THE ADVENTURES OF HENNEPIN.
Hennepin an Impostor: his Pretended Discovery; his Actual Discovery; Captured by the Sioux.—The Upper Mississippi.
It was on the last day of the winter that preceded the invasion of the Iroquois that Father Hennepin, with his two companions, Accau and Du Gay, had set out from Fort Crèvec?ur to explore the Illinois to its mouth. It appears from his own later statements, as well as from those of Tonty, that more than this was expected of him, and that La Salle had instructed him to explore, not alone the Illinois, but also the Upper Mississippi. That he actually did so, there is no reasonable doubt; and could he have contented1 himself with telling the truth, his name would have stood high as a bold and vigorous discoverer. But his vicious attempts to malign2 his commander and plunder3 him of his laurels4 have wrapped his genuine merit in a cloud.
Hennepin's first book was published soon after his return from his travels, and while La Salle was still alive. In it he relates the accomplishment5 of the [Pg 243] instructions given him, without the smallest intimation that he did more.[197] Fourteen years after, when La Salle was dead, he published another edition of his travels,[198] in which he advanced a new and surprising pretension6. Reasons connected with his personal safety, he declares, before compelled him to remain silent; but a time at length had come when the truth must be revealed. And he proceeds to affirm, that, before ascending7 the Mississippi, he, with his two men, explored its whole course from the Illinois to the sea,—thus anticipating the discovery which forms the crowning laurel of La Salle.
HENNEPIN'S RESOLUTION.
"I am resolved," he says, "to make known here to the whole world the mystery of this discovery, which I have hitherto concealed8, that I might not offend the Sieur de la Salle, who wished to keep all the glory and all the knowledge of it to himself. It is for this that he sacrificed many persons whose lives he exposed, to prevent them from making known what they had seen, and thereby9 crossing his secret plans.... I was certain that if I went down the Mississippi, he would not fail to traduce10 me to my superiors for not taking the northern route, which I was to have followed in accordance with his desire and the plan we had made together. But I saw myself on the point of dying of hunger, and knew not what to do; because the two men who were with [Pg 244] me threatened openly to leave me in the night, and carry off the canoe and everything in it, if I prevented them from going down the river to the nations below. Finding myself in this dilemma11, I thought that I ought not to hesitate, and that I ought to prefer my own safety to the violent passion which possessed12 the Sieur de la Salle of enjoying alone the glory of this discovery. The two men, seeing that I had made up my mind to follow them, promised me entire fidelity13; so, after we had shaken hands together as a mutual14 pledge, we set out on our voyage."[199]
He then proceeds to recount at length the particulars of his alleged15 exploration. The story was distrusted from the first.[200] Why had he not told it before? An excess of modesty16, a lack of self-assertion, or a too sensitive reluctance17 to wound the susceptibilities of others, had never been found among his foibles. Yet some, perhaps, might have believed him, had he not in the first edition of his book gratuitously18 and distinctly declared that he did not make the voyage in question. "We had some designs," he says, "of going down the river Colbert [Mississippi] as far as its mouth; but the tribes that took us prisoners gave us no time to navigate20 this river both up and down."[201]]
[Pg 245]
HENNEPIN AN IMPOSTOR.
