Indian Infatuation ? Iroquois and Huron ? Huron Triumphs ? The Captive Iroquois ? His Ferocity and Fortitude2 ? Partisan4 Exploits ? Diplomacy5 ? The Andastes ? The Huron Embassy ? New Negotiations6 ? The Iroquois Ambassador ? His Suicide ? Iroquois Honor
It was a strange and miserable7 spectacle to behold8 the savages10 of this continent at the time when the knell11 of their common ruin had already sounded. Civilization had gained a foothold on their borders. The long and gloomy reign12 of barbarism was drawing near its close, and their united efforts could scarcely have availed to sustain it. Yet, in this crisis of their destiny, these doomed tribes were tearing each other's throats in a wolfish fury, joined to an intelligence that served little purpose but mutual13 destruction.
How the quarrel began between the Iroquois and their Huron kindred no man can tell, and it is not worth while to conjecture14. At this time, the ruling passion of the savage9 Confederates was the annihilation of this rival people and of their Algonquin 337 allies,—if the understanding between the Hurons and these incoherent hordes16 can be called an alliance. United, they far outnumbered the Iroquois. Indeed, the Hurons alone were not much inferior in force; for, by the largest estimates, the strength of the five Iroquois nations must now have been considerably17 less than three thousand warriors18. Their true superiority was a moral one. They were in one of those transports of pride, self-confidence, and rage for ascendency, which, in a savage people, marks an era of conquest. With all the defects of their organization, it was far better than that of their neighbors. There were bickerings, jealousies19, plottings and counter-plottings, separate wars and separate treaties, among the five members of the league; yet nothing could sunder20 them. The bonds that united them were like cords of India-rubber: they would stretch, and the parts would be seemingly disjoined, only to return to their old union with the recoil21. Such was the elastic22 strength of those relations of clanship which were the life of the league. [1]
[1] See ante, Introduction.
The first meeting of white men with the Hurons found them at blows with the Iroquois; and from that time forward, the war raged with increasing fury. Small scalping-parties infested23 the Huron forests, killing24 squaws in the cornfields, or entering villages at midnight to tomahawk their sleeping inhabitants. Often, too, invasions were made in force. Sometimes towns were set upon and burned, and sometimes there were deadly conflicts in the depths 338 of the forests and the passes of the hills. The invaders25 were not always successful. A bloody26 rebuff and a sharp retaliation27 now and then requited28 them. Thus, in 1638, a war-party of a hundred Iroquois met in the forest a band of three hundred Huron and Algonquin warriors. They might have retreated, and the greater number were for doing so; but Ononkwaya, an Oneida chief, refused. "Look!" he said, "the sky is clear; the Sun beholds29 us. If there were clouds to hide our shame from his sight, we might fly; but, as it is, we must fight while we can." They stood their ground for a time, but were soon overborne. Four or five escaped; but the rest were surrounded, and killed or taken. This year, Fortune smiled on the Hurons; and they took, in all, more than a hundred prisoners, who were distributed among their various towns, to be burned. These scenes, with them, occurred always in the night; and it was held to be of the last importance that the torture should be protracted30 from sunset till dawn. The too valiant31 Ononkwaya was among the victims. Even in death he took his revenge; for it was thought an augury32 of disaster to the victors, if no cry of pain could be extorted33 from the sufferer, and, on the present occasion, he displayed an unflinching courage, rare even among Indian warriors. His execution took place at the town of Teanaustayé, called St. Joseph by the Jesuits. The Fathers could not save his life, but, what was more to the purpose, they baptized him. On the scaffold where he was burned, he wrought34 himself into a fury which seemed to 339 render him insensible to pain. Thinking him nearly spent, his tormentors scalped him, when, to their amazement35, he leaped up, snatched the brands that had been the instruments of his torture, drove the screeching36 crowd from the scaffold, and held them all at bay, while they pelted37 him from below with sticks, stones, and showers of live coals. At length he made a false step and fell to the ground, when they seized him and threw him into the fire. He instantly leaped out, covered with blood, cinders38, and ashes, and rushed upon them, with a blazing brand in each hand. The crowd gave way before him, and he ran towards the town, as if to set it on fire. They threw a pole across his way, which tripped him and flung him headlong to the earth, on which they all fell upon him, cut off his hands and feet, and again threw him into the fire. He rolled himself out, and crawled forward on his elbows and knees, glaring upon them with such unutterable ferocity that they recoiled39 once more, till, seeing that he was helpless, they threw themselves upon him, and cut off his head. [2]
[2] Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1639, 68. It was this chief whose severed40 hand was thrown to the Jesuits. See ante, (page 137).
