FRANCE IN THE FAR WEST.
French Explorers.—Le Sueur on the St. Peter.—Canadians on the Missouri.—Juchereau de Saint-Denis.—Bénard de la Harpe on Red River.—Adventures of Du Tisné.—Bourgmont visits the Comanches.—The Brothers Mallet1 in Colorado and New Mexico.—Fabry de la Bruyère.
[Pg 346]The occupation by France of the lower Mississippi gave a strong impulse to the exploration of the West, by supplying a base for discovery, stimulating2 enterprise by the longing3 to find gold mines, open trade with New Mexico, and get a fast hold on the countries beyond the Mississippi in anticipation4 of Spain; and to these motives5 was soon added the hope of finding an overland way to the Pacific. It was the Canadians, with their indomitable spirit of adventure, who led the way in the path of discovery.
As a bold and hardy7 pioneer of the wilderness8, the Frenchman in America has rarely found his match. His civic9 virtues10 withered11 under the despotism of Versailles, and his mind and conscience were kept in leading-strings by an absolute Church; but the forest and the prairie offered him an unbridled liberty, which, lawless as it was, gave scope to his energies,[Pg 347] till these savage13 wastes became the field of his most noteworthy achievements.
Canada was divided between two opposing influences. On the one side were the monarchy14 and the hierarchy15, with their principles of order, subordination, and obedience16; substantially at one in purpose, since both wished to keep the colony within manageable bounds, domesticate17 it, and tame it to soberness, regularity18, and obedience. On the other side was the spirit of liberty, or license19, which was in the very air of this wilderness continent, reinforced in the chiefs of the colony by a spirit of adventure inherited from the Middle Ages, and by a spirit of trade born of present opportunities; for every official in Canada hoped to make a profit, if not a fortune, out of beaver20-skins. Kindred impulses, in ruder forms, possessed21 the humbler colonists23, drove them into the forest, and made them hardy woodsmen and skilful24 bush-fighters, though turbulent and lawless members of civilized25 society.
Time, the decline of the fur-trade, and the influence of the Canadian Church gradually diminished this erratic26 spirit, and at the same time impaired27 the qualities that were associated with it. The Canadian became a more stable colonist22 and a steadier farmer; but for forest journeyings and forest warfare28 he was scarcely his former self. At the middle of the eighteenth century we find complaints that the race of voyageurs is growing scarce. The taming process was most apparent in the central and lower parts of[Pg 348] the colony, such as the C?te de Beaupré and the opposite shore of the St. Lawrence, where the hands of the government and of the Church were strong; while at the head of the colony,—that is, about Montreal and its neighborhood,—which touched the primeval wilderness, an uncontrollable spirit of adventure still held its own. Here, at the beginning of the century, this spirit was as strong as it had ever been, and achieved a series of explorations and discoveries which revealed the plains of the Far West long before an Anglo-Saxon foot had pressed their soil.
The expedition of one Le Sueur to what is now the State of Minnesota may be taken as the starting-point of these enterprises. Le Sueur had visited the country of the Sioux as early as 1683. He returned thither29 in 1689 with the famous voyageur Nicolas Perrot.[358] Four years later, Count Frontenac sent him to the Sioux country again. The declared purpose of the mission was to keep those fierce tribes at peace with their neighbors; but the governor's enemies declared that a contraband30 trade in beaver was the true object, and that Frontenac's secretary was to have half the profits.[359] Le Sueur returned after two years, bringing to Montreal a Sioux chief and his squaw,—the first of the tribe ever seen there. He then went to France, and represented to the court that he had built a fort at Lake Pepin, on the[Pg 349] upper Mississippi; that he was the only white man who knew the languages of that region; and that if the French did not speedily seize upon it, the English, who were already trading upon the Ohio, would be sure to do so. Thereupon he asked for the command of the upper Mississippi, with all its tributary31 waters, together with a monopoly of its fur-trade for ten years, and permission to work its mines, promising32 that if his petition were granted, he would secure the country to France without expense to the King. The commission was given him. He bought an outfit33 and sailed for Canada, but was captured by the English on the way. After the peace he returned to France and begged for a renewal34 of his commission. Leave was given him to work the copper35 and lead mines, but not to trade in beaver-skins. He now formed a company to aid him in his enterprise, on which a cry rose in Canada that under pretence36 of working mines he meant to trade in beaver,—which is very likely, since to bring lead and copper in bark canoes to Montreal from the Mississippi and Lake Superior would cost far more than the metal was worth. In consequence of this clamor his commission was revoked37.
Perhaps it was to compensate38 him for the outlays39 into which he had been drawn40 that the colonial minister presently authorized41 him to embark42 for Louisiana and pursue his enterprise with that infant colony, instead of Canada, as his base of operations. Thither, therefore, he went; and in April, 1700, set[Pg 350] out for the Sioux country with twenty-five men, in a small vessel43 of the kind called a "felucca," still used in the Mediterranean44. Among the party was an adventurous45 youth named Penecaut, a ship-carpenter by trade, who had come to Louisiana with Iberville two years before, and who has left us an account of his voyage with Le Sueur.[360]
The party slowly made their way, with sail and oar46, against the muddy current of the Mississippi, till they reached the Arkansas, where they found an English trader from Carolina. On the tenth of June, spent with rowing, and half starved, they stopped to rest at a point fifteen leagues above the mouth of the Ohio. They had staved off famine with the buds and leaves of trees; but now, by good luck, one of them killed a bear, and, soon after, the Jesuit Limoges arrived from the neighboring mission of the Illinois, in a canoe well stored with provisions. Thus refreshed, they passed the mouth of the Missouri on the thirteenth of July, and soon after were met by three Canadians, who brought them a letter from the Jesuit Marest, warning them that the river was infested47 by war-parties. In fact, they presently saw seven canoes of Sioux warriors48, bound against the Illinois; and not long after, five Canadians appeared, one of whom had been badly wounded in a recent encounter with a band of Outagamies, Sacs, and[Pg 351] Winnebagoes bound against the Sioux. To take one another's scalps had been for ages the absorbing business and favorite recreation of all these Western tribes. At or near the expansion of the Mississippi called Lake Pepin, the voyagers found a fort called Fort Perrot, after its builder;[361] and on an island near the upper end of the lake, another similar structure, built by Le Sueur himself on his last visit to the place. These forts were mere50 stockades51, occupied from time to time by the roving fur-traders as their occasions required.
