LA SALLE PAINTED BY HIMSELF.
Difficulty of knowing him: his Detractors; his Letters; vexations of his Position; his Unfitness for Trade; risks of Correspondence; his Reported Marriage; alleged1 Ostentation2; motives3 of Action; charges of Harshness; intrigues5 against him; unpopular Manners; a Strange Confession6; his Strength and his Weakness; contrasts of his Character.
We have seen La Salle in his acts. While he crosses the sea, let us look at him in himself. Few men knew him, even of those who saw him most. Reserved and self-contained as he was, with little vivacity7 or gayety or love of pleasure, he was a sealed book to those about him. His daring energy and endurance were patent to all; but the motive4 forces that urged him, and the influences that wrought8 beneath the surface of his character, were hidden where few eyes could pierce. His enemies were free to make their own interpretations9, and they did not fail to use the opportunity.
The interests arrayed against him were incessantly10 at work. His men were persuaded to desert and rob him; the Iroquois were told that he was arming [Pg 329] the western tribes against them; the western tribes were told that he was betraying them to the Iroquois; his proceedings11 were denounced to the court; and continual efforts were made to alienate12 his associates. They, on their part, sore as they were from disappointment and loss, were in a mood to listen to the aspersions cast upon him; and they pestered14 him with letters, asking questions, demanding explanations, and dunning him for money. It is through his answers that we are best able to judge him; and at times, by those touches of nature which make the whole world kin15, they teach us to know him and to feel for him.
CHARGES AGAINST LA SALLE.
The main charges against him were that he was a crack-brained schemer, that he was harsh to his men, that he traded where he had no right to trade, and that his discoveries were nothing but a pretence16 for making money. No accusations18 appear that touch his integrity or his honor.
It was hard to convince those who were always losing by him. A remittance19 of good dividends20 would have been his best answer, and would have made any other answer needless; but, instead of bills of exchange, he had nothing to give but excuses and explanations. In the autumn of 1680, he wrote to an associate who had demanded the long-deferred profits: "I have had many misfortunes in the last two years. In the autumn of '78, I lost a vessel22 by the fault of the pilot; in the next summer, the deserters I told you about robbed me of eight or ten [Pg 330] thousand livres' worth of goods. In the autumn of '79, I lost a vessel worth more than ten thousand crowns; in the next spring, five or six rascals23 stole the value of five or six thousand livres in goods and beaver-skins, at the Illinois, when I was absent. Two other men of mine, carrying furs worth four or five thousand livres, were killed or drowned in the St. Lawrence, and the furs were lost. Another robbed me of three thousand livres in beaver-skins stored at Michilimackinac. This last spring, I lost about seventeen hundred livres' worth of goods by the upsetting of a canoe. Last winter, the fort and buildings at Niagara were burned by the fault of the commander; and in the spring the deserters, who passed that way, seized a part of the property that remained, and escaped to New York. All this does not discourage me in the least, and will only defer21 for a year or two the returns of profit which you ask for this year. These losses are no more my fault than the loss of the ship 'St. Joseph' was yours. I cannot be everywhere, and cannot help making use of the people of the country."
He begs his correspondent to send out an agent of his own. "He need not be very savant, but he must be faithful, patient of labor24, and fond neither of gambling25, women, nor good cheer; for he will find none of these with me. Trusting in what he will write you, you may close your ears to what priests and Jesuits tell you.
VEXATIONS OF HIS POSITION.
"After having put matters in good trim for trade I [Pg 331] mean to withdraw, though I think it will be very profitable; for I am disgusted to find that I must always be making excuses, which is a part I cannot play successfully. I am utterly26 tired of this business; for I see that it is not enough to put property and life in constant peril27, but that it requires more pains to answer envy and detraction28 than to overcome the difficulties inseparable from my undertaking29."
