Leave Canada behind; cross the sea, and stand, on an evening in June, by the edge of the forest of Fontainebleau. Beyond the broad gardens, above the long ranges of moonlit trees, rise the walls and pinnacles4 of the vast chateau5; a shrine6 of history, the gorgeous monument of lines of vanished kings, haunted with memories of Capet, Valois, and Bourbon.
There was little thought of the past at Fontainebleau in June, 1661. The present was too dazzling and too intoxicating8; the future, too radiant with hope and promise. It was the morning of a new reign9; the sun of Louis XIV. was rising in splendor10, and the rank and beauty of France were gathered to pay it homage11. A youthful court, a youthful king; a pomp and magnificence such as Europe had never seen; a delirium12 of ambition, pleasure, and love,—wrought in many a young heart an enchantment13 destined14 to be cruelly broken. Even old courtiers felt the fascination15 of the scene, and tell us of the music at evening by the borders of the lake; of the gay groups that strolled under the shadowing trees, floated in gilded16 barges17 on the still water, or moved slowly in open carriages around its borders. Here was Anne of Austria, the king’s mother, and Marie Thérèse, his tender and jealous queen; his brother, the Duke of Orleans, with his bride of sixteen, Henriette of England; and his favorite, that vicious butterfly of the court, the Count de Guiche. Here, too, were the humbled18 chiefs of the civil war, Beaufort and Condé, obsequious19 before their triumphant20 master. Louis XIV., the centre of all eyes, in the flush of health and vigor21, and the pride of new-fledged royalty22, stood, as he still stands on the canvas of Philippe de Champagne23, attired24 in a splendor which would have been effeminate but for the stately port of the youth who wore it. *
Fortune had been strangely bountiful to him. The nations of Europe, exhausted25 by wars and dissensions, looked upon him with respect and fear. Among weak and weary neighbors, he alone was strong. The death of Mazarin had released him from tutelage; feudalism in the person of Condé
* On the visit of the court at Fontainebleau in the summer
of 1661, see Mémoires de Madame de Motteville, Mémoires de
Madame de La Fayette, Mémoires de l’Abbé de Choisy, and
Walckenaer, Mémoires sur Madame de Sevigné.
was abject27 before him; he had reduced his parliaments to submission28; and, in the arrest of the ambitious prodigal29 Fouquet, he was preparing a crashing blow to the financial corruption30 which had devoured31 France.
Nature had formed him to act the part of king. Even his critics and enemies praise the grace and majesty32 of his presence, and he impressed his courtiers with an admiration33 which seems to have been to an astonishing degree genuine. He carried airs of royalty even into his pleasures; and, while his example corrupted34 all France, he proceeded to the apartments of Montespan or Fontanges with the majestic35 gravity of Olympian Jove. He was a devout36 observer of the forms of religion; and, as the buoyancy of youth passed away, his zeal37 was stimulated38 by a profound fear of the devil. Mazarin had reared him in ignorance; but his faculties39 were excellent in their way, and, in a private station, would have made him an efficient man of business. The vivacity40 of his passions, and his inordinate41 love of pleasure, were joined to a persistent42 will and a rare power of labor43. The vigorous mediocrity of his understanding delighted in grappling with details. His astonished courtiers saw him take on himself the burden of administration, and work at it without relenting for more than half a century. Great as was his energy, his pride was far greater. As king by divine right, he felt himself raised immeasurably above the highest of his subjects; but, while vindicating44 with unparalleled haughtiness45 his claims to supreme46 authority, he was, at the outset, filled with a sense of the duties of his high place, and fired by an ambition to make his reign beneficent to France as well as glorious to himself.
Above all rulers of modern times, he was the embodiment of the monarchical47 idea. The famous words ascribed to him, “I am the state,” were probably never uttered; but they perfectly48 express his spirit. “It is God’s will,” he wrote in 1666, “that whoever is born a subject should not reason, but obey;” * and those around him were of his mind. “The state is in the king,” said Bossuet, the great mouthpiece of monarchy49; “the will of the people is merged50 in his will. Oh kings, put forth51 your power boldly, for it is divine and salutary to human kind.” **
For a few brief years, his reign was indeed salutary to France. His judgment52 of men, when not obscured by his pride and his passion for flattery, was good; and he had at his service the generals and statesmen formed in the freer and bolder epoch53 that had ended with his accession. Among them was Jean Baptiste Colbert, formerly54 the intendant of Mazarin’s household, a man whose energies matched his talents, and who had preserved his rectitude in the midst of corruption. It was a hard task that Colbert imposed on his proud and violent nature to serve the imperious king, morbidly55 jealous of his authority, and resolved to
* ?uvres de Louis XIV., II. 283.
