THE DESTROYERS.
Iroquois Ambition ? Its Victims ? The Fate of the Neutrals ? The Fate of the Eries ? The War with the Andastes ? Supremacy1 of the Iroquois
It was well for the European colonies, above all for those of England, that the wisdom of the Iroquois was but the wisdom of savages2. Their sagacity is past denying; it showed itself in many ways; but it was not equal to a comprehension of their own situation and that of their race. Could they have read their destiny, and curbed3 their mad ambition, they might have leagued with themselves four great communities of kindred lineage, to resist the encroachments of civilization, and oppose a barrier of fire to the spread of the young colonies of the East. But their organization and their intelligence were merely the instruments of a blind frenzy6, which impelled7 them to destroy those whom they might have made their allies in a common cause.
Of the four kindred communities, two at least, 435 the Hurons and the Neutrals, were probably superior in numbers to the Iroquois. Either one of these, with union and leadership, could have held its ground against them, and the two united could easily have crippled them beyond the power of doing mischief8. But these so-called nations were mere5 aggregations9 of villages and families, with nothing that deserved to be called a government. They were very liable to panics, because the part attacked by an enemy could never rely with confidence on prompt succor10 from the rest; and when once broken, they could not be rallied, because they had no centre around which to gather. The Iroquois, on the other hand, had an organization with which the ideas and habits of several generations were interwoven, and they had also sagacious leaders for peace and war. They discussed all questions of policy with the coolest deliberation, and knew how to turn to profit even imperfections in their plan of government which seemed to promise only weakness and discord11. Thus, any nation, or any large town, of their confederacy, could make a separate war or a separate peace with a foreign nation, or any part of it. Some member of the league, as, for example, the Cayugas, would make a covenant12 of friendship with the enemy, and, while the infatuated victims were thus lulled13 into a delusive14 security, the war-parties of the other nations, often joined by the Cayuga warriors15, would overwhelm them by a sudden onset16. But it was not by their craft, nor by their organization,—which for military purposes was wretchedly feeble,—that 436 this handful of savages gained a bloody17 supremacy. They carried all before them, because they were animated18 throughout, as one man, by the same audacious pride and insatiable rage for conquest. Like other Indians, they waged war on a plan altogether democratic,—that is, each man fought or not, as he saw fit; and they owed their unity19 and vigor20 of action to the homicidal frenzy that urged them all alike.
The Neutral Nation had taken no part, on either side, in the war of extermination21 against the Hurons; and their towns were sanctuaries22 where either of the contending parties might take asylum23. On the other hand, they made fierce war on their western neighbors, and, a few years before, destroyed, with atrocious cruelties, a large fortified24 town of the Nation of Fire. [1] Their turn was now come, and their victims found fit avengers; for no sooner 437 were the Hurons broken up and dispersed25, than the Iroquois, without waiting to take breath, turned their fury on the Neutrals. At the end of the autumn of 1650, they assaulted and took one of their chief towns, said to have contained at the time more than sixteen hundred men, besides women and children; and early in the following spring, they took another town. The slaughter26 was prodigious27, and the victors drove back troops of captives for butchery or adoption28. It was the death-blow of the Neutrals. They abandoned their corn-fields and villages in the wildest terror, and dispersed themselves abroad in forests, which could not yield sustenance29 to such a multitude. They perished by thousands, and from that time forth30 the nation ceased to exist. [2]
[1] "Last summer," writes Lalemant in 1643, "two thousand warriors of the Neutral Nation attacked a town of the Nation of Fire, well fortified with a palisade, and defended by nine hundred warriors. They took it after a siege of ten days; killed many on the spot; and made eight hundred prisoners, men, women, and children. After burning seventy of the best warriors, they put out the eyes of the old men, and cut away their lips, and then left them to drag out a miserable31 existence. Behold32 the scourge33 that is depopulating all this country!"—Relation des Hurons, 1644, 98.
The Assistaeronnons, Atsistaehonnons, Mascoutins, or Nation of Fire (more correctly, perhaps, Nation of the Prairie), were a very numerous Algonquin people of the West, speaking the same language as the Sacs and Foxes. In the map of Sanson, they are placed in the southern part of Michigan; and according to the Relation of 1658, they had thirty towns. They were a stationary34, and in some measure an agricultural people. They fled before their enemies to the neighborhood of Fox River in Wisconsin, where they long remained. Frequent mention of them will be found in the later Relations, and in contemporary documents. They are now extinct as a tribe.