And he makes a variety of proposals, by which he hopes to get rid of a part of his responsibility to his correspondent. He begs him again to send out a confidential30 agent, saying that for his part he does not want to have any account to render, except that which he owes to the court, of his discoveries. He adds, strangely enough for a man burdened with such liabilities, "I have neither the habit nor the inclination31 to keep books, nor have I anybody with me who knows how." He says to another correspondent, "I think, like you, that partnerships32 in business are dangerous, on account of the little practice I have in these matters." It is not surprising that he wanted to leave his associates to manage business for themselves: "You know that this trade is good; and with a trusty agent to conduct it for you, you run no risk. As for me, I will keep the charge of the forts, the command of posts and of men, the management of Indians and Frenchmen, and the establishment of the colony, which will remain my property, leaving your agent and mine to [Pg 332] look after our interests, and drawing my half without having any hand in what belongs to you."
La Salle was a very indifferent trader; and his heart was not in the commercial part of his enterprise. He aimed at achievement, and thirsted after greatness. His ambition was to found another France in the West; and if he meant to govern it also,—as without doubt he did,—it is not a matter of wonder or of blame. His misfortune was, that, in the pursuit of a great design, he was drawn33 into complications of business with which he was ill fitted to grapple. He had not the instinct of the successful merchant. He dared too much, and often dared unwisely; attempted more than he could grasp, and forgot, in his sanguine34 anticipations35, to reckon with enormous and incalculable risks.
Except in the narrative36 parts, his letters are rambling37 and unconnected,—which is natural enough, written, as they were, at odd moments, by camp-fires and among Indians. The style is crude; and being well aware of this, he disliked writing, especially as the risk was extreme that his letters would miss their destination. "There is too little good faith in this country, and too many people on the watch, for me to trust anybody with what I wish to send you. Even sealed letters are not too safe. Not only are they liable to be lost or stopped by the way, but even such as escape the curiosity of spies lie at Montreal, waiting a long time to be forwarded."
HIS LETTERS INTERCEPTED38.
Again, he writes: "I cannot pardon myself for the [Pg 333] stoppage of my letters, though I made every effort to make them reach you. I wrote to you in '79 (in August), and sent my letters to M. de la Forest, who gave them in good faith to my brother. I don't know what he has done with them. I wrote you another, by the vessel that was lost last year. I sent two canoes, by two different routes; but the wind and the rain were so furious that they wintered on the way, and I found my letters at the fort on my return. I now send you one of them, which I wrote last year to M. Thouret, in which you will find a full account of what passed, from the time when we left the outlet40 of Lake Erie down to the sixteenth of August, 1680. What preceded was told at full length in the letters my brother has seen fit to intercept39."
This brother was the Sulpitian priest, Jean Cavelier, who had been persuaded that La Salle's enterprise would be ruinous, and therefore set himself sometimes to stop it altogether, and sometimes to manage it in his own way. "His conduct towards me," says La Salle, "has always been so strange, through the small love he bears me, that it was clear gain for me when he went away; since while he stayed he did nothing but cross all my plans, which I was forced to change every moment to suit his caprice."
There was one point on which the interference of his brother and of his correspondents was peculiarly annoying. They thought it for their interest that he [Pg 334] should remain a single man; whereas, it seems that his devotion to his purpose was not so engrossing41 as to exclude more tender subjects. He writes:—
"I am told that you have been uneasy about my pretended marriage. I had not thought about it at that time; and I shall not make any engagement of the sort till I have given you reason to be satisfied with me. It is a little extraordinary that I must render account of a matter which is free to all the world.
"In fine, Monsieur, it is only as an earnest of something more substantial that I write to you so much at length. I do not doubt that you will hereafter change the ideas about me which some persons wish to give you, and that you will be relieved of the anxiety which all that has happened reasonably causes you. I have written this letter at more than twenty different times; and I am more than a hundred and fifty leagues from where I began it. I have still two hundred more to get over, before reaching the Illinois. I am taking with me twenty-five men to the relief of the six or seven who remain with the Sieur de Tonty."
This was the journey which ended in that scene of horror at the ruined town of the Illinois.
CHARGED WITH OSTENTATION.
