the Ursuline convent, with Indian children in French gowns; then all the Indian girls and women, dressed after their own way; then the priests; then the Governor; and finally the whole French population, male and female, except the artillery-men at the fort, who saluted with their 162 cannon the cross and banner borne at the head of the procession. When all was over, the Governor and the Jesuits rewarded the Indians with a feast. [25]
[23] Vimont, Relation, 1640, 6.
[24] Le Jeune, Relation, 1638, 6.
[25] Le Jeune, Relation, 1639, 3.
Now let the stranger enter the church of Notre-Dame de la Recouvrance, after vespers. It is full, to the very porch: officers in slouched hats and plumes148, musketeers, pikemen, mechanics, and laborers149. Here is Montmagny himself; Repentigny and Poterie, gentlemen of good birth; damsels of nurture150 ill fitted to the Canadian woods; and, mingled151 with these, the motionless Indians, wrapped to the throat in embroidered moose-hides. Le Jeune, not in priestly vestments, but in the common black dress of his Order, is before the altar; and on either side is a row of small red-skinned children listening with exemplary decorum, while, with a cheerful, smiling face, he teaches them to kneel, clasp their hands, and sign the cross. All the principal members of this zealous community are present, at once amused and edified152 at the grave deportment, and the prompt, shrill153 replies of the infant catechumens; while their parents in the crowd grin delight at the gifts of beads154 and trinkets with which Le Jeune rewards his most proficient155 pupils. [26]
[26] Le Jeune, Relation, 1637, 122 (Cramoisy).
We have seen the methods of conversion156 practised among the Hurons. They were much the same at Quebec. The principal appeal was to fear. [27] "You do good to your friends," said Le Jeune to an Algonquin chief, "and you burn your 163 enemies. God does the same." And he painted Hell to the startled neophyte157 as a place where, when he was hungry, he would get nothing to eat but frogs and snakes, and, when thirsty, nothing to drink but flames. [28] Pictures were found invaluable158. "These holy representations," pursues the Father Superior, "are half the instruction that can be given to the Indians. I wanted some pictures of Hell and souls in perdition, and a few were sent us on paper; but they are too confused. The devils and the men are so mixed up, that one can make out nothing without particular attention. If three, four, or five devils were painted tormenting159 a soul with different punishments,—one applying fire, another serpents, another tearing him with pincers, and another holding him fast with a chain,—this would have a good effect, especially if everything were made distinct, and misery160, rage, and desperation appeared plainly in his face." [29]
[27] Ibid., 1636, 119, and 1637, 32 (Cramoisy). "La crainte est l'auan couriere de la foy dans ces esprits barbares."
[28] Le Jeune, Relation, 1637, 80-82 (Cramoisy). "Avoir faim et ne manger que des serpens et des crapaux, avoir soif et ne boire que des flammes."
[29] "Les heretiques sont grandement blasmables, de condamner et de briser les images qui ont de si bons effets. Ces sainctes figures sont la moitié de l'instruction qu'on peut donner aux Sauuages. I'auois desiré quelques portraits de l'enfer et de l'ame damnée; on nous en a enuoyé quelques vns en papier, mais cela est trop confus. Les diables sont tellement meslez auec les hommes, qu'on n'y peut rien recognoistre, qu'auec vne particuliere attention. Qui depeindroit trois ou quatre ou cinq demons161, tourmentans vne ame de diuers supplices, l'vn luy appliquant des feux, l'autre des serpens, l'autre la tenaillant, l'autre la tenant2 liée auec des chaisnes, cela auroit vn bon effet, notamment si tout estoit bien distingué, et que la rage et la tristesse parussent bien en la face de cette ame desesperée"—Relation, 1637, 32 (Cramoisy).
