Domestic Strife2.—Jesuit and Sulpitian.—Abbé Queylus.—Francois de Laval.—The Zealots of Caen.—Gallican and Ultramontane.—The Rival Claimants.—Storm at Quebec—Laval Triumphant4.
Canada, gasping5 under the Iroquois tomahawk, might, one would suppose, have thought her cup of tribulation6 full, and, sated with inevitable7 woe8, have sought consolation9 from the wrath10 without in a holy calm within. Not so, however; for while the heathen raged at the door, discord11 rioted at the hearthstone. Her domestic quarrels were wonderful in number, diversity, and bitterness. There was the standing12 quarrel of Montreal and Quebec, the quarrels of priests with each other, of priests with the governor, and of the governor with the intendant, besides ceaseless wranglings of rival traders and rival peculators.
Some of these disputes were local and of no special significance; while others are very interesting, because, on a remote and obscure theatre, they represent, sometimes in striking forms, the contending passions and principles of a most important epoch13 of history. To begin with one which even to this day has left a root of bitterness behind it.
The association of pious14 enthusiasts15 who had founded Montreal * was reduced in 1657 to a remnant of five or six persons, whose ebbing16 zeal3 and overtaxed purses were no longer equal to the devout17 but arduous18 enterprise. They begged the priests of the Seminary of St. Sulpice to take it off their hands. The priests consented; and, though the conveyance19 of the island of Montreal to these its new proprietors20 did not take effect till some years later, four of the Sulpitian fathers, Queylus, Souart, Galinée, and Allet, came out to the colony and took it in charge. Thus far Canada had had no bishop1, and the Sulpitians now aspired21 to give it one from their own brotherhood22. Many years before, when the Recollets had a foothold in the colony, they too, or at least some of them, had cherished the hope of giving Canada a bishop of their own. ** As for the Jesuits, who for nearly thirty years had of themselves constituted the Canadian church, they had been content thus far to dispense23 with a bishop; for, having no rivals in the field, they had felt no need of episcopal support.
The Sulpitians put forward Queylus as their candidate for the new bishopric. The assembly of French clergy24 approved, and Cardinal25 Mazarin
* See Jesuits in North America, chap. xv.
** Mémoire qui faiet pour l’affaire des P.P. Recollects26 de
la province de St Denys ditte de Paris touchant le droigt
qu’ils ont depuis l’an 1615, d’aller en Quanada soubs
l’authorité de Sa Maiesté, etc. 1637.
himself seemed to sanction, the nomination28. The Jesuits saw that their time of action was come. It was they who had borne the heat and burden of the day, the toils29, privations, and martyrdoms, while as yet the Sulpitians had done nothing and endured nothing. If any body of ecclesiastics30 was to have the nomination of a bishop, it clearly belonged to them, the Jesuits. Their might, too, matched their right. They were strong at court; Mazarin withdrew his assent31, and the Jesuits were invited to name a bishop to their liking32.
Meanwhile the Sulpitians, despairing of the bishopric, had sought their solace33 elsewhere. Ships bound for Canada had usually sailed from ports within the jurisdiction34 of the Archbishop of Rouen, and the departing missionaries35 had received their ecclesiastical powers from him, till he had learned to regard Canada as an outlying section of his diocese. Not unwilling36 to assert his claims, he now made Queylus his vicar-general for all Canada, thus clothing him with episcopal powers, and placing him over the heads of the Jesuits. Queylus, in effect, though not in name, a bishop, left his companion Souart in the spiritual charge of Montreal, came down to Quebec, announced his new dignity, and assumed the curacy of the parish. The Jesuits received him at first with their usual urbanity, an exercise of self-control rendered more easy by their knowledge that one more potent37 than Queylus would soon arrive to supplant38 him. *
Quebec, immediately after his arrival, as related by
chapter ten of the same volume the writer says that he
visited Queylus at Mont St. Valérien, after his return from
Canada. “II me prit à part; nous nous promenames assez
longtemps dans le jardin et il m’ouvrit son c?ur sur la
conduite des Je'suites dans le Canada et partout ailleurs
Messieurs de St. Sulpice savent bien ce qu’il m’en a pu
dire, et je suis assuré qu’ils ne diront pas que je l’ai du
prendre pour des mensonges."
