SAINTE MARIE.
The Centre of the Missions ? Fort ? Convent ? Hospital ? Caravansary ? Church ? The Inmates1 of Sainte Marie ? Domestic Economy ? Missions ? A Meeting of Jesuits ? The Dead Missionary2
The River Wye enters the Bay of Glocester, an inlet of the Bay of Matchedash, itself an inlet of the vast Georgian Bay of Lake Huron. Retrace3 the track of two centuries and more, and ascend4 this little stream in the summer of the year 1648. Your vessel5 is a birch canoe, and your conductor a Huron Indian. On the right hand and on the left, gloomy and silent, rise the primeval woods; but you have advanced scarcely half a league when the scene is changed, and cultivated fields, planted chiefly with maize6, extend far along the bank, and back to the distant verge7 of the forest. Before you opens the small lake from which the stream issues; and on your left, a stone's throw from the shore, rises a range of palisades and bastioned walls, inclosing a number of buildings. Your 362 canoe enters a canal or ditch immediately above them, and you land at the Mission, or Residence, or Fort of Sainte Marie.
Here was the centre and base of the Huron missions; and now, for once, one must wish that Jesuit pens had been more fluent. They have told us but little of Sainte Marie, and even this is to be gathered chiefly from incidental allusions8. In the forest, which long since has resumed its reign9 over this memorable10 spot, the walls and ditches of the fortifications may still be plainly traced; and the deductions11 from these remains12 are in perfect accord with what we can gather from the Relations and letters of the priests. [1] The fortified13 work which inclosed the buildings was in the form of a parallelogram, about a hundred and seventy-five feet long, and from eighty to ninety wide. It lay parallel with the river, and somewhat more than a hundred feet distant from it. On two sides it was a continuous wall of masonry15, [2] flanked with square bastions, adapted to musketry, and probably used as magazines, storehouses, or lodgings16. The sides towards the river and the lake had no other defences than a ditch and palisade, flanked, like the others, by bastions, over each of which was displayed a large cross. [3] The buildings within 363 were, no doubt, of wood; and they included a church, a kitchen, a refectory, places of retreat for religious instruction and meditation17, [4] and lodgings for at least sixty persons. Near the church, but outside the fortification, was a cemetery18. Beyond the ditch or canal which opened on the river was a large area, still traceable, in the form of an irregular triangle, surrounded by a ditch, and apparently19 by palisades. It seems to have been meant for the protection of the Indian visitors who came in throngs20 to Sainte Marie, and who were lodged21 in a large house of bark, after the Huron manner. [5] Here, perhaps, was also the hospital, which was placed without the walls, in order that Indian women, as well as men, might be admitted into it. [6]
[1] Before me is an elaborate plan of the remains, taken on the spot.
[2] It seems probable that the walls, of which the remains may still be traced, were foundations supporting a wooden superstructure. Ragueneau, in a letter to the General of the Jesuits, dated March 13, 1650, alludes23 to the defences of Saint Marie as "une simple palissade."
[3] "Quatre grandes Croix qui sont aux quatre coins de nostre enclos."—Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1648, 81.
[4] It seems that these places, besides those for the priests, were of two kinds,—"vne retraite pour les pelerins (Indians), enfin vn lieu plus separé, où les infideles, qui n'y sont admis que de iour au passage, y puissent tousiours receuoir quelque bon mot pour leur salut."—Lalemant, Relation des Hurons, 1644, 74.
[5] At least it was so in 1642. "Nous leur auons dressé vn Hospice ou Cabane d'écorce."—Ibid., 1642, 57.
[6] "Cet hospital est tellement separé de nostre demeure, que non seulement les hommes et enfans, mais les femmes y peuuent estre admises."—Ibid., 1644, 74.