To the same correspondent, pressing him for dividends, he says: "You repeat continually that you will not be satisfied unless I make you large returns of profit. Though I have reason to thank you for what you have done for this enterprise, it seems to [Pg 335] me that I have done still more, since I have put everything at stake; and it would be hard to reproach me either with foolish outlays42 or with the ostentation which is falsely imputed43 to me. Let my accusers explain what they mean. Since I have been in this country, I have had neither servants nor clothes nor fare which did not savor44 more of meanness than of ostentation; and the moment I see that there is anything with which either you or the court find fault, I assure you that I will give it up,—for the life I am leading has no other attraction for me than that of honor; and the more danger and difficulty there is in undertakings45 of this sort, the more worthy46 of honor I think they are."
His career attests47 the sincerity48 of these words. They are a momentary49 betrayal of the deep enthusiasm of character which may be read in his life, but to which he rarely allowed the faintest expression.
"Above all," he continues, "if you want me to keep on, do not compel me to reply to all the questions and fancies of priests and Jesuits. They have more leisure than I; and I am not subtle enough to anticipate all their empty stories. I could easily give you the information you ask; but I have a right to expect that you will not believe all you hear, nor require me to prove to you that I am not a madman. That is the first point to which you should have attended, before having business with me; and in our long acquaintance, either you must have found me out, or else I must have had long intervals50 of sanity51."
[Pg 336]
To another correspondent he defends himself against the charge of harshness to his men: "The facility I am said to want is out of place with this sort of people, who are libertines52 for the most part; and to indulge them means to tolerate blasphemy53, drunkenness, lewdness54, and a license55 incompatible56 with any kind of order. It will not be found that I have in any case whatever treated any man harshly, except for blasphemies57 and other such crimes openly committed. These I cannot tolerate: first, because such compliance58 would give grounds for another accusation17, much more just; secondly59, because, if I allowed such disorders60 to become habitual61, it would be hard to keep the men in subordination and obedience62, as regards executing the work I am commissioned to do; thirdly, because the debaucheries, too common with this rabble63, are the source of endless delays and frequent thieving; and, finally, because I am a Christian64, and do not want to bear the burden of their crimes.
INTRIGUES AGAINST HIM.
"What is said about my servants has not even a show of truth; for I use no servants here, and all my men are on the same footing. I grant that as those who have lived with me are steadier and give me no reason to complain of their behavior, I treat them as gently as I should treat the others if they resembled them, and as those who were formerly65 my servants are the only ones I can trust, I speak more openly to them than to the rest, who are generally spies of my enemies. The twenty-two men who deserted66 and [Pg 337] robbed me are not to be believed on their word, deserters and thieves as they are. They are ready enough to find some pretext67 for their crime; and it needs as unjust a judge as the intendant to prompt such rascals to enter complaints against a person to whom he had given a warrant to arrest them. But, to show the falsity of these charges, Martin Chartier, who was one of those who excited the rest to do as they did, was never with me at all; and the rest had made their plot before seeing me." And he proceeds to relate, in great detail, a variety of circumstances to prove that his men had been instigated68 first to desert, and then to slander69 him; adding, "Those who remain with me are the first I had, and they have not left me for six years."
"I have a hundred other proofs of the bad counsel given to these deserters, and will produce them when wanted; but as they themselves are the only witnesses of the severity they complain of, while the witnesses of their crimes are unimpeachable70, why am I refused the justice I demand, and why is their secret escape connived71 at?
"I do not know what you mean by having popular manners. There is nothing special in my food, clothing, or lodging72, which are all the same for me as for my men. How can it be that I do not talk with them? I have no other company. M. de Tonty has often found fault with me because I stopped too often to talk with them. You do not know the men one must employ here, when you [Pg 338] exhort73 me to make merry with them. They are incapable74 of that; for they are never pleased, unless one gives free rein75 to their drunkenness and other vices76. If that is what you call having popular manners, neither honor nor inclination would let me stoop to gain their favor in a way so disreputable: and, besides, the consequences would be dangerous, and they would have the same contempt for me that they have for all who treat them in this fashion.