** Bossuet, Politique tirée de l’Ecriture sainte, 70.
(1843).
accept no initiative but his own. He must counsel while seeming to receive counsel, and lead while seeming to follow. The new minister bent56 himself to the task, and the nation reaped the profit. A vast system of reform was set in action amid the outcries of nobles, financiers, churchmen, and all who profited by abuses. The methods of this reform were trenchant57 and sometimes violent, and its principles were not always in accord with those of modern economic science; but the good that resulted was incalculable. The burdens of the laboring58 classes were lightened, the public revenues increased, and the wholesale59 plunder60 of the public money arrested with a strong hand. Laws were reformed and codified61; feudal26 tyranny, which still subsisted62 in many quarters, was repressed; agriculture and productive industry of all kinds were encouraged, roads and canals opened; trade stimulated, a commercial marine63 created, and a powerful navy formed as if by magic. *
It is in his commercial, industrial, and colonial policy that the profound defects of the great minister’s system are most apparent. It was a system of authority, monopoly, and exclusion64, in which the government, and not the individual, acted always the foremost part. Upright, incorruptible, ardent65 for the public good, inflexible66, arrogant67, and domineering, he sought to drive France into paths of prosperity, and create colonies by the
Lettres et Mémoires de Colbert; Chéruel, Administration
monarchique en France, II chap, vi Henri Martin, Histoire de
France, XIII., etc.
energy of an imperial will. He feared, and with reason, that the want of enterprise and capital among the merchants would prevent the broad and immediate69 results at which he aimed; and, to secure these results, he established a series of great trading corporations, in which the principles of privilege and exclusion were pushed to their utmost limits. Prominent among them was the Company of the West. The king signed the edict creating it on the 24th of May, 1664. Any person in the kingdom or out of it might become a partner by subscribing70, within a certain time, not less than three thousand francs. France was a mere71 patch on the map, compared to the vast domains72 of the new association. Western Africa from Cape7 Verd to the Cape of Good Hope, South America between the Amazon and the Orinoco, Cayenne, the Antilles, and all New France, from Hudson’s Bay to Virginia and Florida were bestowed74 on it for ever, to be held of the Crown on the simple condition of faith and homage. As, according to the edict, the glory of God was the chief object in view, the company was required to supply its possessions with a sufficient number of priests, and diligently75 to exclude all teachers of false doctrine76. It was empowered to build forts and war-ships, cast cannon77, wage war, make peace, establish courts, appoint judges, and otherwise to act as sovereign within its own domains. A monopoly of trade was granted it for forty years. * Sugar from the Antilles, and furs from Canada, were the chief source of expected profit; and Africa was to supply the slaves to raise the sugar. Scarcely was the grand machine set in motion, when its directors betrayed a narrowness and blindness of policy which boded78 the enterprise no good. Canada was a chief sufferer. Once more, bound hand and foot, she was handed over to a selfish league of merchants; monopoly in trade, monopoly in religion, monopoly in government. Nobody but the company had a right to bring her the necessaries of life; and nobody but the company had a right to exercise the traffic which alone could give her the means of paying for these necessaries. Moreover, the supplies which it brought were insufficient79, and the prices which it demanded were exorbitant80. It was throttling81 its wretched victim. The Canadian merchants remonstrated82. ** It was clear that, if the colony was to live, the system must be changed; and a change was accordingly ordered. The company gave up its monopoly of the fur trade, but reserved the right to levy83 a duty of one-fourth of the beaver-skins, and one-tenth of the moose-skins: and it also reserved the entire trade of Tadoussac; that is to say, the trade of all the tribes between the lower St. Lawrence and Hudson’s Bay. It retained besides the exclusive right of transporting furs in its own ships, thus controlling the commerce of Canada, and discouraging, or rather extinguishing, the enterprise of Canadian merchants. On its part, it was required to pay governors, judges, and all the colonial officials out of the duties which it levied84. ****
Yet the king had the prosperity of Canada at heart; and he proceeded to show his interest in her after a manner hardly consistent with his late action in handing her over to a mercenary guardian85. In fact, he acted as if she had still remained under his paternal86 care. He had just conferred the right of naming a governor and intendant upon the new company; but he now assumed it himself, the company, with a just sense of its own unfitness, readily consenting to this suspension of one of its most important privileges. Daniel de Rémy, Sieur de Courcelle, was appointed governor, and Jean Baptiste Talon intendant. (v) The nature of this duplicate government will appear hereafter. But, before appointing rulers for Canada, the king had appointed a representative of the Crown for all his American domains. The Maréchal d’Estrades had for some time held the title of viceroy for America; and, as he could not fulfil the duties of that office, being at the time ambassador in Holland, the Marquis de Tracy was sent in his place, with the title of lieutenant87-general.——
* Arrêt du Conseil du Roy qui accorde a la Compagnie le
quart des castors, le dixième des orignaux et la traite de
Tadoussac: Instruction a Monseigneur de Tracy et a Messieurs
le Gouverneur et L'Intendant.