[2] Ragueneau, Relation, 1651, 4. In the unpublished journal kept by the Superior of the Jesuits at Quebec, it is said, under date of April, 1651, that news had just come from Montreal, that, in the preceding autumn, fifteen hundred Iroquois had taken a Neutral town; that the Neutrals had afterwards attacked them, and killed two hundred of their warriors; and that twelve hundred Iroquois had again invaded the Neutral country to take their revenge. Lafitau, M?urs des Sauvages, II. 176, gives, on the authority of Father Julien Garnier, a singular and improbable account of the origin of the war.
An old chief, named Kenjockety, who claimed descent from an adopted prisoner of the Neutral Nation, was recently living among the Senecas of Western New York.
During two or three succeeding years, the Iroquois contented35 themselves with harassing36 the French and Algonquins; but in 1653 they made treaties of peace, each of the five nations for itself, and the colonists37 and their red allies had an interval38 of rest. In the following May, an Onondaga orator39, on a peace visit to Montreal, said, in a speech 438 to the Governor, "Our young men will no more fight the French; but they are too warlike to stay at home, and this summer we shall invade the country of the Eries. The earth trembles and quakes in that quarter; but here all remains40 calm." [3] Early in the autumn, Father Le Moyne, who had taken advantage of the peace to go on a mission to the Onondagas, returned with the tidings that the Iroquois were all on fire with this new enterprise, and were about to march against the Eries with eighteen hundred warriors. [4]
[3] Le Mercier, Relation, 1654, 9.
[4] Ibid., 10. Le Moyne, in his interesting journal of his mission, repeatedly alludes41 to their preparations.
The occasion of this new war is said to have been as follows. The Eries, who it will be remembered dwelt on the south of the lake named after them, had made a treaty of peace with the Senecas, and in the preceding year had sent a deputation of thirty of their principal men to confirm it. While they were in the great Seneca town, it happened that one of that nation was killed in a casual quarrel with an Erie; whereupon his countrymen rose in a fury, and murdered the thirty deputies. Then ensued a brisk war of reprisals42, in which not only the Senecas, but the other Iroquois nations, took part. The Eries captured a famous Onondaga chief, and were about to burn him, when he succeeded in convincing them of the wisdom of a course of conciliation43; and they resolved to give him to the sister of one of the murdered deputies, to take the place of her lost brother. The sister, by Indian law, had 439 it in her choice to receive him with a fraternal embrace or to burn him; but, though she was absent at the time, no one doubted that she would choose the gentler alternative. Accordingly, he was clothed in gay attire44, and all the town fell to feasting in honor of his adoption. In the midst of the festivity, the sister returned. To the amazement45 of the Erie chiefs, she rejected with indignation their proffer46 of a new brother, declared that she would be revenged for her loss, and insisted that the prisoner should forthwith be burned. The chiefs remonstrated47 in vain, representing the danger in which such a procedure would involve the nation: the female fury was inexorable; and the unfortunate prisoner, stripped of his festal robes, was bound to the stake, and put to death. [5] He warned his tormentors with his last breath, that they were burning not only him, but the whole Erie nation; since his countrymen would take a fiery48 vengeance49 for his fate. His words proved true; for no sooner was his story spread abroad among the Iroquois, than the confederacy resounded50 with war-songs from end to end, and the warriors took the field under their two great war-chiefs. Notwithstanding Le Moyne's report, their number, according to the Iroquois account, did not exceed twelve hundred. [6]
[5] De Quen, Relation, 1656, 30.
[6] This was their statement to Chaumonot and Dablon, at Onondaga, in November of this year. They added, that the number of the Eries was between three and four thousand, (Journal des PP. Chaumonot et Dablon, in Relation, 1656, 18.) In the narrative51 of De Quen (Ibid., 30, 31), based, of course, on Iroquois reports, the Iroquois force is also set down at twelve hundred, but that of the Eries is reduced to between two and three thousand warriors. Even this may safely be taken as an exaggeration.
Though the Eries had no fire-arms, they used poisoned arrows with great effect, discharging them, it is said, with surprising rapidity.