In declaring to the world the achievement which he had so long concealed and so explicitly21 denied, the worthy22 missionary23 found himself in serious embarrassment24. In his first book, he had stated that on the twelfth of March he left the mouth of the Illinois on his way northward25, and that on the eleventh of April he was captured by the Sioux near the mouth of the Wisconsin, five hundred miles above. This would give him only a month to make his alleged canoe-voyage from the Illinois to the Gulf26 of Mexico, and again upward to the place of his capture,—a distance of three thousand two hundred and sixty miles. With his means of transportation, three months would have been insufficient27.[202] He saw the difficulty; but, on the other hand, he saw that he could not greatly change either date without confusing the parts of his narrative28 which preceded and which followed. In this perplexity he chose a middle course, which only involved him in additional contradictions. Having, as he affirms, gone down to the Gulf and returned to the mouth of the Illinois, he set out thence to explore the river above; and he assigns the twenty-fourth of April as the date of this departure. This gives him forty-three days for [Pg 246] his voyage to the mouth of the river and back. Looking further, we find that having left the Illinois on the twenty-fourth he paddled his canoe two hundred leagues northward, and was then captured by the Sioux on the twelfth of the same month. In short, he ensnares himself in a hopeless confusion of dates.[203]
Here, one would think, is sufficient reason for rejecting his story; and yet the general truth of the descriptions, and a certain verisimilitude which marks it, might easily deceive a careless reader and perplex a critical one. These, however, are easily explained. Six years before Hennepin published his pretended discovery, his brother friar, Father Chrétien Le Clerc, published an account of the Récollet missions among the Indians, under the title of "établissement de la Foi." This book, offensive to the Jesuits, is said to have been suppressed by order of government; but a few copies fortunately survive.[204] One of these is now before me. It contains the journal of Father Zenobe Membré, on his descent of the Mississippi in [Pg 247] 1681, in company with La Salle. The slightest comparison of his narrative with that of Hennepin is sufficient to show that the latter framed his own story out of incidents and descriptions furnished by his brother missionary, often using his very words, and sometimes copying entire pages, with no other alterations29 than such as were necessary to make himself, instead of La Salle and his companions, the hero of the exploit. The records of literary piracy30 may be searched in vain for an act of depredation31 more recklessly impudent32.[205]
Such being the case, what faith can we put in the rest of Hennepin's story? Fortunately, there are tests by which the earlier parts of his book can be [Pg 248] tried; and, on the whole, they square exceedingly well with contemporary records of undoubted authenticity33. Bating his exaggerations respecting the Falls of Niagara, his local descriptions, and even his estimates of distance, are generally accurate. He constantly, it is true, magnifies his own acts, and thrusts himself forward as one of the chiefs of an enterprise to the costs of which he had contributed nothing, and to which he was merely an appendage34; and yet, till he reaches the Mississippi, there can be no doubt that in the main he tells the truth. As for his ascent35 of that river to the country of the Sioux, the general statement is fully36 confirmed by La Salle, Tonty, and other contemporary writers.[206] For the details of the journey we must rest on Hennepin alone, whose account of the country and of the peculiar37 traits of its Indian occupants afford, as far as they go, good evidence of truth. Indeed, this part of his narrative could only have been written by one well versed38 in the savage39 life of this northwestern region.[207] Trusting, [Pg 249] then, to his own guidance in the absence of better, let us follow in the wake of his adventurous40 canoe.
HIS VOYAGE NORTHWARD.
It was laden41 deeply with goods belonging to La Salle, and meant by him as presents to Indians on the way, though the travellers, it appears, proposed to use them in trading on their own account. The friar was still wrapped in his gray capote and hood42, shod with sandals, and decorated with the cord of St. Francis. As for his two companions, Accau[208] and [Pg 250] Du Gay, it is tolerably clear that the former was the real leader of the party, though Hennepin, after his custom, thrusts himself into the foremost place. Both were somewhat above the station of ordinary hired hands; and Du Gay had an uncle who was an ecclesiastic43 of good credit at Amiens, his native place.
In the forests that overhung the river the buds were feebly swelling44 with advancing spring. There was game enough. They killed buffalo45, deer, beavers46, wild turkeys, and now and then a bear swimming in the river. With these, and the fish which they caught in abundance, they fared sumptuously47, though it was the season of Lent. They were exemplary, however, at their devotions. Hennepin said prayers at morning and night, and the angelus at noon, adding a petition to Saint Anthony of Padua that he would save them from the peril48 that beset49 their way. In truth, there was a lion in the path. The ferocious50 character of the Sioux, or Dacotah, who occupied the region of the Upper Mississippi, was already known to the French; and Hennepin, with excellent reason, prayed that it might be his fortune to meet them, not by night, but by day.
CAPTURED BY THE SIOUX.