No doubt the buildings of Sainte Marie were of the roughest,—rude walls of boards, windows without glass, vast chimneys of unhewn stone. All its riches were centred in the church, which, as Lalemant tells us, was regarded by the Indians as one of the wonders of the world, but which, he adds, would have made but a beggarly show in France. Yet one wonders, at first thought, how so much labor22 could have been accomplished24 here. 364 Of late years, however, the number of men at the command of the mission had been considerable. Soldiers had been sent up from time to time, to escort the Fathers on their way, and defend them on their arrival. Thus, in 1644, Montmagny ordered twenty men of a reinforcement just arrived from France to escort Brébeuf, Garreau, and Chabanel to the Hurons, and remain there during the winter. [7] These soldiers lodged with the Jesuits, and lived at their table. [8] It was not, however, on detachments of troops that they mainly relied for labor or defence. Any inhabitant of Canada who chose to undertake so hard and dangerous a service was allowed to do so, receiving only his maintenance from the mission, without pay. In return, he was allowed to trade with the Indians, and sell the furs thus obtained at the magazine of the Company, at a fixed25 price. [9] Many availed themselves of this permission; and all whose services were accepted by the Jesuits seem to have been men to whom they had communicated no small portion of their own zeal26, and who were enthusiastically attached to their Order and their cause. There is abundant evidence that a large proportion of them acted from motives27 wholly disinterested28. They were, in fact, donnés of the mission, [10]—given, heart and hand, to 365 its service. There is probability in the conjecture29, that the profits of their trade with the Indians were reaped, not for their own behoof, but for that of the mission. [11] It is difficult otherwise to explain the confidence with which the Father Superior, in a letter to the General of the Jesuits at Rome, speaks of its resources. He says, "Though our number is greatly increased, and though we still hope for more men, and especially for more priests of our Society, it is not necessary to increase the pecuniary30 aid given us." [12]
[7] Vimont, Relation, 1644, 49. He adds, that some of these soldiers, though they had once been "assez mauvais gar?ons," had shown great zeal and devotion in behalf of the mission.
[8] Journal des Supérieurs des Jésuites, MS. In 1648, a small cannon31 was sent to Sainte Marie in the Huron canoes.—Ibid.
[9] Registres des Arrêts du Conseil, extract in Faillon, II. 94.
[10] See ante, (Page 214). Garnier calls them "séculiers d'habit, mais religieux de c?ur."—Lettres, MSS.
[11] The Jesuits, even at this early period, were often and loudly charged with sharing in the fur-trade. It is certain that this charge was not wholly without foundation. Le Jeune, in the Relation of 1657, speaking of the wampum, guns, powder, lead, hatchets32, kettles, and other articles which the missionaries33 were obliged to give to the Indians, at councils and elsewhere, says that these must be bought from the traders with beaver-skins, which are the money of the country; and he adds, "Que si vn Iesuite en re?oit ou en recueille quelques-vns pour ayder aux frais immenses qu'il faut faire dans ces Missions si éloignées, et pour gagner ces peuples à Iesus-Christ et les porter à la paix, il seroit à souhaiter que ceux-là mesme qui deuroient faire ces despenses pour la conseruation du pays, ne fussent pas du moins les premiers34 à condamner le zele de ces Peres, et à les rendre par14 leurs discours plus noirs que leurs robes."—Relation, 1657, 16.
In the same year, Chaumonot, addressing a council of the Iroquois during a period of truce35, said, "Keep your beaver-skins, if you choose, for the Dutch. Even such of them as may fall into our possession will be employed for your service."—Ibid., 17.
In 1636, La Jeune thought it necessary to write a long letter of defence against the charge; and in 1643, a declaration, appended to the Relation of that year, and certifying36 that the Jesuits took no part in the fur-trade, was drawn37 up and signed by twelve members of the company of New France. Its only meaning is, that the Jesuits were neither partners nor rivals of the Company's monopoly. They certainly bought supplies from its magazines with furs which they obtained from the Indians.
Their object evidently was to make the mission partially38 self-supporting. To impute39 mercenary motives to Garnier, Jogues, and their co-laborers, is manifestly idle; but, even in the highest flights of his enthusiasm, the Jesuit never forgot his worldly wisdom.