When the Iroquois could not win by force, they were sometimes more successful with treachery. In the summer of 1645, two war-parties of the hostile nations met in the forest. The Hurons bore themselves so well that they had nearly gained the day, when the Iroquois called for a parley41, displayed a great number of wampum-belts, and said that they 340 wished to treat for peace. The Hurons had the folly42 to consent. The chiefs on both sides sat down to a council, during which the Iroquois, seizing a favorable moment, fell upon their dupes and routed them completely, killing and capturing a considerable number. [3]
[3] Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1646, 55.
The large frontier town of St. Joseph was well fortified43 with palisades, on which, at intervals44, were wooden watch-towers. On an evening of this same summer of 1645, the Iroquois approached the place in force; and the young Huron warriors, mounting their palisades, sang their war-songs all night, with the utmost power of their lungs, in order that the enemy, knowing them to be on their guard, might be deterred45 from an attack. The night was dark, and the hideous46 dissonance resounded47 far and wide; yet, regardless of the din15, two Iroquois crept close to the palisade, where they lay motionless till near dawn. By this time the last song had died away, and the tired singers had left their posts or fallen asleep. One of the Iroquois, with the silence and agility48 of a wild-cat, climbed to the top of a watch-tower, where he found two slumbering49 Hurons, brained one of them with his hatchet50, and threw the other down to his comrade, who quickly despoiled51 him of his life and his scalp. Then, with the reeking52 trophies53 of their exploit, the adventurers rejoined their countrymen in the forest.
The Hurons planned a counter-stroke; and three of them, after a journey of twenty days, reached 341 the great town of the Senecas. They entered it at midnight, and found, as usual, no guard; but the doors of the houses were made fast. They cut a hole in the bark side of one of them, crept in, stirred the fading embers to give them light, chose each his man, tomahawked him, scalped him, and escaped in the confusion. [4]
[4] Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1646, 55, 56.
Despite such petty triumphs, the Hurons felt themselves on the verge54 of ruin. Pestilence55 and war had wasted them away, and left but a skeleton of their former strength. In their distress56, they cast about them for succor57, and, remembering an ancient friendship with a kindred nation, the Andastes, they sent an embassy to ask of them aid in war or intervention58 to obtain peace. This powerful people dwelt, as has been shown, on the River Susquehanna. [5] The way was long, even in a direct line; but the Iroquois lay between, and a wide circuit was necessary to avoid them. A Christian60 chief, whom the Jesuits had named Charles, together with four Christian and four heathen Hurons, bearing wampum-belts and gifts from the council, departed on this embassy on the thirteenth of April, 1647, and reached the great town of the Andastes 342 early in June. It contained, as the Jesuits were told, no less than thirteen hundred warriors. The council assembled, and the chief ambassador addressed them:—
"We come from the Land of Souls, where all is gloom, dismay, and desolation. Our fields are covered with blood; our houses are filled only with the dead; and we ourselves have but life enough to beg our friends to take pity on a people who are drawing near their end." [6] Then he presented the wampum-belts and other gifts, saying that they were the voice of a dying country.
[5] See Introduction. The Susquehannocks of Smith, clearly the same people, are placed, in his map, on the east side of the Susquehanna, some twenty miles from its mouth. He speaks of them as great enemies of the Massawomekes (Mohawks). No other savage people so boldly resisted the Iroquois; but the story in Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania, that a hundred of them beat off sixteen hundred Senecas, is disproved by the fact, that the Senecas, in their best estate, never had so many warriors. The miserable remnant of the Andastes, called Conestogas, were massacred by the Paxton Boys, in 1763. See "Conspiracy61 of Pontiac," 414. Compare Historical Magazine, II. 294.
[6] "Il leur dit qu'il venoit du pays des Ames, où la guerre et la terreur des ennemis auoit tout62 desolé, où les campagnes n'estoient couuertes que de sang, où les cabanes n'estoient remplies que de cadaures, et qu'il ne leur restoit à eux-mesmes de vie, sinon autant qu'ils en auoient eu besoin pour venir dire59 à leurs amis, qu'ils eussent pitié d'vn pays qui tiroit à sa fin63."—Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1648, 58.
The Andastes, who had a mortal quarrel with the Mohawks, and who had before promised to aid the Hurons in case of need, returned a favorable answer, but were disposed to try the virtue64 of diplomacy rather than the tomahawk. After a series of councils, they determined65 to send ambassadors, not to their old enemies, the Mohawks, but to the Onondagas, Oneidas, and Cayugas, [7] who were geographically66 the central nations of the Iroquois league, while the Mohawks and the Senecas were respectively at its eastern and western extremities67. By inducing the three central nations, 343 and, if possible, the Senecas also, to conclude a treaty with the Hurons, these last would be enabled to concentrate their force against the Mohawks, whom the Andastes would attack at the same time, unless they humbled68 themselves and made peace. This scheme, it will be seen, was based on the assumption, that the dreaded69 league of the Iroquois was far from being a unit in action or counsel.