"You write me that even my friends say that I am not a man of popular manners. I do not know what friends they are. I know of none in this country. To all appearance they are enemies, more subtle and secret than the rest. I make no exceptions; for I know that those who seem to give me support do not do it out of love for me, but because they are in some sort bound in honor, and that in their hearts they think I have dealt ill with them. M. Plet will tell you what he has heard about it himself, and the reasons they have to give.[260] I have seen it for a long time; and these secret stabs they give me show it very plainly. After that, it is not surprising that I open my mind to nobody, and distrust everybody. I have reasons that I cannot write.
"For the rest, Monsieur, pray be well assured that the information you are so good as to give me is [Pg 339] received with a gratitude77 equal to the genuine friendship from which it proceeds; and, however unjust are the charges made against me, I should be much more unjust myself if I did not feel that I have as much reason to thank you for telling me of them as I have to complain of others for inventing them.
HIS MANNERS.
"As for what you say about my look and manner, I myself confess that you are not far from right. But naturam expellas; and if I am wanting in expansiveness and show of feeling towards those with whom I associate, it is only through a timidity which is natural to me, and which has made me leave various employments, where without it I could have succeeded. But as I judged myself ill-fitted for them on account of this defect, I have chosen a life more suited to my solitary78 disposition79; which, nevertheless, does not make me harsh to my people, though, joined to a life among savages80, it makes me, perhaps, less polished and complaisant81 than the atmosphere of Paris requires. I well believe that there is self-love in this; and that, knowing how little I am accustomed to a more polite life, the fear of making mistakes makes me more reserved than I like to be. So I rarely expose myself to conversation with those in whose company I am afraid of making blunders, and can hardly help making them. Abbé Renaudot knows with what repugnance82 I had the honor to appear before Monseigneur de Conti; and sometimes it took me a week to make up my mind to go to the audience,—that is, when I had time to think about [Pg 340] myself, and was not driven by pressing business. It is much the same with letters, which I never write except when pushed to it, and for the same reason. It is a defect of which I shall never rid myself as long as I live, often as it spites me against myself, and often as I quarrel with myself about it."
HIS STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS.
Here is a strange confession for a man like La Salle. Without doubt, the timidity of which he accuses himself had some of its roots in pride; but not the less was his pride vexed83 and humbled84 by it. It is surprising that, being what he was, he could have brought himself to such an avowal85 under any circumstances or any pressure of distress86. Shyness; a morbid87 fear of committing himself; and incapacity to express, and much more to simulate, feeling,—a trait sometimes seen in those with whom feeling is most deep,—are strange ingredients in the character of a man who had grappled so dauntlessly with life on its harshest and rudest side. They were deplorable defects for one in his position. He lacked that sympathetic power, the inestimable gift of the true leader of men, in which lies the difference between a willing and a constrained88 obedience. This solitary being, hiding his shyness under a cold reserve, could rouse no enthusiasm in his followers89. He lived in the purpose which he had made a part of himself, nursed his plans in secret, and seldom asked or accepted advice. He trusted himself, and learned more and more to trust no others. One may fairly infer that distrust was natural to him; but the [Pg 341] inference may possibly be wrong. Bitter experience had schooled him to it; for he lived among snares90, pitfalls91, and intriguing92 enemies. He began to doubt even the associates who, under representations he had made them in perfect good faith, had staked their money on his enterprise, and lost it, or were likely to lose it. They pursued him with advice and complaint, and half believed that he was what his maligners called him,—a visionary or a madman. It galled93 him that they had suffered for their trust in him, and that they had repented94 their trust. His lonely and shadowed nature needed the mellowing95 sunshine of success, and his whole life was a fight with adversity.