The vicar of the Archbishop of Rouen was a man of many virtues42, devoted43 to good works, as he understood them; rich, for the Sulpitians were under no vow44 of poverty; generous in almsgiving, busy, indefatigable45, overflowing46 with zeal, vivacious47 in temperament48 and excitable in temper, impatient of opposition49, and, as it seems, incapable50, like his destined51 rival, of seeing any way of doing good but his own. Though the Jesuits were outwardly courteous52, their partisans53 would not listen to the new curé’s sermons, or listened only to find fault, and germs of discord grew vigorously in the parish of Quebec. Prudence54 was not among the virtues of Queylus. He launched two sermons against the Jesuits, in which he likened himself to Christ and them to the Pharisees. “Who,” he supposed them to say, “is this Jesus, so beloved of the people, who comes to cast discredit55 on us, who for thirty or forty years have governed church and state here, with none to dispute us?” * He denounced such of his hearers as came to pick flaws in his discourse56, and told them it would be better for their souls if they lay in bed at home, sick of a “good quartan fever.” His ire was greatly kindled57 by a letter of the Jesuit Pijart, which fell into his hands through a female adherent58, the pious
* Journal des Jésuites, Oct., 1657.
Madame d’Aillebout, and in which that father declared that he, Queylus, was waging war on him and his brethren more savagely59 than the Iroquois. * “He was as crazy at sight of a Jesuit,” writes an adverse60 biographer, “as a mad dog at sight of water.” ** He cooled, however, on being shown certain papers which proved that his position was neither so strong nor so secure as he had supposed; and the governor, Argenson, at length persuaded him to retire to Montreal. ***
The queen mother, Anne of Austria, always inclined to the Jesuits, had invited Father Le Jeune, who was then in France, to make choice of a bishop for Canada. It was not an easy task. No Jesuit was eligible61, for the sage62 policy of Loyola had excluded members of the order from the bishopric. The signs of the times portended63 trouble for the Canadian church, and there was need of a bishop who would assert her claims and fight her battles. Such a man could not be made an instrument of the Jesuits; therefore there was double need that he should be one with them in sympathy and purpose. They made a sagacious choice. Le Jeune presented to the queen mother the name of Fran?ois Xavier de Laval-Montmorency, Abbé de Montigny.
2165
Fran?ois Xavier de Laval-Montmorency, Abbé de Montigny.
Laval, for by this name he was thenceforth known, belonged to one of the proudest families of Europe, and, churchman as he was, there is
* Journal des Jésuites, Oct., 1657.
** Viger, Notice Historique sur l’Abbé de Queylus.
*** Papiers d’Argenson.
much in his career to remind us that in his veins64 ran the blood of the stern Constable65 of France, Anne de Montmorency. Nevertheless, his thoughts from childhood had turned towards the church, or, as his biographers will have it, all his aspirations66 were heavenward. He received the tonsure67 at the age of nine. The Jesuit Bagot confirmed and moulded his youthful predilections68; and, at a later period, he was one of a band of young zealots, formed under the auspices69 of Bernières de Louvigni, royal treasurer70 at Caen, who, though a layman71, was reputed almost a saint. It was Bernières who had borne the chief part in the pious fraud of the pretended marriage through which Madame de la Peltrie escaped from her father’s roof to become foundress of the Ursulines of Quebec. * He had since renounced72 the world, and dwelt at Caen, in a house attached to an Ursuline convent, and known as the Hermitage. Here he lived like a monk73, in the midst of a community of young priests and devotees, who looked to him as their spiritual director, and whom he trained in the maxims75 and practices of the most extravagant76, or, as his admirers say, the most sublime77 ultramontane piety78. **
The conflict between the Jesuits and the Jansenists was then at its height. The Jansenist doctrines80 of election and salvation81 by grace, which sapped the power of the priesthood and impugned82 the authority of the Pope himself in his capacity of holder83 of the keys of heaven, were to the Jesuits
* See Jesuits in North America, chap. xiv.