On the eleventh or twelfth of April, they stopped in the afternoon to repair their canoe; and Hennepin busied himself in daubing it with pitch, while the others cooked a turkey. Suddenly, a fleet of Sioux canoes swept into sight, bearing a war-party of a hundred and twenty naked savages51, who on seeing [Pg 251] the travellers raised a hideous52 clamor; and, some leaping ashore53 and others into the water, they surrounded the astonished Frenchmen in an instant.[209] Hennepin held out the peace-pipe; but one of them snatched it from him. Next, he hastened to proffer54 a gift of Martinique tobacco, which was better received. Some of the old warriors56 repeated the name Miamiha, giving him to understand that they were a war-party, on the way to attack the Miamis; on which, Hennepin, with the help of signs and of marks which he drew on the sand with a stick, explained that the Miamis had gone across the Mississippi, beyond their reach. Hereupon, he says that three or four old men placed their hands on his head, and began a dismal57 wailing58; while he with his handkerchief wiped away their tears, in order to evince sympathy with their affliction, from whatever cause arising. Notwithstanding this demonstration59 of tenderness, they refused to smoke with him in his peace-pipe, and forced him and his companions to embark60 and paddle across the river; while they all followed behind, uttering yells and howlings which froze the missionary's blood.
On reaching the farther side, they made their camp-fires, and allowed their prisoners to do the same. Accau and Du Gay slung61 their kettle; while [Pg 252] Hennepin, to propitiate62 the Sioux, carried to them two turkeys, of which there were several in the canoe. The warriors had seated themselves in a ring, to debate on the fate of the Frenchmen; and two chiefs presently explained to the friar, by significant signs, that it had been resolved that his head should be split with a war-club. This produced the effect which was no doubt intended. Hennepin ran to the canoe, and quickly returned with one of the men, both loaded with presents, which he threw into the midst of the assembly; and then, bowing his head, offered them at the same time a hatchet63 with which to kill him, if they wished to do so. His gifts and his submission64 seemed to appease65 them. They gave him and his companions a dish of beaver's flesh; but, to his great concern, they returned his peace-pipe,—an act which he interpreted as a sign of danger. That night the Frenchmen slept little, expecting to be murdered before morning. There was, in fact, a great division of opinion among the Sioux. Some were for killing66 them and taking their goods; while others, eager above all things that French traders should come among them with the knives, hatchets67, and guns of which they had heard the value, contended that it would be impolitic to discourage the trade by putting to death its pioneers.
Scarcely had morning dawned on the anxious captives, when a young chief, naked, and painted from head to foot, appeared before them and asked for the pipe, which the friar gladly gave him. He filled it, [Pg 253] smoked it, made the warriors do the same, and, having given this hopeful pledge of amity68, told the Frenchmen that, since the Miamis were out of reach, the war-party would return home, and that they must accompany them. To this Hennepin gladly agreed, having, as he declares, his great work of exploration so much at heart that he rejoiced in the prospect69 of achieving it even in their company.
SUSPECTED OF SORCERY.
He soon, however, had a foretaste of the affliction in store for him; for when he opened his breviary and began to mutter his morning devotion, his new companions gathered about him with faces that betrayed their superstitious70 terror, and gave him to understand that his book was a bad spirit with which he must hold no more converse71. They thought, indeed, that he was muttering a charm for their destruction. Accau and Du Gay, conscious of the danger, begged the friar to dispense72 with his devotions, lest he and they alike should be tomahawked; but Hennepin says that his sense of duty rose superior to his fears, and that he was resolved to repeat his office at all hazards, though not until he had asked pardon of his two friends for thus imperilling their lives. Fortunately, he presently discovered a device by which his devotion and his prudence73 were completely reconciled. He ceased the muttering which had alarmed the Indians, and, with the breviary open on his knees, sang the service in loud and cheerful tones. As this had no savor74 of sorcery, and as they now imagined that the book was teaching its owner [Pg 254] to sing for their amusement, they conceived a favorable opinion of both alike.
These Sioux, it may be observed, were the ancestors of those who committed the horrible but not unprovoked massacres75 of 1862, in the valley of the St. Peter. Hennepin complains bitterly of their treatment of him, which, however, seems to have been tolerably good. Afraid that he would lag behind, as his canoe was heavy and slow,[210] they placed several warriors in it to aid him and his men in paddling. They kept on their way from morning till night, building huts for their bivouac when it rained, and sleeping on the open ground when the weather was fair,—which, says Hennepin, "gave us a good opportunity to contemplate76 the moon and stars." The three Frenchmen took the precaution of sleeping at the side of the young chief who had been the first to smoke the peace-pipe, and who seemed inclined to befriend them; but there was another chief, one Aquipaguetin, a crafty77 old savage, who having lost a son in war with the Miamis, was angry that the party had abandoned their expedition, and thus deprived him of his revenge. He therefore kept up a dismal lament78 through half the night; while other old men, crouching79 over Hennepin as he lay trying to sleep, stroked him with their hands, and uttered wailings so lugubrious80 that he was forced to [Pg 255] the belief that he had been doomed81 to death, and that they were charitably bemoaning82 his fate.[211]
THE CAPTIVE FRIAR.