trading companies. Within ten years it lost 3,523,000
control. Recherches sur les Finances, cited by Clement,
Histoire de Colbert.
** Commission de Lieutenant Général en Canada, etc., pour
M. de Courcelle, 23 Mais, 1665; Commission d’intendant de la
Justice, Police, et Finances en Canada, etc., pour M. Talon,
23 Mars, 1665.
*** Commission de Lieutenant Général de l’Amérique
Méridionale et Septentrionale pour M. Prou Conseil du Roy
qui accorde a la Compagnie le quart des castors, le dixième
des orignaux et la traite de Tadoussac: Instruction a
Monseigneur de Tracy et a Messieurs le Gouverneur et
L'Intendant.
This company prospered as little as the rest of Colbert’s
trading companies. Within ten years it lost 3,523,000
livres, besides blighting the colonies placed under its
control. Recherches sur les Finances, cited by Clement,
Histoire de Colbert.
**** Commission de Lieutenant Général en Canada, etc., pour
M. de Courcelle, 23 Mais, 1665; Commission d’intendant de la
Justice, Police, et Finances en Canada, etc., pour M. Talon,
23 Mars, 1665.
(v) Commission de Lieutenant Général de l’Amérique
Méridionale et Septentrionale pour M. Prouville de Tracy, 19
Nov., 1663.
Canada at this time was an object of very considerable attention at court, and especially in what was known as the parti dévot. The Relations of the Jesuits, appealing equally to the spirit of religion and the spirit of romantic adventure, had, for more than a quarter of a century, been the favorite reading of the devout, and the visit of Laval at court had greatly stimulated the interest they had kindled90. The letters of Argenson, and especially of Avaugour, had shown the vast political possibilities of the young colony, and opened a vista91 of future glories alike for church and for king.
So, when Tracy set sail he found no lack of followers92. A throng93 of young nobles embarked94 with him, eager to explore the marvels95 and mysteries of the western world. The king gave him two hundred soldiers of the regiment of Carignan-Salières, and promised that a thousand more should follow. After spending more than a year in the West Indies, where, as Mother Mary of the Incarnation expresses it, “he performed marvels and reduced everybody to obedience,” he at length sailed up the St. Lawrence, and, on the thirtieth of June, 1665, anchored in the basin of Quebec. The broad, white standard, blazoned96 with the arms of France, proclaimed the representative of royalty; and Point Levi and Cape Diamond and the distant Cape Tourmente roared back the sound of the saluting97 cannon. All Quebec was on the ramparts or at the landing-place, and all eyes were strained at the two vessels98 as they slowly emptied their crowded decks into the boats alongside. The boats at length drew near, and the lieutenant-general and his suite99 landed on the quay100 with a pomp such as Quebec had never seen before.