** La Tour, Vie de Laval, gives his maxims at length.
an abomination; while the rigid84 morals of the Jansenists stood in stern contrast to the pliancy85 of Jesuit casuistry. Bernières and his disciples86 were zealous87, not to say fanatical, partisans of the Jesuits. There is a long account of the “Hermitage" and its inmates88 from the pen of the famous Jansenist, Nicole; an opponent, it is true, but one whose qualities of mind and character give weight to his testimony90. *
“In this famous Hermitage,” says Nicole, “the late Sieur de Bernières brought up a number of young men, to whom he taught a sort of sublime and transcendental devotion called passive prayer, because in it the mind does not act at all, but merely receives the divine operation; and this devotion is the source of all those visions and revelations in which the Hermitage is so prolific92.” In short, he and his disciples were mystics of the most exalted93 type. Nicole pursues: “After having thus subtilized their minds, and almost sublimed94 them into vapor95, he rendered them capable of detecting Jansenists under any disguise, insomuch that some of his followers96 said that they knew them by the scent97, as dogs know their game; but the aforesaid Sieur de Bernières denied that they had so subtile a sense of smell, and said that the mark by which he detected Jansenists was their disapproval98 of his teachings or their opposition to the Jesuits.”
The zealous band at the Hermitage was aided in
* Mémoire pour faire connoistre l'esprit et la conduite de
la Compagnie établie en la ville de Caen, appéllée
l'Hermitage (Bibliothèque Nationnale Imprimés Partie
Réservée). Written in 1660.
its efforts to extirpate99 error by a sort of external association in the city of Caen, consisting of merchants, priests, officers, petty nobles, and others, all inspired and guided by Bernières. They met every week at the Hermitage, or at the houses of each other. Similar associations existed in other cities of France, besides a fraternity in the Rue89 St. Dominique at Paris, which was formed by the Jesuit Bagot, and seems to have been the parent, in a certain sense, of the others. They all acted together when any important object was in view.
Bernières and his disciples felt that God had chosen them not only to watch over doctrine79 and discipline in convents and in families, but also to supply the prevalent deficiency of zeal in bishops100 and other dignitaries of the church. They kept, too, a constant eye on the humbler clergy, and whenever a new preacher appeared in Caen, two of their number were deputed to hear his sermon and report upon it. If he chanced to let fall a word concerning the grace of God, they denounced him for Jansenistic heresy102. Such commotion103 was once raised in Caen by charges of sedition104 and Jansenism, brought by the Hermitage against priests and laymen105 hitherto without attaint, that the Bishop of Bayeux thought it necessary to interpose; but even he was forced to pause, daunted106 by the insinuations of Bernières that he was in secret sympathy with the obnoxious107 doctrines.
Thus the Hermitage and its affiliated108 societies constituted themselves a sort of inquisition in the interest of the Jesuits; “for what,” asks Nicole “might not be expected from persons of weak minds and atrabilious dispositions109, dried up by constant fasts, vigils, and other austerities, besides meditations111 of three or four hours a day, and told continually that the church is in imminent112 danger of ruin through the machinations of the Jansenists, who are represented to them as persons who wish to break up the foundations of the Christian113 faith and subvert114 the mystery of the Incarnation; who believe neither in transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, nor indulgences; who wish to abolish the sacrifice of the Mass and the sacrament of Penitence115, oppose the worship of the Holy Virgin116, deny freewill and substitute predestination in its place, and, in fine, conspire117 to overthrow118 the authority of the Supreme119 Pontiff.”
Among other anecdotes120, Nicole tells the following: One of the young zealots of the Hermitage took it into his head that all Caen was full of Jansenists, and that the curés of the place were in league with them. He inoculated121 four others with this notion, and they resolved to warn the people of their danger. They accordingly made the tour of the streets, without hats or collars, and with coats unbuttoned, though it was a cold winter day, stopping every moment to proclaim in a loud voice that all the curés, excepting two, whom they named, were abettors of the Jansenists. A mob was soon following at their heels, and there was great excitement. The magistrates122 chanced to be in session, and, hearing of the disturbance123, they sent constables124 to arrest the authors of it. Being brought to the bar of justice and questioned by the judge, they answered that they were doing the work of God, and were ready to die in the cause; that Caen was full of Jansenists, and that the curés had declared in their favor, inasmuch as they denied any knowledge of their existence. Four of the five were locked up for a few days, tried, and sentenced to a fine of a hundred livres, with a promise of further punishment should they again disturb the peace. *