One night, the captives were, for some reason, unable to bivouac near their protector, and were forced to make their fire at the end of the camp. Here they were soon beset by a crowd of Indians, who told them that Aquipaguetin had at length resolved to tomahawk them. The malcontents were gathered in a knot at a little distance, and Hennepin hastened to appease them by another gift of knives and tobacco. This was but one of the devices of the old chief to deprive them of their goods without robbing them outright83. He had with him the bones of a deceased relative, which he was carrying home wrapped in skins prepared with smoke after the Indian fashion, and gayly decorated with bands of dyed porcupine84 quills85. He would summon his warriors, and placing these relics86 in the midst of the assembly, call on all present to smoke in their honor; after which, Hennepin was required to offer a more substantial tribute in the shape of cloth, beads87, hatchets, tobacco, and the like, to be laid upon the bundle of bones. The gifts thus acquired were then, in the name of the deceased, distributed among the persons present.
[Pg 256]
On one occasion, Aquipaguetin killed a bear, and invited the chiefs and warriors to feast upon it. They accordingly assembled on a prairie, west of the river, where, after the banquet, they danced a "medicine-dance." They were all painted from head to foot, with their hair oiled, garnished88 with red and white feathers, and powdered with the down of birds. In this guise89 they set their arms akimbo, and fell to stamping with such fury that the hard prairie was dented90 with the prints of their moccasins; while the chief's son, crying at the top of his throat, gave to each in turn the pipe of war. Meanwhile, the chief himself, singing in a loud and rueful voice, placed his hands on the heads of the three Frenchmen, and from time to time interrupted his music to utter a vehement91 harangue92. Hennepin could not understand the words, but his heart sank as the conviction grew strong within him that these ceremonies tended to his destruction. It seems, however, that, after all the chief's efforts, his party was in the minority, the greater part being adverse93 to either killing or robbing the three strangers.
Every morning, at daybreak, an old warrior55 shouted the signal of departure; and the recumbent savages leaped up, manned their birchen fleet, and plied94 their paddles against the current, often without waiting to break their fast. Sometimes they stopped for a buffalo-hunt on the neighboring prairies; and there was no lack of provisions. They passed Lake Pepin, which Hennepin called the Lake of Tears, by reason [Pg 257] of the howlings and lamentations here uttered over him by Aquipaguetin, and nineteen days after his capture landed near the site of St. Paul. The father's sorrows now began in earnest. The Indians broke his canoe to pieces, having first hidden their own among the alder-bushes. As they belonged to different bands and different villages, their mutual jealousy95 now overcame all their prudence; and each proceeded to claim his share of the captives and the booty. Happily, they made an amicable96 distribution, or it would have fared ill with the three Frenchmen; and each taking his share, not forgetting the priestly vestments of Hennepin, the splendor97 of which they could not sufficiently98 admire, they set out across the country for their villages, which lay towards the north in the neighborhood of Lake Buade, now called Mille Lac.
A HARD JOURNEY.
Being, says Hennepin, exceedingly tall and active, they walked at a prodigious99 speed, insomuch that no European could long keep pace with them. Though the month of May had begun, there were frosts at night; and the marshes100 and ponds were glazed101 with ice, which cut the missionary's legs as he waded102 through. They swam the larger streams, and Hennepin nearly perished with cold as he emerged from the icy current. His two companions, who were smaller than he, and who could not swim, were carried over on the backs of the Indians. They showed, however, no little endurance; and he declares that he should have dropped by the way, but for their [Pg 258] support. Seeing him disposed to lag, the Indians, to spur him on, set fire to the dry grass behind him, and then, taking him by the hands, ran forward with him to escape the flames. To add to his misery103, he was nearly famished104, as they gave him only a small piece of smoked meat once a day, though it does not appear that they themselves fared better. On the fifth day, being by this time in extremity105, he saw a crowd of squaws and children approaching over the prairie, and presently descried106 the bark lodges107 of an Indian town. The goal was reached. He was among the homes of the Sioux.