The preparation of the convert for baptism was often very slight. A dying Algonquin, who, though 164 meagre as a skeleton, had thrown himself, with a last effort of expiring ferocity, on an Iroquois prisoner, and torn off his ear with his teeth, was baptized almost immediately. [30] In the case of converts in health there was far more preparation; yet these often apostatized. The various objects of instruction may all be included in one comprehensive word, submission,—an abdication162 of will and judgment163 in favor of the spiritual director, who was the interpreter and vicegerent of God. The director's function consisted in the enforcement of dogmas by which he had himself been subdued164, in which he believed profoundly, and to which he often clung with an absorbing enthusiasm. The Jesuits, an Order thoroughly165 and vehemently166 reactive, had revived in Europe the medi?val type of Christianity, with all its attendant superstitions167. Of these the Canadian missions bear abundant marks. Yet, on the whole, the labors168 of the missionaries169 tended greatly to the benefit of the Indians. Reclaimed170, as the Jesuits tried to reclaim171 them, from their wandering life, settled in habits of peaceful industry, and reduced to a passive and childlike obedience, 165 they would have gained more than enough to compensate172 them for the loss of their ferocious173 and miserable174 independence. At least, they would have escaped annihilation. The Society of Jesus aspired175 to the mastery of all New France; but the methods of its ambition were consistent with a Christian benevolence176. Had this been otherwise, it would have employed other instruments. It would not have chosen a Jogues or a Garnier. The Society had men for every work, and it used them wisely. It utilized177 the apostolic virtues of its Canadian missionaries, fanned their enthusiasm, and decorated itself with their martyr178 crowns. With joy and gratulation, it saw them rival in another hemisphere the noble memory of its saint and hero, Francis Xavier. [31]
[30] "Ce seroit vne estrange179 cruauté de voir descendre vne ame toute viuante dans les enfers, par le refus d'vn bien que Iesus Christ luy a acquis au prix de son sang."—Relation, 1637, 66
"Considerez d'autre coté la grande appréhension que nous avions sujet de redouter la guérison; pour autant que bien souvent étant guéris il ne leur reste du St. Baptême que le caractère."—Lettres de Garnier, MSS.
It was not very easy to make an Indian comprehend the nature of baptism. An Iroquois at Montreal, hearing a missionary180 speaking of the water which cleansed181 the soul from sin, said that he was well acquainted with it, as the Dutch had once given him so much that they were forced to tie him, hand and foot, to prevent him from doing mischief182.—Faillon, II. 43.
[31] Enemies of the Jesuits, while denouncing them in unmeasured terms, speak in strong eulogy183 of many of the Canadian missionaries. See, for example, Steinmetz, History of the Jesuits, II. 415.
I have spoken of the colonists as living in a state of temporal and spiritual vassalage. To this there was one exception,—a small class of men whose home was the forest, and their companions savages184. They followed the Indians in their roamings, lived with them, grew familiar with their language, allied themselves with their women, and often became oracles185 in the camp and leaders on the war-path. Champlain's bold interpreter, étienne Brulé, whose adventures I have recounted elsewhere, [32] may be taken as a type of this class. Of the rest, the most conspicuous186 were Jean Nicollet, Jacques Hertel, Fran?ois Marguerie, and Nicolas 166 Marsolet. [33] Doubtless, when they returned from their rovings, they often had pressing need of penance101 and absolution; yet, for the most part, they were good Catholics, and some of them were zealous for the missions. Nicollet and others were at times settled as interpreters at Three Rivers and Quebec. Several of them were men of great intelligence and an invincible187 courage. From hatred188 of restraint, and love of a wild and adventurous189 independence, they encountered privations and dangers scarcely less than those to which the Jesuit exposed himself from motives190 widely different,—he from religious zeal, charity, and the hope of Paradise; they simply because they liked it. Some of the best families of Canada claim descent from this vigorous and hardy191 stock.
[32] "Pioneers of France," 377.
[33] See Ferland, Notes sur les Registres de N. D. de Québec, 30.
Nicollet, especially, was a remarkable192 man. As early as 1639, he ascended193 the Green Bay of Lake Michigan, and crossed to the waters of the Mississippi. This was first shown by the researches of Mr. Shea. See his Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, XX.