Tracy was a veteran of sixty-two, portly and tall, “one of the largest men I ever saw,” writes Mother Mary; but he was sallow with disease, for fever had seized him, and it had fared ill with him on the long voyage. The Chevalier de Chaumont walked at his side, and young nobles surrounded him, gorgeous in lace and ribbons and majestic in leonine wigs101. Twenty-four guards in the king’s livery led the way, followed by four pages and six valets; * and thus, while the Frenchmen shouted and the Indians stared, the august procession threaded the streets of the Lower Town, and climbed the steep pathway that scaled the cliffs above. Breathing hard, they reached the top, passed on the left the dilapidated walls of the fort and the shed of mingled102 wood and masonry103 which then bore the name of the Castle of St. Louis; passed on the right the old house of Couillard and the site of Laval’s new seminary, and soon reached the square betwixt the Jesuit college and the cathedral. The bells were ringing in a phrensy of welcome. Laval in pontificals, surrounded by priests and Jesuits, stood waiting to receive the deputy of the king; and, as he greeted Tracy and offered him the holy water, he looked with anxious curiosity to see what manner of man he was. The signs were auspicious104. The deportment of the lieutenant-general
* Juchereau says that this was his constant attendance when
he went abroad.
left nothing to desire. A prie-dieu had been placed for him. He declined it. They offered him a cushion, but he would not have it; and, fevered as he was, he knelt on the bare pavement with a devotion that edified105 every beholder106. Te Deum was sung, and a day of rejoicing followed.
There was good cause. Canada, it was plain, was not to be wholly abandoned to a trading company. Louis XIV. was resolved that a new France should be added to the old. Soldiers, settlers, horses, sheep, cattle, young women for wives, were all sent out in abundance by his paternal benignity107. Before the season was over, about two thousand persons had landed at Quebec at the royal charge. “At length,” writes Mother Juchereau, “our joy was completed by the arrival of two vessels with Monsieur de Courcelle, our governor; Monsieur Talon, our intendant, and the last companies of the regiment of Carignan.” More state and splendor more young nobles, more guards and valets: for Courcelle, too, says the same chronicler, “had a superb train; and Monsieur Talon, who naturally loves glory, forgot nothing which could do honor to the king.” Thus a sunbeam from the court fell for a moment on the rock of Quebec. Yet all was not sunshine; for the voyage had been a tedious one, and disease had broken out in the ships. That which bore Talon had been a hundred and seventeen days at sea, * and others were hardly more fortunate. The hospital was crowded with the sick; so, too, were the church and the neighboring houses;
* Talon au ministre, 4 Oct., 1665.
and the nuns108 were so spent with their labors109 that seven of them were brought to the point of death. The priests were busied in converting the Huguenots, a number of whom were detected among the soldiers and emigrants110. One of them proved refractory111, declaring with oaths that he would never renounce112 his faith. Falling dangerously ill, he was carried to the hospital, where Mother Catherine de Saint-Augustin bethought her of a plan of conversion113. She ground to powder a small piece of a bone of Father Brebeuf, the Jesuit martyr114, and secretly mixed the sacred dust with the patient’s gruel115; whereupon, says Mother Juchereau, “this intractable man forthwith became gentle as an angel, begged to be instructed, embraced the faith, and abjured116 his errors publicly with an admirable fervor117.” *
Two or three years before, the church of Quebec had received as a gift from the Pope, the bodies or bones of two saints; Saint Flavian and Saint Félicité. They were enclosed in four large coffers or reliquaries, and a grand procession was now ordered in their honor. Tracy, Courcelle, Talon, and the agent of the company, bore the canopy118 of the Host. Then came the four coffers on four decorated litters, carried by the principal ecclesiastics119. Laval followed in pontificals. Forty-seven priests, and a long file of officers, nobles, soldiers, and inhabitants, followed the precious relics120 amid the sound of music and the roar of cannon. **
* Le Mercier tells the same story in the Relation of 1665.
** Compare Marie de l’Incarnation, Lettre, 16 Oct., 1660,
with La Tour Vie de Laval, chap. x.