[12] Lettre du P. Paul Ragueneau au T. R. P. Vincent Carafa, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus à Rome, Sainte Marie aux Hurons, 1 Mars, 1649 (Carayon).
366 Much of this prosperity was no doubt due to the excellent management of their resources, and a very successful agriculture. While the Indians around them were starving, they raised maize in such quantities, that, in the spring of 1649, the Father Superior thought that their stock of provisions might suffice for three years. "Hunting and fishing," he says, "are better than heretofore"; and he adds, that they had fowls40, swine, and even cattle. [13] How they could have brought these last to Sainte Marie it is difficult to conceive. The feat41, under the circumstances, is truly astonishing. Everything indicates a fixed resolve on the part of the Fathers to build up a solid and permanent establishment.
[13] Lettre du P. Paul Ragueneau au T. R. P. Vincent Carafa, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus à Rome, Sainte Marie aux Hurons, 1 Mars, 1649 (Carayon).
It is by no means to be inferred that the household fared sumptuously42. Their ordinary food was maize, pounded and boiled, and seasoned, in the absence of salt, which was regarded as a luxury, with morsels43 of smoked fish. [14]
[14] Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1648, 48.
In March, 1649, there were in the Huron country and its neighborhood eighteen Jesuit priests, four lay brothers, twenty-three men serving without pay, seven hired men, four boys, and eight soldiers. [15] Of this number, fifteen priests were engaged in the various missions, while all the rest were retained permanently44 at Sainte Marie. All was method, 367 discipline, and subordination. Some of the men were assigned to household work, and some to the hospital; while the rest labored45 at the fortifications, tilled the fields, and stood ready, in case of need, to fight the Iroquois. The Father Superior, with two other priests as assistants, controlled and guided all. The remaining Jesuits, undisturbed by temporal cares, were devoted46 exclusively to the charge of their respective missions. Two or three times in the year, they all, or nearly all, assembled at Sainte Marie, to take counsel together and determine their future action. Hither, also, they came at intervals47 for a period of meditation and prayer, to nerve themselves and gain new inspiration for their stern task.
[15] See the report of the Father Superior to the General, above cited. The number was greatly increased within the year. In April, 1648, Ragueneau reports but forty-two French in all, including priests. Before the end of the summer a large reinforcement came up in the Huron canoes.
Besides being the citadel48 and the magazine of the mission, Sainte Marie was the scene of a bountiful hospitality. On every alternate Saturday, as well as on feast-days, the converts came in crowds from the farthest villages. They were entertained during Saturday, Sunday, and a part of Monday; and the rites49 of the Church were celebrated50 before them with all possible solemnity and pomp. They were welcomed also at other times, and entertained, usually with three meals to each. In these latter years the prevailing51 famine drove them to Sainte Marie in swarms52. In the course of 1647 three thousand were lodged and fed here; and in the following year the number was doubled. [16] Heathen Indians were also received and supplied with food, 368 but were not permitted to remain at night. There was provision for the soul as well as the body; and, Christian53 or heathen, few left Sainte Marie without a word of instruction or exhortation54. Charity was an instrument of conversion55.
[16] Compare Ragueneau in Relation des Hurons, 1648, 48, and in his report to the General in 1649.
Such, so far as we can reconstruct it from the scattered56 hints remaining, was this singular establishment, at once military, monastic, and patriarchal. The missions of which it was the basis were now eleven in number. To those among the Hurons already mentioned another had lately been added,—that of Sainte Madeleine; and two others, called St. Jean and St. Matthias, had been established in the neighboring Tobacco Nation. [17] The three remaining missions were all among tribes speaking the Algonquin languages. Every winter, bands of these savages58, driven by famine and fear of the Iroquois, sought harborage in the Huron country, and the mission of Sainte Elisabeth was established for their benefit. The next Algonquin mission was that of Saint Esprit, embracing the Nipissings and other tribes east and north-east of Lake Huron; and, lastly, the mission of St. Pierre included the tribes at the outlet59 of Lake Superior, and throughout a vast extent of surrounding wilderness60. [18]
[17] The mission of the Neutral Nation had been abandoned for the time, from the want of missionaries. The Jesuits had resolved on concentration, and on the thorough conversion of the Hurons, as a preliminary to more extended efforts.