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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tenant
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edifying
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nun
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nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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Founder
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animated
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rugged
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toiled
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Christian
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zeal
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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13
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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14
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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15
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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16
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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17
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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18
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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19
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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20
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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21
embroidery
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| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
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22
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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24
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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25
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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26
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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27
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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28
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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29
dependants
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| 受赡养者，受扶养的家属( dependant的名词复数 ) | |
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30
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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31
strapped
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| adj.用皮带捆住的，用皮带装饰的；身无分文的；缺钱；手头紧v.用皮带捆扎(strap的过去式和过去分词)；用皮带抽打；包扎；给…打绷带 | |
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32
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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33
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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34
vow
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|
| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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35
prostrate
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|
| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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36
thither
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|
| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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37
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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38
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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39
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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40
exalted
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|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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41
patronage
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|
| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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42
allusions
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|
| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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43
eminent
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|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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44
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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45
royalty
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|
| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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46
hierarchy
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|
| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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47
graceful
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|
| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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48
embroidered
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|
| adj．绣花的 | |
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49
mantle
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|
| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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50
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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51
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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52
complexion
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|
| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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53
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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54
quenchless
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| 不可熄灭的 | |
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55
longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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56
combustible
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| a. 易燃的,可燃的; n. 易燃物,可燃物 | |
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57
recluses
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|
| n.隐居者，遁世者，隐士( recluse的名词复数 ) | |
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58
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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59
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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60
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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61
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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62
eloquent
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|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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63
knights
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|
| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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64
engrossed
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|
| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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65
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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66
blasphemy
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|
| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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67
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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68
swarmed
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|
| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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69
embryo
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|
| n.胚胎，萌芽的事物 | |
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70
incipient
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|
| adj.起初的，发端的，初期的 | |
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71
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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72
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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73
colonists
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|
| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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74
purely
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|
| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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75
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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76
evade
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|
| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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77
corrupt
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|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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78
iniquitous
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|
| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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79
tract
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|
| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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80
concessions
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|
| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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81
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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82
motive
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|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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83
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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84
fixed
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|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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85
rigor
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|
| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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86
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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87
emigrant
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|
| adj.移居的，移民的；n.移居外国的人，移民 | |
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88
piety
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|
| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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89
entice
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| v.诱骗，引诱，怂恿 | |
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90
appendages
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|
| n.附属物( appendage的名词复数 )；依附的人；附属器官；附属肢体（如臂、腿、尾等） | |
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91
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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92
decrepit
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| adj.衰老的，破旧的 | |
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93
precarious
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|
| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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94
devout
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|
| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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95
cloistered
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|
| adj.隐居的，躲开尘世纷争的v.隐退，使与世隔绝( cloister的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
ravaged
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|
| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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97
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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98
barbarians
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|
| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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99
squad
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| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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100
confessions
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| n.承认( confession的名词复数 )；自首；声明；（向神父的）忏悔 | |
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101
penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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102
penances
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| n.（赎罪的）苦行，苦修( penance的名词复数 ) | |
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103
punctiliously
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104
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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105
suffocating
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| a.使人窒息的 | |
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106
denizens
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| n.居民，住户( denizen的名词复数 ) | |
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107
covertly
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| adv.偷偷摸摸地 | |
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108
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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109
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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110
encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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111
cramping
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| 图像压缩 | |
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112
dwarfing
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| n.矮化病 | |
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113
vassalage
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| n.家臣身份，隶属 | |
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114
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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115
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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116
supremely
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| adv.无上地，崇高地 | |
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117
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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118
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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119
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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120
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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121
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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122
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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123
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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124
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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125
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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126
behooves
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| n.利益，好处( behoof的名词复数 )v.适宜( behoove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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127
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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128
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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129
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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130
mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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131
subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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132
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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133
beguiling
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| adj.欺骗的，诱人的v.欺骗( beguile的现在分词 )；使陶醉；使高兴；消磨（时间等） | |
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134
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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135
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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136
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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137
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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138
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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139
pictorial
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| adj.绘画的；图片的；n．画报 | |
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140
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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141
dilates
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| v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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142
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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143
symbolical
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| a.象征性的 | |
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144
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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145
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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146
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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147
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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148
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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149
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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150
nurture
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| n.养育，照顾，教育；滋养，营养品；vt.养育，给与营养物，教养，扶持 | |
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151
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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152
edified
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| v.开导，启发( edify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
shrill
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| adj.尖声的；刺耳的；v尖叫 | |
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154
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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155
proficient
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| adj.熟练的，精通的；n.能手，专家 | |
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156
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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157
neophyte
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| n.新信徒；开始者 | |
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158
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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159
tormenting
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| 使痛苦的，使苦恼的 | |
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160
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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161
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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162
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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163
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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164
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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165
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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166
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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167
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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168
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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169
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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170
reclaimed
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| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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171
reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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172
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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173
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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174
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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175
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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177
utilized
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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179
estrange
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| v.使疏远，离间，使离开 | |
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180
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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181
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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183
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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184
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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185
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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186
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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187
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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188
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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189
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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190
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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191
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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192
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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193
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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