FOOTNOTES:
[197] Description de la Louisiane, nouvellement découverte, Paris, 1683.
[198] Nouvelle Découverte d'un très grand Pays situé dans l'Amérique, Utrecht, 1697.
[199] Nouvelle Découverte, 248, 250, 251.
[200] See the preface of the Spanish translation by Don Sebastian Fernandez de Medrano, 1699, and also the letter of Gravier, dated 1701, in Shea's Early Voyages on the Mississippi. Barcia, Charlevoix, Kalm, and other early writers put a low value on Hennepin's veracity108.
[201] Description de la Louisiane, 218.
[202] La Salle, in the following year, with a far better equipment, was more than three months and a half in making the journey. A Mississippi trading-boat of the last generation, with sails and oars109, ascending against the current, was thought to do remarkably110 well if it could make twenty miles a day. Hennepin, if we believe his own statements, must have ascended111 at an average rate of sixty miles, though his canoe was large and heavily laden.
[203] Hennepin here falls into gratuitous19 inconsistencies. In the edition of 1697, in order to gain a little time, he says that he left the Illinois on his voyage southward on the eighth of March, 1680; and yet in the preceding chapter he repeats the statement of the first edition, that he was detained at the Illinois by floating ice till the twelfth. Again, he says in the first edition that he was captured by the Sioux on the eleventh of April; and in the edition of 1697 he changes this date to the twelfth, without gaining any advantage by doing so.
[204] Le Clerc's book had been made the text of an attack on the Jesuits. See Reflexions sur un Livre intitulé Premier112 établissement de la Foi. This piece is printed in the Morale113 Pratique des Jésuites.
[205] Hennepin may have copied from the unpublished journal of Membré, which the latter had placed in the hands of his Superior; or he may have compiled from Le Clerc's book, relying on the suppression of the edition to prevent detection. He certainly saw and used it; for he elsewhere borrows the exact words of the editor. He is so careless that he steals from Membré passages which he might easily have written for himself; as, for example, a description of the opossum and another of the cougar,—animals with which he was acquainted. Compare the following pages of the Nouvelle Découverte with the corresponding pages of Le Clerc: Hennepin, 252, Le Clerc, ii. 217; H. 253, Le C. ii. 218; H. 257, Le C. ii. 221; H. 259, Le C. ii. 224; H. 262, Le C. ii. 226; H. 265, Le C. ii. 229; H. 267, Le C. ii. 233; H. 270, Le C. ii. 235; H. 280, Le C. ii. 240; H. 295, Le C. ii. 249; H. 296, Le C. ii. 250; H. 297, Le C. ii. 253; H. 299, Le C. ii. 254; H. 301, Le C. ii. 257. Some of these parallel passages will be found in Sparks's Life of La Salle, where this remarkable114 fraud was first fully exposed. In Shea's Discovery of the Mississippi, there is an excellent critical examination of Hennepin's works. His plagiarisms115 from Le Clerc are not confined to the passages cited above; for in his later editions he stole largely from other parts of the suppressed établissement de la Foi.
[206] It is certain that persons having the best means of information believed at the time in Hennepin's story of his journeys on the Upper Mississippi. The compiler of the Relation des Découvertes, who was in close relations with La Salle and those who acted with him, does not intimate a doubt of the truth of the report which Hennepin on his return gave to the Provincial116 Commissary of his Order, and which is in substance the same which he published two years later. The Relation, it is to be observed, was written only a few months after the return of Hennepin, and embodies117 the pith of his narrative of the Upper Mississippi, no part of which had then been published.
[207] In this connection, it is well to examine the various Sioux words which Hennepin uses incidentally, and which he must have acquired by personal intercourse118 with the tribe, as no Frenchman then understood the language. These words, as far as my information reaches, are in every instance correct. Thus, he says that the Sioux called his breviary a "bad spirit,"—Ouackanché. Wakanshe, or Wakanshecha, would express the same meaning in modern English spelling. He says elsewhere that they called the guns of his companions Manzaouackanché, which he translates, "iron possessed with a bad spirit." The western Sioux to this day call a gun Manzawakan, "metal possessed with a spirit." Chonga (shonka), "a dog," Ouasi (wahsee), "a pine-tree," Chinnen (shinnan), "a robe," or "garment," and other words, are given correctly, with their interpretations119. The word Louis, affirmed by Hennepin to mean "the sun," seems at first sight a wilful120 inaccuracy, as this is not the word used in general by the Sioux. The Yankton band of this people, however, call the sun oouee, which, it is evident, represents the French pronunciation of Louis, omitting the initial letter. This Hennepin would be apt enough to supply, thereby conferring a compliment alike on himself, Louis Hennepin, and on the King, Louis XIV., who, to the indignation of his brother monarchs121, had chosen the sun as his emblem122.