[18] Besides these tribes, the Jesuits had become more or less acquainted with many others, also Algonquin, on the west and south of Lake Huron; as well as with the Puans, or Winnebagoes, a Dacotah tribe between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi.
The Mission of Sault Sainte Marie, at the outlet of Lake Superior, was established at a later period. Modern writers have confounded it with Sainte Marie of the Hurons.
By the Relation of 1649 it appears that another mission had lately been begun at the Grand Manitoulin Island, which the Jesuits also christened Isle61 Sainte Marie.
369 These missions were more laborious62, though not more perilous63, than those among the Hurons. The Algonquin hordes64 were never long at rest; and, summer and winter, the priest must follow them by lake, forest, and stream: in summer plying65 the paddle all day, or toiling66 through pathless thickets67, bending under the weight of a birch canoe or a load of baggage,—at night, his bed the rugged68 earth, or some bare rock, lashed69 by the restless waves of Lake Huron; while famine, the snow-storms, the cold, the treacherous70 ice of the Great Lakes, smoke, filth71, and, not rarely, threats and persecution72, were the lot of his winter wanderings. It seemed an earthly paradise, when, at long intervals, he found a respite73 from his toils74 among his brother Jesuits under the roof of Sainte Marie.
Hither, while the Fathers are gathered from their scattered stations at one of their periodical meetings,—a little before the season of Lent, 1649, [19]—let us, too, repair, and join them. We enter at the eastern gate of the fortification, midway in the wall between its northern and southern bastions, and pass to the hall, where, at a rude table, spread with ruder fare, all the household are assembled,—laborers, domestics, soldiers, and priests.
[19] The date of this meeting is a supposition merely. It is adopted with reference to events which preceded and followed.
370 It was a scene that might recall a remote half feudal75, half patriarchal age, when, under the smoky rafters of his antique hall, some warlike thane sat, with kinsmen76 and dependants77 ranged down the long board, each in his degree. Here, doubtless, Ragueneau, the Father Superior, held the place of honor; and, for chieftains scarred with Danish battle-axes, was seen a band of thoughtful men, clad in a threadbare garb78 of black, their brows swarthy from exposure, yet marked with the lines of intellect and a fixed enthusiasm of purpose. Here was Bressani, scarred with firebrand and knife; Chabanel, once a professor of rhetoric79 in France, now a missionary, bound by a self-imposed vow80 to a life from which his nature recoiled81; the fanatical Chaumonot, whose character savored82 of his peasant birth,—for the grossest fungus83 of superstition84 that ever grew under the shadow of Rome was not too much for his omnivorous85 credulity, and miracles and mysteries were his daily food; yet, such as his faith was, he was ready to die for it. Garnier, beardless like a woman, was of a far finer nature. His religion was of the affections and the sentiments; and his imagination, warmed with the ardor86 of his faith, shaped the ideal forms of his worship into visible realities. Brébeuf sat conspicuous87 among his brethren, portly and tall, his short moustache and beard grizzled with time,—for he was fifty-six years old. If he seemed impassive, it was because one overmastering principle had merged88 and absorbed all the impulses of his nature and all the faculties89 of his 371 mind. The enthusiasm which with many is fitful and spasmodic was with him the current of his life,—solemn and deep as the tide of destiny. The Divine Trinity, the Virgin90, the Saints, Heaven and Hell, Angels and Fiends,—to him, these alone were real, and all things else were nought91. Gabriel Lalemant, nephew of Jerome Lalemant, Superior at Quebec, was Brébeuf's colleague at the mission of St. Ignace. His slender frame and delicate features gave him an appearance of youth, though he had reached middle life; and, as in the case of Garnier, the fervor92 of his mind sustained him through exertions93 of which he seemed physically94 incapable95. Of the rest of that company little has come down to us but the bare record of their missionary toils; and we may ask in vain what youthful enthusiasm, what broken hope or faded dream, turned the current of their lives, and sent them from the heart of civilization to this savage57 outpost of the world.