They embarked52 in canoes on the lake. At their approach the Eries fell back, withdrawing into the 440 forests towards the west, till they were gathered into one body, when, fortifying54 themselves with palisades and felled trees, they awaited the approach of the invaders55. By the lowest estimate, the Eries numbered two thousand warriors, besides women and children. But this is the report of the Iroquois, who were naturally disposed to exaggerate the force of their enemies.
They approached the Erie fort, and two of their chiefs, dressed like Frenchmen, advanced and called on those within to surrender. One of them had lately been baptized by Le Moyne; and he shouted to the Eries, that, if they did not yield in time, they were all dead men, for the Master of Life was on the side of the Iroquois. The Eries answered with yells of derision. "Who is this master of your lives?" they cried; "our hatchets56 and our right arms are the masters of ours." The Iroquois rushed to the assault, but were met with a shower of poisoned arrows, which killed and wounded many of them, and drove the rest back. They waited awhile, and then attacked again with unabated mettle57. This time, they carried their bark canoes over their heads like huge shields, to protect them from the storm of arrows; then planting them upright, and mounting them by the cross-bars like ladders, scaled the barricade58 with 441 such impetuous fury that the Eries were thrown into a panic. Those escaped who could; but the butchery was frightful59, and from that day the Eries as a nation were no more. The victors paid dear for their conquest. Their losses were so heavy that they were forced to remain for two months in the Erie country, to bury their dead and nurse their wounded. [7]
[7] De Quen, Relation, 1656, 31. The Iroquois, it seems, afterwards made other expeditions, to finish their work. At least, they told Chaumonot and Dablon, in the autumn of this year, that they meant to do so in the following spring.
It seems, that, before attacking the great fort of the Eries, the Iroquois had made a promise to worship the new God of the French, if He would give them the victory. This promise, and the success which followed, proved of great advantage to the mission.
Various traditions are extant among the modern remnant of the Iroquois concerning the war with the Eries. They agree in little beyond the fact of the existence and destruction of that people. Indeed, Indian traditions are very rarely of any value as historical evidence. One of these stories, told me some years ago by a very intelligent Iroquois of the Cayuga Nation, is a striking illustration of Iroquois ferocity. It represents, that, the night after the great battle, the forest was lighted up with more than a thousand fires, at each of which an Erie was burning alive. It differs from the historical accounts in making the Eries the aggressors.
One enemy of their own race remained,—the Andastes. This nation appears to have been inferior in numbers to either the Hurons, the Neutrals, or the Eries; but they cost their assailants more trouble than all these united. The Mohawks seem at first to have borne the brunt of the Andaste war; and, between the years 1650 and 1660, they were so roughly handled by these stubborn adversaries60, that they were reduced from the height of audacious insolence61 to the depths of dejection. [8] The remaining 442 four nations of the Iroquois league now took up the quarrel, and fared scarcely better than the Mohawks. In the spring of 1662, eight hundred of their warriors set out for the Andaste country, to strike a decisive blow; but when they reached the great town of their enemies, they saw that they had received both aid and counsel from the neighboring Swedish colonists. The town was fortified by a double palisade, flanked by two bastions, on which, it is said, several small pieces of cannon62 were mounted. Clearly, it was not to be carried by assault, as the invaders had promised themselves. Their only hope was in treachery; and, accordingly, twenty-five of their warriors gained entrance, on pretence63 of settling the terms of a peace. Here, again, ensued a grievous disappointment; for the Andastes seized them all, built high scaffolds visible from without, and tortured them to death in sight of their countrymen, who thereupon decamped in miserable discomfiture64. [9]
[8] Relation, 1660, 6 (anonymous).
The Mohawks also suffered great reverses about this time at the hands of their Algonquin neighbors, the Mohicans.
[9] Lalemant, Relation, 1663, 10.
The Senecas, by far the most numerous of the five Iroquois nations, now found themselves attacked in turn,—and this, too, at a time when they were full of despondency at the ravages65 of the small-pox. The French reaped a profit from their misfortunes; for the disheartened savages made them overtures66 of peace, and begged that they would settle in their country, teach them to fortify53 their towns, supply them with arms and ammunition67, and bring "black-robes" to show them the road to Heaven. [10]
[10] Lalemant, Relation, 1664, 33.