The fifth, being pronounced out of his wits by the physicians, was sent home to his mother, at a village near Argentan, where two or three of his fellow zealots presently joined him. Among them, they persuaded his mother, who had hitherto been, devoted to household cares, to exchange them for a life of mystical devotion. “These three or four persons,” says Nicole, “attracted others as imbecile as themselves.” Among these recruits were a number of women, and several priests. After various acts of fanaticism125, “two or three days before last Pentecost,” proceeds the narrator, “they all set out, men and women, for Argentan. The priests had drawn126 the skirts of their cassocks over their heads, and tied them about their necks with twisted straw. Some of the women had their heads bare, and their hair streaming loose over their shoulders. They picked up filth127 on the road, and rubbed their faces with it, and the most zealous ate it, saying that it was necessary to mortify128 the taste. Some
* Nicole is not the only authority for this story. It is
also told by a very different writer. See Notice Historique
de l'Abbaye de Ste. Claire d’Arqentan, 124,
held stones in their hands, which they knocked together to draw the attention of the passers-by. They had a leader, whom they were bound to obey; and when this leader saw any mud-hole particularly deep and dirty, he commanded some of the party to roll themselves in it, which they did forthwith. *
“After this fashion, they entered the town of Argentan, and marched, two by two, through all the streets, crying with a loud voice that the Faith was perishing, and that whoever wished to save it must quit the country and go with them to Canada, whither they were soon to repair. It is said that they still hold this purpose, and that their leaders declare it revealed to them that they will find a vessel129 ready at the first port to which Providence130 directs them. The reason why they choose Canada for an asylum131 is, that Monsieur de Montigny (Laval), Bishop of Petr?a, who lived at the Hermitage a long time, where he was instructed in mystical theology by Monsieur de Bernières, exercises episcopal functions there; and that the Jesuits, who are their oracles132, reign133 in that country.”
This adventure, like the other, ended in a collision with the police. “The priests,” adds Nicole, “were arrested, and are now waiting trial, and the rest were treated as mad, and sent back with shame and confusion to the places whence they had come.”
* These proceedings134 were probably intended to produce the
result which was the constant object of the mystics of the
Hermitage; namely, the “annihilation of self,” with a view
to a perfect union with God. To become despised of men was
an important, if not an essential, step in this mystical
suicide.
Though these pranks135 took place after Laval had left the Hermitage, they serve to characterize the school in which he was formed; or, more justly speaking, to show its most extravagant side. That others did not share the views of the celebrated137 Jansenist, may be gathered from the following passage of the funeral oration138 pronounced over the body of Laval half a century later:—
“The humble101 abbé was next transported into the terrestrial paradise of Monsieur de Bernières. It is thus that I call, as it is fitting to call it, that famous Hermitage of Caen, where the seraphic author of the ‘Christian Interior’ (Bernières) transformed into angels all those who had the happiness to be the companions of his solitude139 and of his spiritual exercises. It was there that, during four years, the fervent140 abbé drank the living and abounding141 waters of grace which have since flowed so benignly142 over this land of Canada. In this celestial143 abode144 his ordinary occupations were prayer, mortification145, instruction of the poor, and spiritual readings or conferences; his recreations were to labor146 in the hospitals, wait upon the sick and poor, make their beds, dress their wounds, and aid them in their most repulsive147 needs.” *
In truth, Laval’s zeal was boundless148, and the exploits of self-humiliation recorded of him were unspeakably revolting. ** Bernières himself regarded
* Eloge funèbre de Messire Fran?ois Xavier de Laval-
** See La Tour, Vie de Laval, Liv. I. Some of them were
ate “immondices d’animaux” to mortify the taste.
him as a light by which to guide his own steps in ways of holiness. He made journeys on foot about the country, disguised, penniless, begging from door to door, and courting scorn and opprobrium150, “in order,” says his biographer, “that he might suffer for the love of God.” Yet, though living at this time in a state of habitual151 religious exaltation, he was by nature no mere91 dreamer; and in whatever heights his spirit might wander, his feet were always planted on the solid earth. His flaming zeal had for its servants a hard, practical nature, perfectly152 fitted for the battle of life, a narrow intellect, a stiff and persistent153 will, and, as his enemies thought, the love of domination native to his blood.
Two great parties divided the Catholics of France,—the Gallican or national party, and the ultramontane or papal party. The first, resting on the Scriptural injunction to give tribute to C?sar, held that to the king, the Lord’s anointed, belonged the temporal, and to the church the spiritual power. It held also that the laws and customs of the church of France could not be broken at the bidding of the Pope. * The ultramontane party, on the other hand, maintained that the Pope, Christ’s vicegerent on earth, was supreme over earthly rulers, and should of right hold jurisdiction over the clergy of all Christendom, with powers of appointment and removal. Hence they claimed for him the right of nominating bishops in
* See the famous Quatre Articles of 1682, in which the
liberties of the Gallican Church are asserted.