“It is a ravishing thing,” says Mother Mary, “to see how marvellously exact is Monsieur de Tracy, at all these holy ceremonies, where he is always the first to come, for he would not lose a single moment of them. He has been seen in church for six hours together, without once going out.” But while the lieutenant-general thus edified the colony, he betrayed no lack of qualities equally needful in his position. In Canada, as in the West Indies, he showed both vigor and conduct. First of all, he had been ordered to subdue121 or destroy the Iroquois, and the regiment of Carignan-Salières was the weapon placed in his hands for this end, Four companies of this corps122 had arrived early in the season, four more came with Tracy, more yet with Salières, their colonel, and now the number was complete. As with slouched hat and plume123, bandoleer, and shouldered firelock, these bronzed veterans of the Turkish wars marched at the tap of drum through the narrow street, or mounted the rugged124 way that led up to the fort, the inhabitants gazed with a sense of profound relief. Tame Indians from the neighboring missions, wild Indians from the woods, stared in silent wonder at their new defenders125. Their numbers, their discipline, their uniform, and their martial126 bearing, filled the savage127 beholders with admiration.
Carignan-Salières was the first regiment of regular troops ever sent to America by the French government. It was raised in Savoy by the Prince of Carignan in 1644, but was soon employed in the service of France; where, in 1652, it took a conspicuous128 part, on the side of the king, in the battle with Condé and the Fronde at the Porte St. Antoine. After the peace of the Pyrenees, the Prince of Carignan, unable to support the regiment, gave it to the king, and it was, for the first time, incorporated into the French armies. In 1664, it distinguished129 itself, as part of the allied130 force of France, in the Austrian war against the Turks. In the next year it was ordered to America, along with the fragment of a regiment formed of Germans, the whole being placed under the command of Colonel de Salières. Hence its double name. *
Fifteen heretics were discovered in its ranks, and quickly converted. ** Then the new crusade was preached; the crusade against the Iroquois, enemies of God and tools of the devil. The soldiers and the people were filled with a zeal half warlike and half religious. “They are made to understand,” writes Mother Mary, “that this is a holy war, all for the glory of God and the salvation131 of souls. The fathers are doing wonders in inspiring them with true sentiments of piety132 and
* For a long notice of the regiment of Carignan-Salières
(Lorraine), see Susane, Ancienne Infanterie Fran?aise V 236.
The portion of it which returned to France from Canada
which, under the name of the regiment of Lorraine, did not
cease to exist as a separate organization till 1794. When it
came to Canada it consisted, says Susane, of about a
thousand men, besides about two hundred of the other
regiment incorporated with it. Compare Mémoire du Roy pour
servir d’instruction au Sieur Talon, which corresponds very
nearly with Susane’s statement.
** Besides these, there was Berthier, a captain, “Voilà”
writes Talon to the king, “le 16me converti; ainsi votre
Majesté moissonne déjà à pleines mains de la gloire pour
Dieu, et pour elle bien de la renommée dans toute l’étendue
de la Chrétienté” Lettre au 7 Oct., 1665.
devotion. Fully135 five hundred soldiers have taken the scapulary of the Holy Virgin73. It is we (the Ursulines), who make them; it is a real pleasure to do such work;” and she proceeds to relate a “beau miracle” by which God made known his satisfaction at the fervor of his military servants.
The secular136 motives137 for the war were in themselves strong enough; for the growth of the colony absolutely demanded the cessation of Iroquois raids, and the French had begun to learn the lesson that, in the case of hostile Indians, no good can come of attempts to conciliate, unless respect is first imposed by a sufficient castigation138. It is true that the writers of the time paint Iroquois hostilities139 in their worst colors. In the innumerable letters which Mother Mary of the Incarnation sent home every autumn, by the returning ships, she spared no means to gain the sympathy and aid of the devout; and, with similar motives, the Jesuits in their printed Relations, took care to extenuate140 nothing of the miseries141 which the pious142 colony endured. Avaugour, too, in urging the sending out of a strong force to fortify143 and hold the country, had advised that, in order to furnish a pretext144 and disarm145 the jealousy146 of the English and Dutch, exaggerated accounts should be given of danger from the side of the savage confederates. Yet, with every allowance, these dangers and sufferings were sufficiently147 great.