No element was wanting in them for the achievement of such a success as that to which they aspired,—neither a transcendent zeal, nor a matchless discipline, nor a practical sagacity very seldom surpassed in the pursuits where men strive for wealth and place; and if they were destined96 to disappointment, it was the result of external causes, against which no power of theirs could have insured them.
There was a gap in their number. The place of Antoine Daniel was empty, and never more to be filled by him,—never at least in the flesh: 372 for Chaumonot averred97, that not long since, when the Fathers were met in council, he had seen their dead companion seated in their midst, as of old, with a countenance98 radiant and majestic99. [20] They believed his story,—no doubt he believed it himself; and they consoled one another with the thought, that, in losing their colleague on earth, they had gained him as a powerful intercessor in heaven. Daniel's station had been at St. Joseph; but the mission and the missionary had alike ceased to exist.
[20] "Ce bon Pere s'apparut aprés sa mort à vn des nostres par deux diuerses fois. En l'vne il se fit voir en estat de gloire, portant le visage d'vn homme d'enuiron trente ans, quoy qu'il soit mort en l'age de quarante-huict.… Vne autre fois il fut veu assister à vne assemblée que nous tenions," etc.—Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1649, 5.
"Le P. Chaumonot vit au milieu100 de l'assemblée le P. Daniel qui aidait les Pères de ses conseils, et les remplissait d'une force surnaturelle; son visage était plein de majesté et d'éclat."—Ibid., Lettre au Général de la Compagnie de Jésus (Carayon, 243).
"Le P. Chaumonot nous a quelque fois raconté, à la gloire de cet illustre confesseur de J. C. (Daniel) qu'il s'étoit fait voir à lui dans la gloire, à l'age d'environ 30 ans, quoiqu'il en eut près de 50, et avec les autres circonstances qui se trouuent là (in the Historia Canadensis of Du Creux). Il ajoutait seulement qu'à la vue de ce bien-heureux tant de choses lui vinrent à l'esprit pour les lui demander, qu'il ne savoit pas où commencer son entretien avec ce cher défunt. Enfin, lui dit-il: 'Apprenez moi, mon Père, ce que ie dois faire pour être bien agréable à Dieu.'—'Jamais,' répondit le martyr101, 'ne perdez le souvenir de vos péchés.'"—Suite de la Vie de Chaumonot, 11.
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inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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retrace
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| v.折回；追溯，探源 | |
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ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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maize
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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remains
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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zeal
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motives
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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conjecture
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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premiers
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| n.总理，首相( premier的名词复数 )；首席官员， | |
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truce
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certifying
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| （尤指书面）证明( certify的现在分词 )； 发证书给…； 证明（某人）患有精神病； 颁发（或授予）专业合格证书 | |
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drawn
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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impute
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fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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sumptuously
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| 奢侈地，豪华地 | |
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morsels
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| n.一口( morsel的名词复数 )；（尤指食物）小块，碎屑 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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48
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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52
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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59
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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plying
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的现在分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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66
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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67
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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71
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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toils
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| 网 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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dependants
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| 受赡养者，受扶养的家属( dependant的名词复数 ) | |
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garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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80
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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81
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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82
savored
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| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的过去式和过去分词 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
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83
fungus
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| n.真菌，真菌类植物 | |
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84
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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85
omnivorous
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| adj.杂食的 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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91
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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92
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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93
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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95
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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96
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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97
averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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98
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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99
majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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100
milieu
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| n.环境；出身背景；(个人所处的)社会环境 | |
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101
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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