France. This had anciently been exercised by assemblies of the French clergy, but in the reign of Francis I. the king and the Pope had combined to wrest154 it from them by the Concordat155 of Bologna. Under this compact, which was still in force, the Pope appointed French bishops on the nomination of the king, a plan which displeased156 the Gallicans, and did not satisfy the ultramontanes.
The Jesuits, then as now, were the most forcible exponents157 of ultramontane principles. The church to rule the world; the Pope to rule the church; the Jesuits to rule the Pope: such was and is the simple programme of the Order of Jesus, and to it they have held fast, except on a few rare occasions of misunderstanding with the Vicegerent of Christ. * In the question of papal supremacy158, as in most things else, Laval was of one mind with them.
Those versed159 in such histories will not be surprised to learn that, when he received the royal nomination, humility160 would not permit him to accept it; nor that, being urged, he at length bowed in resignation, still protesting his unworthiness. Nevertheless, the royal nomination did not take effect. The ultramontanes outflanked both the king and the Gallicans, and by adroit161 strategy made the new prelate completely a creature of the papacy. Instead of appointing him Bishop of Quebec, in accordance with the royal initiative, the Pope made him his vicar apostolic for Canada,
* For example, not long after this time, the Jesuits,
having a dispute with Innocent XI., threw themselves into
the party of opposition.
thus evading162 the king’s nomination, and affirming that Canada, a country of infidel savages163, was excluded from the concordat, and under his (the Pope’s) jurisdiction pure and simple. The Gallicans were enraged164. The Archbishop of Rouen vainly opposed, and the parliaments of Rouen and of Paris vainly protested. The papal party prevailed. The king, or rather Mazarin, gave his consent, subject to certain conditions, the chief of which was an oath of allegiance; and Laval, grand vicar apostolic, decorated with the title of Bishop of Petr?a, sailed for his wilderness165 diocese in the spring of 1659. * He was but thirty-six years of age, but even when a boy he could scarcely have seemed young.
Queylus, for a time, seemed to accept the situation, and tacitly admit the claim of Laval as his ecclesiastical superior; but, stimulated166 by a letter from the Archbishop of Rouen, he soon threw himself into an attitude of opposition, ** in which the popularity which his generosity167 to the poor had won for him gave him an advantage very annoying to his adversary168. The quarrel, it will be seen, was three-sided,—Gallican against ultramontane, Sulpitian against Jesuit, Montreal against Quebec. To Montreal the recalcitrant169 abbé, after a brief visit to Quebec, had again retired170; but even here, girt with his Sulpitian brethren and compassed with
* Compare La Tour, Vie de Laval, with the long statement in
Faillon, Colonie Fran?aise, II. 315-335. Faillon gives
various documents in full, including the royal letter of
nomination and those in which the King gives a reluctant
consent to the appointment of the vicar apostolic.
** Journal des Jésuites, Sept., 1657.
partisans, the arm of the vicar apostolic was long enough to reach him.
By temperament and conviction Laval hated a divided authority, and the very shadow of a schism171 was an abomination in his sight. The young king, who, though abundantly jealous of his royal power, was forced to conciliate the papal party, had sent instructions to Argenson, the governor, to support Laval, and prevent divisions in the Canadian church. * These instructions served as the pretext172 of a procedure sufficiently173 summary. A squad174 of soldiers, commanded, it is said, by the governor himself, went up to Montreal, brought the indignant Queylus to Quebec, and shipped him thence for France. ** By these means, writes Father Lalemant, order reigned175 for a season in the church.
It was but for a season. Queylus was not a man to bide176 his defeat in tranquillity177, nor were his brother Sulpitians disposed to silent acquiescence178. Laval, on his part, was not a man of half measures. He had an agent in France, and partisans strong at court. Fearing, to borrow the words of a Catholic writer, that the return of Queylus to Canada would prove “injurious to the glory of God,” he bestirred himself to prevent it. The young king, then at Aix, on his famous journey to the frontiers of Spain to marry the Infanta, was induced to write to Queylus, ordering him to remain in France. *** Queylus, however, repaired to Rome; but even
* Lettre du Roi à d’Argenson, 14 Mai, 1659.
** Belmont, Histoire du Canada, a.d. 1659. Memoir by Abbé
d’Allet, in Morale Pratique des Jésuites, XXXIV. 725.