The three upper nations of the Iroquois were comparatively pacific; but the two lower nations, the Mohawks and Oneidas, were persistently148 hostile; making inroads into the colony by way of Lake Champlain and the Richelieu, murdering and scalping, and then vanishing like ghosts. Tracy’s first step was to send a strong detachment to the Richelieu to build a picket149 fort below the rapids of Chambly, which take their name from that of the officer in command. An officer named Sorel soon afterwards built a second fort on the site of the abandoned palisade work built by Montmagny, at the mouth of the river, where the town of Sorel now stands; and Salières, colonel of the regiment, added a third fort, two or three leagues above Chambly. * These forts could not wholly bar the passage against the nimble and wily warriors150 who might pass them in the night, shouldering their canoes through the woods. A blow, direct and hard, was needed, and Tracy prepared to strike it.
Late in the season an embassy from the three upper nations—the Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas—arrived at Quebec, led by Garacontié, a famous chief whom the Jesuits had won over, and who proved ever after a staunch friend of the French. They brought back the brave Charles Le Moyne of Montreal, whom they had captured some three months before, and now restored as a peace-offering, taking credit to themselves that “not even one of his nails had been torn out, nor any part of his body burnt.” ** Garacontié made a
* See the map in the Relation of 1665. The accompanying
text of the Relation is incorrect.
** Explanation of the eleven Presents of the Iroquois
Ambassadors. N. Y Colonial Docs.. IX. 37
peace speech, which, as rendered by the Jesuits, was an admirable specimen151 of Iroquois eloquence152; but, while joining hands with him and his companions, the French still urged on their preparations to chastise153 the contumacious154 Mohawks.
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omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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2
talon
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| n.爪；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物 | |
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3
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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4
pinnacles
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| 顶峰( pinnacle的名词复数 )； 顶点； 尖顶； 小尖塔 | |
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5
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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6
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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7
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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8
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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9
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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10
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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11
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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12
delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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13
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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14
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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15
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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17
barges
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| 驳船( barge的名词复数 ) | |
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18
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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19
obsequious
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| adj.谄媚的，奉承的，顺从的 | |
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20
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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prodigal
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| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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31
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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33
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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34
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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35
majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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36
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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37
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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38
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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39
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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40
vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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41
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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42
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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43
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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44
vindicating
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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45
haughtiness
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| n.傲慢；傲气 | |
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46
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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47
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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48
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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49
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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50
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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51
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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52
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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53
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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54
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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55
morbidly
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| adv.病态地 | |
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56
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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57
trenchant
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| adj.尖刻的，清晰的 | |
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58
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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59
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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60
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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61
codified
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| v.把（法律）编成法典( codify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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64
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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65
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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66
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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67
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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68
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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69
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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70
subscribing
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| v.捐助( subscribe的现在分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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71
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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72
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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73
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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74
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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76
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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77
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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78
boded
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的过去式和过去分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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79
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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80
exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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81
throttling
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| v.扼杀( throttle的现在分词 )；勒死；使窒息；压制 | |
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82
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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83
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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84
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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85
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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86
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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87
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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88
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
blighting
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| 使凋萎( blight的现在分词 )； 使颓丧； 损害； 妨害 | |
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90
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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91
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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92
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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93
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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94
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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95
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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96
blazoned
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| v.广布( blazon的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布；夸示；装饰 | |
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97
saluting
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的现在分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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98
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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99
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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100
quay
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| n.码头，靠岸处 | |
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101
wigs
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| n.假发，法官帽( wig的名词复数 ) | |
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102
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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103
masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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104
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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105
edified
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| v.开导，启发( edify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
beholder
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| n.观看者，旁观者 | |
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107
benignity
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| n.仁慈 | |
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108
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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109
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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110
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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111
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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112
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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113
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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114
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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115
gruel
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| n.稀饭，粥 | |
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116
abjured
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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117
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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118
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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119
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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120
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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121
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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122
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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123
plume
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| n.羽毛；v.整理羽毛，骚首弄姿，用羽毛装饰 | |
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124
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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125
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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126
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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127
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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128
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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129
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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130
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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131
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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132
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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133
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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134
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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135
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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136
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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137
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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138
castigation
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| n.申斥，强烈反对 | |
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139
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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140
extenuate
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| v.减轻，使人原谅 | |
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141
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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142
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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143
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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144
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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145
disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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146
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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147
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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148
persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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149
picket
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| n.纠察队；警戒哨；v.设置纠察线；布置警卫 | |
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150
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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151
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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152
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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153
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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154
contumacious
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| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
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