[7] Examination leaves no doubt that the Ouiouenronnons of Ragueneau (Relation des Hurons, 1648, 46, 59) were the Oiogouins or Goyogouins, that is to say, the Cayugas. They must not be confounded with the Ouenrohronnons, a small tribe hostile to the Iroquois, who took refuge among the Hurons in 1638.
Charles, with some of his colleagues, now set out for home, to report the result of their mission; but the Senecas were lying in wait for them, and they were forced to make a wide sweep through the Alleghanies, Western Pennsylvania, and apparently70 Ohio, to avoid these vigilant71 foes72. It was October before they reached the Huron towns, and meanwhile hopes of peace had arisen from another quarter. [8]
[8] On this mission of the Hurons to the Andastes, see Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1648, 58-60.
Early in the spring, a band of Onondagas had made an inroad, but were roughly handled by the Hurons, who killed several of them, captured others, and put the rest to flight. The prisoners were burned, with the exception of one who committed suicide to escape the torture, and one other, the chief man of the party, whose name was Annenrais. Some of the Hurons were dissatisfied at the mercy shown him, and gave out that they would kill him; on which the chiefs, who never placed themselves in open opposition73 to the popular will, secretly fitted him out, made him presents, and aided him to escape at night, with an understanding that he 344 should use his influence at Onondaga in favor of peace. After crossing Lake Ontario, he met nearly all the Onondaga warriors on the march to avenge74 his supposed death; for he was a man of high account. They greeted him as one risen from the grave; and, on his part, he persuaded them to renounce75 their warlike purpose and return home. On their arrival, the chiefs and old men were called to council, and the matter was debated with the usual deliberation.
About this time the ambassador of the Andastes appeared with his wampum-belts. Both this nation and the Onondagas had secret motives76 which were perfectly77 in accordance. The Andastes hated the Mohawks as enemies, and the Onondagas were jealous of them as confederates; for, since they had armed themselves with Dutch guns, their arrogance78 and boastings had given umbrage79 to their brethren of the league; and a peace with the Hurons would leave the latter free to turn their undivided strength against the Mohawks, and curb80 their insolence81. The Oneidas and the Cayugas were of one mind with the Onondagas. Three nations of the league, to satisfy their spite against a fourth, would strike hands with the common enemy of all. It was resolved to send an embassy to the Hurons. Yet it may be, that, after all, the Onondagas had but half a mind for peace. At least, they were unfortunate in their choice of an ambassador. He was by birth a Huron, who, having been captured when a boy, adopted and naturalized, had become more an Iroquois than the Iroquois themselves; 345 and scarcely one of the fierce confederates had shed so much Huron blood. When he reached the town of St. Ignace, which he did about mid-summer, and delivered his messages and wampum-belts, there was a great division of opinion among the Hurons. The Bear Nation—the member of their confederacy which was farthest from the Iroquois, and least exposed to danger—was for rejecting overtures82 made by so offensive an agency; but those of the Hurons who had suffered most were eager for peace at any price, and, after solemn deliberation, it was resolved to send an embassy in return. At its head was placed a Christian chief named Jean Baptiste Atironta; and on the first of August he and four others departed for Onondaga, carrying a profusion83 of presents, and accompanied by the apostate84 envoy85 of the Iroquois. As the ambassadors had to hunt on the way for subsistence, besides making canoes to cross Lake Ontario, it was twenty days before they reached their destination. When they arrived, there was great jubilation86, and, for a full month, nothing but councils. Having thus sifted87 the matter to the bottom, the Onondagas determined at last to send another embassy with Jean Baptiste on his return, and with them fifteen Huron prisoners, as an earnest of their good intentions, retaining, on their part, one of Baptiste's colleagues as a hostage. This time they chose for their envoy a chief of their own nation, named Scandawati, a man of renown88, sixty years of age, joining with him two colleagues. The old Onondaga entered on his 346 mission with a troubled mind. His anxiety was not so much for his life as for his honor and dignity; for, while the Oneidas and the Cayugas were acting89 in concurrence90 with the Onondagas, the Senecas had refused any part in the embassy, and still breathed nothing but war. Would they, or still more the Mohawks, so far forget the consideration due to one whose name had been great in the councils of the League as to assault the Hurons while he was among them in the character of an ambassador of his nation, whereby his honor would be compromised and his life endangered? His mind brooded on this idea, and he told one of his colleagues, that, if such a slight were put upon him, he should die of mortification91. "I am not a dead dog," he said, "to be despised and forgotten. I am worthy92 that all men should turn their eyes on me while I am among enemies, and do nothing that may involve me in danger."