*** Lettre du Roi a Queylus, 27 Feb., 1660.
against this movement provision had been made: accusations179 of Jansenism had gone before him, and he met a cold welcome. Nevertheless, as he had powerful friends near the Pope, he succeeded in removing these adverse impressions, and even in obtaining certain bulls relating to the establishment, of the parish of Montreal, and favorable to the Sulpitians.
Provided with these, he set at nought180 the king’s letter, embarked181 under an assumed name, and sailed to Quebec, where he made his appearance on the 3d of August, 1661, * to the extreme wrath of Laval.
A ferment182 ensued. Laval’s partisans charged the Sulpitians with Jansenism and opposition to the will of the Pope. A preacher more zealous than the rest denounced them as priests of Antichrist; and as to the bulls in their favor, it was affirmed that Queylus had obtained them by fraud from the Holy Father. Laval at once issued a mandate183 forbidding him to proceed to Montreal till ships should arrive with instructions from the King. ** At the same time he demanded of the governor that he should interpose the civil power to prevent Queylus from leaving Quebec. *** As Argenson, who wished to act as peacemaker between the belligerent184 fathers, did not at once take the sharp measures required of him, Laval renewed his demand on the next day, calling on him, in the name of God and the king, to compel Queylus to yield the obedience185
* Journal des Jésuites, Ao?t, 1661.
** Lettre de Laval à Queylus, 4 Ao?t, 1661.
***Lettre de Laval a d’Argenson, Ibid.
due to him, the vicar apostolic. * At the same time he sent another to the offending abbé, threatening to suspend him from priestly functions if he persisted in his rebellion. **
The incorrigible186 Queylus, who seems to have lived for some months in a simmer of continual indignation, set at nought the vicar apostolic as he had set at nought the king, took a boat that very night, and set out for Montreal under cover of darkness. Great was the ire of Laval when he heard the news in the morning. He despatched a letter after him, declaring him suspended ipso facto, if he did not instantly return and make his submission187. *** This letter, like the rest, failed of the desired effect; but the governor, who had received a second mandate from the king to support Laval and prevent a schism, **** now reluctantly interposed the secular188 arm, and Queylus was again compelled to return to France. (v)
His expulsion was a Sulpitian defeat. Laval, always zealous for unity74 and centralization, had some time before taken steps to repress what he regarded as a tendency to independence at Montreal. In the preceding year he had written to the Pope: “There are some secular priests (Sulpitians) at Montreal, whom the Abbé de Queylus brought out with him in 1657, and I have named for the
* Lettre de Laval a d’Argenson, 5 Ao?t, 1661.
** Lettre de Laval a Queylus, Ibid.
**** Ibid, 6 Ao?t, 1661.
**** Lettre du Roi à d’Argenson, 13 Mai, 1660.
(v) For the governor’s attitude in this affair, consult the
Papiers d'Argentan, containing his despatches.
functions of curé the one among them whom I thought the least disobedient.” The bulls which Queylus had obtained from Rome related to this very curacy, and greatly disturbed the mind of the vicar apostolic. He accordingly wrote again to the Pope: “I pray your Holiness to let me know your will concerning the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Rouen. M. l’Abbé de Queylus, who has come out this year as vicar of this archbishop, has tried to deceive us by surreptitious letters, and has obeyed neither our prayers nor our repeated commands to desist. But he has received orders from the king to return immediately to France, to render an account of his disobedience, and he has been compelled by the governor to conform to the will of his Majesty189. What I now fear is that, on his return to France, by using every kind of means, employing new artifices190, and falsely representing our affairs, he may obtain from the court of Rome powers which may disturb the peace of our church; for the priests whom he brought with him from France, and who five at Montreal, are animated191 with the same spirit of disobedience and division; and I fear, with good reason, that all belonging to the seminary of St. Sulpice, who may come hereafter to join them, will be of the same disposition110. If what is said is true, that by means of fraudulent letters the right of patronage192 of the pretended parish of Montreal has been granted to the superior of this seminary, and the right of appointment to the Archbishop of Rouen, then is altar reared against altar in our church of Canada; for the clergy of Montreal will always stand in opposition to me, the vicar apostolic, and to my successors.” *
These dismal193 forebodings were never realized The Holy See annulled194 the obnoxious bulls; the Archbishop of Rouen renounced his claims, and Queylus found his position untenable. Seven years later, when Laval was on a visit to France, a reconciliation195 was brought about between them. The former vicar of the Archbishop of Rouen made his submission to the vicar of the Pope, and returned to Canada as a missionary196. Laval’s triumph was complete, to the joy of the Jesuits, silent, if not idle, spectators of the tedious and complex quarrel.