All that appears to the eye is his intrepid96 conflict with obstacles without; but this, perhaps, was no more arduous97 than the invisible and silent strife98 of a nature at war with itself,—the pride, aspiration99, and bold energy that lay at the base of his character battling against the superficial weakness that mortified100 and angered him. In such a man, the effect of such an infirmity is to concentrate and intensify101 the force within. In one form or another, discordant102 natures are common enough; but very rarely is the antagonism103 so irreconcilable104 as it was in him. And the greater the antagonism, the greater the pain. There are those in whom the sort of timidity from which he suffered is matched with no quality that strongly revolts against it. These gentle natures may at least have peace, but for him there was no peace.
[Pg 342]
Cavelier de La Salle stands in history like a statue cast in iron; but his own unwilling105 pen betrays the man, and reveals in the stern, sad figure an object of human interest and pity.[261]
FOOTNOTES:
[260] His cousin, Fran?ois Plet, was in Canada in 1680, where, with La Salle's approval, he carried on the trade of Fort Frontenac, in order to indemnify himself for money advanced. La Salle always speaks of him with esteem106 and gratitude.
[261] The following is the character of La Salle, as drawn by his friend, Abbé Bernou, in a memorial to the minister Seignelay: "Il est irréprochable dans ses m?urs, réglé dans sa conduite, et qui veut de l'ordre parmy ses gens. Il est savant, judicieux, politique, vigilant107, infatigable, sobre, et intrépide. Il entend suffisament l'architecture civile, militaire, et navale ainsy que l'agriculture; il parle ou entend quatre ou cinq langues des Sauvages, et a beaucoup de facilité pour apprendre les autres. Il s?ait toutes leurs manières et obtient d'eux tout108 ce qu'il veut par13 son adresse, par son éloquence, et parce qu'il est beaucoup estimé d'eux. Dans ses voyages il ne fait pas meilleure chère que le moindre de ses gens et se donne plus de peine que pas un pour les encourager, et il y a lieu de croire qu'avec la protection de Monseigneur il fondera des colonies plus considérables que toutes celles que les Fran?ois ont établies jusqu'à présent."—Mémoire pour Monseigneur le Marquis de Seignelay, 1682 (Margry, ii. 277).
The extracts given in the foregoing chapter are from La Salle's long letters of 29 Sept., 1680, and 22 Aug., 1682 (1681?). Both are printed in the second volume of the Margry collection, and the originals of both are in the Bibliothèque Nationale. The latter seems to have been written to La Salle's friend, Abbé Bernou; and the former, to a certain M. Thouret.
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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motives
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motive
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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confession
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vivacity
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wrought
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interpretations
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incessantly
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proceedings
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alienate
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pestered
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kin
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pretence
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accusation
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accusations
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remittance
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dividends
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rascals
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labor
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gambling
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utterly
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peril
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detraction
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undertaking
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anticipations
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rambling
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intercepted
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intercept
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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engrossing
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outlays
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43
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savor
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| vt.品尝，欣赏；n.味道，风味；情趣，趣味 | |
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undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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attests
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| v.证明( attest的第三人称单数 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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sanity
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| n.心智健全，神智正常，判断正确 | |
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52
libertines
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| n.放荡不羁的人，淫荡的人( libertine的名词复数 ) | |
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53
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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54
lewdness
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| n. 淫荡, 邪恶 | |
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55
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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blasphemies
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| n.对上帝的亵渎，亵渎的言词[行为]( blasphemy的名词复数 )；侮慢的言词（或行为） | |
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58
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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59
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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60
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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72
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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rein
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| n.疆绳，统治，支配；vt.以僵绳控制，统治 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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complaisant
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| adj.顺从的，讨好的 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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84
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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snares
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| n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 )；圈套；诱人遭受失败（丢脸、损失等）的东西；诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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pitfalls
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| （捕猎野兽用的）陷阱( pitfall的名词复数 )； 意想不到的困难，易犯的错误 | |
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intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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repented
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mellowing
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| 软化，醇化 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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97
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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98
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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99
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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101
intensify
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| vt.加强；变强；加剧 | |
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102
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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103
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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104
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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105
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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106
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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107
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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108
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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