Various trivial incidents touched upon by Hennepin, while recounting his life among the Sioux, seem to me to afford a strong presumption123 of an actual experience. I speak on this point with the more confidence, as the Indians in whose lodges I was once domesticated124 for several weeks belonged to a western band of the same people.
[208] Called Ako by Hennepin. In contemporary documents, it is written Accau, Acau, D'Accau, Dacau, Dacan, and D'Accault.
[209] The edition of 1683 says that there were thirty-three canoes; that of 1697 raises the number to fifty. The number of Indians is the same in both. The later narrative is more in detail than the former.
[210] And yet it had, by his account, made a distance of thirteen hundred and eighty miles from the mouth of the Mississippi upward in twenty-four days!
[211] This weeping and wailing over Hennepin once seemed to me an anomaly in his account of Sioux manners, as I am not aware that such practices are to be found among them at present. They are mentioned, however, by other early writers. Le Sueur, who was among them in 1699-1700, was wept over no less than Hennepin. See the abstract of his journal in La Harpe.
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contented
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malign
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plunder
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laurels
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accomplishment
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pretension
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ascending
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concealed
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thereby
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traduce
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dilemma
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possessed
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fidelity
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mutual
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alleged
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modesty
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reluctance
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gratuitously
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gratuitous
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navigate
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explicitly
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worthy
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missionary
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embarrassment
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northward
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gulf
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insufficient
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narrative
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alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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30
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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31
depredation
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| n.掠夺，蹂躏 | |
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32
impudent
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| adj.鲁莽的，卑鄙的，厚颜无耻的 | |
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authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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34
appendage
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| n.附加物 | |
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35
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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36
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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37
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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38
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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39
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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40
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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41
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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42
hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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43
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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44
swelling
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| n.肿胀 | |
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45
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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46
beavers
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| 海狸( beaver的名词复数 )； 海狸皮毛； 棕灰色； 拼命工作的人 | |
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47
sumptuously
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| 奢侈地，豪华地 | |
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48
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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49
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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50
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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51
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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52
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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53
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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54
proffer
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| v.献出，赠送；n.提议，建议 | |
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55
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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56
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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57
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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58
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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59
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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60
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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61
slung
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| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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62
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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63
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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64
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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65
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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66
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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67
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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68
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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69
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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71
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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72
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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73
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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74
savor
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| vt.品尝，欣赏；n.味道，风味；情趣，趣味 | |
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75
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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76
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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77
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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78
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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79
crouching
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的现在分词 ) | |
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80
lugubrious
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| adj.悲哀的，忧郁的 | |
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81
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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82
bemoaning
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| v.为（某人或某事）抱怨( bemoan的现在分词 )；悲悼；为…恸哭；哀叹 | |
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83
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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84
porcupine
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| n.豪猪， 箭猪 | |
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85
quills
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| n.（刺猬或豪猪的）刺( quill的名词复数 )；羽毛管；翮；纡管 | |
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86
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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87
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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88
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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90
dented
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| v.使产生凹痕( dent的过去式和过去分词 )；损害；伤害；挫伤（信心、名誉等） | |
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91
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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92
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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93
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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94
plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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95
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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96
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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97
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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98
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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99
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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100
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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101
glazed
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| adj.光滑的，像玻璃的；上过釉的；呆滞无神的v.装玻璃( glaze的过去式)；上釉于，上光；（目光）变得呆滞无神 | |
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102
waded
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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104
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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105
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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106
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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107
lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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108
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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109
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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110
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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111
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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113
morale
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| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
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114
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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115
plagiarisms
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| n.剽窃( plagiarism的名词复数 )；抄袭；剽窃物；抄袭物 | |
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116
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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117
embodies
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| v.表现( embody的第三人称单数 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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118
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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119
interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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120
wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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121
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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122
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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123
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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124
domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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