* Lettre de Laval au Pape, 22 Oct., 1661. Printed by
Faillon, from the original in the archives of the
Propaganda.
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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2
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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3
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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4
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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5
gasping
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| adj. 气喘的, 痉挛的 动词gasp的现在分词 | |
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tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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7
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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8
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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9
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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10
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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11
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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12
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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13
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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14
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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15
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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16
ebbing
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| （指潮水）退( ebb的现在分词 )； 落； 减少； 衰落 | |
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17
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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18
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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19
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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20
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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21
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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22
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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23
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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24
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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25
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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26
recollects
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| v.记起，想起( recollect的第三人称单数 ) | |
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27
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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28
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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29
toils
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| 网 | |
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30
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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31
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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32
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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33
solace
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|
| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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34
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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35
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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36
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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37
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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38
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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39
detailed
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|
| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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40
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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41
morale
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|
| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
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42
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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43
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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44
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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45
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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46
overflowing
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|
| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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47
vivacious
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| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
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48
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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49
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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50
incapable
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|
| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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51
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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52
courteous
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|
| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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53
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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54
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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55
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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56
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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57
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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58
adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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59
savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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60
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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61
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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62
sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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63
portended
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| v.预示( portend的过去式和过去分词 )；预兆；给…以警告；预告 | |
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64
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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65
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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66
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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67
tonsure
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| n.削发；v.剃 | |
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68
predilections
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| n.偏爱，偏好，嗜好( predilection的名词复数 ) | |
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69
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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70
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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71
layman
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| n.俗人，门外汉，凡人 | |
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72
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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73
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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74
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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75
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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76
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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77
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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78
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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79
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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80
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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81
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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82
impugned
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| v.非难，指谪( impugn的过去式和过去分词 )；对…有怀疑 | |
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83
holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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84
rigid
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|
| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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85
pliancy
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| n.柔软，柔顺 | |
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86
disciples
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|
| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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87
zealous
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|
| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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88
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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89
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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90
testimony
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|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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91
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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92
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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93
exalted
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|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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94
sublimed
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| 伟大的( sublime的过去式和过去分词 )； 令人赞叹的； 极端的； 不顾后果的 | |
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95
vapor
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| n.蒸汽，雾气 | |
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96
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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97
scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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98
disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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99
extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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100
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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101
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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102
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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103
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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104
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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105
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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106
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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108
affiliated
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| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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109
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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110
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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111
meditations
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| 默想( meditation的名词复数 )； 默念； 沉思； 冥想 | |
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112
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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113
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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114
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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115
penitence
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| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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116
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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117
conspire
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| v.密谋，（事件等）巧合，共同导致 | |
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118
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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119
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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120
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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121
inoculated
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| v.给…做预防注射( inoculate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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123
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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124
constables
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| n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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125
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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126
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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127
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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128
mortify
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| v.克制，禁欲，使受辱 | |
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129
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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130
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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131
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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132
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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133
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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134
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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135
pranks
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| n.玩笑，恶作剧( prank的名词复数 ) | |
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136
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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137
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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138
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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139
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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140
fervent
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|
| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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141
abounding
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| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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142
benignly
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| adv.仁慈地，亲切地 | |
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143
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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144
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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145
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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146
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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147
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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148
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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149
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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150
opprobrium
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| n.耻辱，责难 | |
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151
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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152
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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153
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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154
wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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155
concordat
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| n.协定；宗派间的协约 | |
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156
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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exponents
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| n.倡导者( exponent的名词复数 )；说明者；指数；能手 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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159
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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160
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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161
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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162
evading
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| 逃避( evade的现在分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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165
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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167
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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170
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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171
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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172
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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173
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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174
squad
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| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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175
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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176
bide
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| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
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177
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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178
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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179
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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180
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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181
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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182
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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183
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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184
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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185
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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186
incorrigible
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| adj.难以纠正的，屡教不改的 | |
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187
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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188
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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189
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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190
artifices
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| n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 )；诡计；巧妙办法；虚伪行为 | |
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191
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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192
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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193
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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194
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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195
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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196
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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