What with hunting, fishing, canoe-making, and bad weather, the progress of the august travellers was so slow, that they did not reach the Huron towns till the twenty-third of October. Scandawati presented seven large belts of wampum, each composed of three or four thousand beads93, which the Jesuits call the pearls and diamonds of the country. He delivered, too, the fifteen captives, and promised a hundred more on the final conclusion of peace. The three Onondagas remained, as surety for the good faith of those who sent them, until the beginning of January, when the Hurons on their part sent six ambassadors to conclude the 347 treaty, one of the Onondagas accompanying them. Soon there came dire tidings. The prophetic heart of the old chief had not deceived him. The Senecas and Mohawks, disregarding negotiations in which they had no part, and resolved to bring them to an end, were invading the country in force. It might be thought that the Hurons would take their revenge on the Onondaga envoys94, now hostages among them; but they did not do so, for the character of an ambassador was, for the most part, held in respect. One morning, however, Scandawati had disappeared. They were full of excitement; for they thought that he had escaped to the enemy. They ranged the woods in search of him, and at length found him in a thicket95 near the town. He lay dead, on a bed of spruce-boughs which he had made, his throat deeply gashed96 with a knife. He had died by his own hand, a victim of mortified97 pride. "See," writes Father Ragueneau, "how much our Indians stand on the point of honor!" [9]
[9] This remarkable98 story is told by Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1648, 56-58. He was present at the time, and knew all the circumstances.
We have seen that one of his two colleagues had set out for Onondaga with a deputation of six Hurons. This party was met by a hundred Mohawks, who captured them all and killed the six Hurons, but spared the Onondaga, and compelled him to join them. Soon after, they made a sudden onset99 on about three hundred Hurons journeying through the forest from the town of St. Ignace; and, as many of them were women, they routed 348 the whole, and took forty prisoners. The Onondaga bore part in the fray100, and captured a Christian Huron girl; but the next day he insisted on returning to the Huron town. "Kill me, if you will," he said to the Mohawks, "but I cannot follow you; for then I should be ashamed to appear among my countrymen, who sent me on a message of peace to the Hurons; and I must die with them, sooner than seem to act as their enemy." On this, the Mohawks not only permitted him to go, but gave him the Huron girl whom he had taken; and the Onondaga led her back in safety to her countrymen. [10] Here, then, is a ray of light out of Egyptian darkness. The principle of honor was not extinct in these wild hearts.
[10] "Celuy qui l'auoit prise estoit Onnontaeronnon, qui estant icy en os tage à cause de la paix qui se traite auec les Onnontaeronnons, et s'estant trouué auec nos Hurons à cette chasse, y fut pris tout des premiers101 par3 les Sonnontoueronnons (Annieronnons?), qui l'ayans reconnu ne luy firent aucun mal, et mesme l'obligerent de les suiure et prendre part à leur victoire; et ainsi en ce rencontre cét Onnontaeronnon auoit fait sa prise, tellement neantmoins qu'il desira s'en retourner le lendemain, disant aux Sonnontoueronnons qu'ils le tuassent s'ils vouloient, mais qu'il ne pouuoit se resoudre à les suiure, et qu'il auroit honte de reparoistre en son pays, les affaires qui l'auoient amené aux Hurons pour la paix ne permettant pas qu'il fist autre chose que de mourir avec eux plus tost que de paroistre s'estre comporté en ennemy. Ainsi les Sonnontoueronnons luy permirent de s'en retourner et de ramener cette bonne Chrestienne, qui estoit sa captiue, laquelle nous a consolé par le recit des entretiens de ces pauures gens dans leur affliction."—Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1648, 65.
Apparently the word Sonnontoueronnons (Senecas), in the above, should read Annieronnons (Mohawks); for, on pp. 50, 57, the writer twice speaks of the party as Mohawks.
We hear no more of the negotiations between the Onondagas and the Hurons. They and their results were swept away in the storm of events soon to be related.
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doomed
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fortitude
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par
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partisan
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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negotiations
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miserable
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behold
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savage
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savages
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knell
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reign
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mutual
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conjecture
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din
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hordes
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considerably
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warriors
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jealousies
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sunder
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recoil
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elastic
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infested
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retaliation
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requited
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beholds
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augury
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extorted
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amazement
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screeching
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pelted
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cinders
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recoiled
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severed
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parley
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folly
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fortified
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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45
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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48
agility
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| n.敏捷，活泼 | |
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49
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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50
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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51
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
reeking
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| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的现在分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
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53
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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54
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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55
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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56
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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geographically
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| adv.地理学上，在地理上，地理方面 | |
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extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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75
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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80
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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82
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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84
apostate
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| n.背叛者，变节者 | |
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85
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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jubilation
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| n.欢庆，喜悦 | |
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87
sifted
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| v.筛( sift的过去式和过去分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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89
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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92
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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93
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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95
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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96
gashed
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| v.划伤，割破( gash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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98
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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99
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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100
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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101
premiers
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| n.总理，首相( premier的名词复数 )；首席官员， | |
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