443 The Andaste war became a war of inroads and skirmishes, under which the weaker party gradually wasted away, though it sometimes won laurels68 at the expense of its adversary69. Thus, in 1672, a party of twenty Senecas and forty Cayugas went against the Andastes. They were at a considerable distance the one from the other, the Cayugas being in advance, when the Senecas were set upon by about sixty young Andastes, of the class known as "Burnt-Knives," or "Soft-Metals," because as yet they had taken no scalps. Indeed, they are described as mere boys, fifteen or sixteen years old. They killed one of the Senecas, captured another, and put the rest to flight; after which, flushed with their victory, they attacked the Cayugas with the utmost fury, and routed them completely, killing70 eight of them, and wounding twice that number, who, as is reported by the Jesuit then in the Cayuga towns, came home half dead with gashes71 of knives and hatchets. [11] "May God preserve the Andastes," exclaims the Father, "and prosper72 their arms, that the Iroquois may be humbled73, and we and our missions left in peace!" "None but they," he elsewhere adds, "can curb4 the pride of the Iroquois." The only strength of the Andastes, however, was in their courage: for at this time they were reduced to three hundred fighting men; and about the year 1675 they were finally overborne by the Senecas. [12] Yet they were not wholly destroyed; for a remnant 444 of this valiant74 people continued to subsist75, under the name of Conestogas, for nearly a century, until, in 1763, they were butchered, as already mentioned, by the white ruffians known as the "Paxton Boys." [13]
[11] Dablon, Relation, 1672, 24.
[12] état Présent des Missions, in Relations Inédites, II. 44. Relation, 1676, 2. This is one of the Relations printed by Mr. Lenox.
[13] "History of the Conspiracy76 of Pontiac," Chap. XXIV. Compare Shea, in Historical Magazine, II. 297.
The bloody triumphs of the Iroquois were complete. They had "made a solitude77, and called it peace." All the surrounding nations of their own lineage were conquered and broken up, while neighboring Algonquin tribes were suffered to exist only on condition of paying a yearly tribute of wampum. The confederacy remained a wedge thrust between the growing colonies of France and England.
But what was the state of the conquerors78? Their triumphs had cost them dear. As early as the year 1660, a writer, evidently well-informed, reports that their entire force had been reduced to twenty-two hundred warriors, while of these not more than twelve hundred were of the true Iroquois stock. The rest was a medley79 of adopted prisoners,—Hurons, Neutrals, Eries, and Indians of various Algonquin tribes. [14] Still their aggressive 445 spirit was unsubdued. These incorrigible80 warriors pushed their murderous raids to Hudson's Bay, Lake Superior, the Mississippi, and the Tennessee; they were the tyrants81 of all the intervening wilderness82; and they remained, for more than half a century, a terror and a scourge to the afflicted83 colonists of New France.
[14] Relation, 1660, 6, 7 (anonymous). Le Jeune says, "Their victories have so depopulated their towns, that there are more foreigners in them than natives. At Onondaga there are Indians of seven different nations permanently84 established; and, among the Senecas, of no less than eleven." (Relation, 1657, 34.) These were either adopted prisoners, or Indians who had voluntarily joined the Iroquois to save themselves from their hostility85. They took no part in councils, but were expected to join war-parties, though they were usually excused from fighting against their former countrymen. The condition of female prisoners was little better than that of slaves, and those to whom they were assigned often killed them on the slightest pique86.
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1
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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curbed
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| v.限制，克制，抑制( curb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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aggregations
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| n.聚集( aggregation的名词复数 )；集成；集结；聚集体 | |
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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lulled
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| vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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delusive
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| adj.欺骗的，妄想的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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sanctuaries
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| n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 )；庇护；圣所；庇护所 | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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dispersed
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slaughter
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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forth
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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proffer
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| v.献出，赠送；n.提议，建议 | |
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remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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gashes
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| n.深长的切口（或伤口）( gash的名词复数 )v.划伤，割破( gash的第三人称单数 ) | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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medley
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| n.混合 | |
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incorrigible
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| adj.难以纠正的，屡教不改的 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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pique
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| v.伤害…的自尊心，使生气 n.不满，生气 | |
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