Towards the end of September, Le Sueur and his followers52 reached the mouth of the St. Peter, which they ascended53 to Blue Earth River. Pushing a league up this stream, they found a spot well suited to their purpose, and here they built a fort, of which there was great need, for they were soon after joined by seven Canadian traders, plundered54 and stripped to the skin by the neighboring Sioux. Le Sueur named the new post Fort l'Huillier. It was a fence of pickets55, enclosing cabins for the men. The neighboring plains were black with buffalo56, of which the party killed four hundred, and cut them into quarters,[Pg 352] which they placed to freeze on scaffolds within the enclosure. Here they spent the winter, subsisting57 on the frozen meat, without bread, vegetables, or salt, and, according to Penecaut, thriving marvellously, though the surrounding wilderness was buried five feet deep in snow.
Band after band of Sioux appeared, with their wolfish dogs and their sturdy and all-enduring squaws burdened with the heavy hide coverings of their teepees, or buffalo-skin tents. They professed58 friendship and begged for arms. Those of one band had blackened their faces in mourning for a dead chief, and calling on Le Sueur to share their sorrow, they wept over him, and wiped their tears on his hair. Another party of warriors arrived with yet deeper cause of grief, being the remnant of a village half exterminated59 by their enemies. They, too, wept profusely60 over the French commander, and then sang a dismal61 song, with heads muffled62 in their buffalo-robes.[362] Le Sueur took the needful precautions against his dangerous visitors, but got from them a large supply of beaver-skins in exchange for his goods.
When spring opened, he set out in search of mines, and found, not far above the fort, those beds of blue and green earth to which the stream owes its name. Of this his men dug out a large quantity, and selecting[Pg 353] what seemed the best, stored it in their vessel as a precious commodity. With this and good store of beaver-skins, Le Sueur now began his return voyage for Louisiana, leaving a Canadian named D'éraque and twelve men to keep the fort till he should come back to reclaim63 it, promising to send him a canoe-load of ammunition64 from the Illinois. But the canoe was wrecked65, and D'éraque, discouraged, abandoned Fort l'Huillier, and followed his commander down the Mississippi.[363]
Le Sueur, with no authority from government, had opened relations of trade with the wild Sioux of the Plains, whose westward66 range stretched to the Black Hills, and perhaps to the Rocky Mountains. He reached the settlements of Louisiana in safety, and sailed for France with four thousand pounds of his worthless blue earth.[364] Repairing at once to Versailles, he begged for help to continue his enterprise. His petition seems to have been granted. After long delay, he sailed again for Louisiana, fell ill on the voyage, and died soon after landing.[365]
Before 1700, the year when Le Sueur visited the St. Peter, little or nothing was known of the country west of the Mississippi, except from the report of[Pg 354] Indians. The romances of La Hontan and Mathieu Sagean were justly set down as impostures by all but the most credulous67. In this same year we find Le Moyne d'Iberville projecting journeys to the upper Missouri, in hopes of finding a river flowing to the Western Sea. In 1703, twenty Canadians tried to find their way from the Illinois to New Mexico, in hope of opening trade with the Spaniards and discovering mines.[366] In 1704 we find it reported that more than a hundred Canadians are scattered68 in small parties along the Mississippi and the Missouri;[367] and in 1705 one Laurain appeared at the Illinois, declaring that he had been high up the Missouri and had visited many tribes on its borders.[368] A few months later, two Canadians told Bienville a similar story. In 1708 Nicolas de la Salle proposed an expedition of a hundred men to explore the same mysterious river; and in 1717 one Hubert laid before the Council of Marine69 a scheme for following the Missouri to its source, since, he says, "not only may we find the mines worked by the Spaniards, but also discover the great river that is said to rise in the mountains where the Missouri has its source, and is believed to flow to the Western Sea." And he advises that a hundred and fifty men be sent up the[Pg 355] river in wooden canoes, since bark canoes would be dangerous, by reason of the multitude of snags.[369]
In 1714 Juchereau de Saint-Denis was sent by La Mothe-Cadillac to explore western Louisiana, and pushed up Red River to a point sixty-eight leagues, as he reckons, above Natchitoches. In the next year, journeying across country towards the Spanish settlements, with a view to trade, he was seized near the Rio Grande and carried to the city of Mexico. The Spaniards, jealous of French designs, now sent priests and soldiers to occupy several points in Texas. Juchereau, however, was well treated, and permitted to marry a Spanish girl with whom he had fallen in love on the way; but when, in the autumn of 1716, he ventured another journey to the Mexican borders, still hoping to be allowed to trade, he and his goods were seized by order of the Mexican viceroy, and, lest worse should befall him, he fled empty-handed, under cover of night.[370]
In March, 1719, Bénard de la Harpe left the feeble little French post at Natchitoches with six soldiers and a sergeant70.[371] His errand was to explore the country, open trade if possible with the Spaniards, and establish another post high up Red River. He and his party soon came upon that vast entanglement[Pg 356] of driftwood, or rather of uprooted71 forests, afterwards known as the Red River raft, which choked the stream and forced them to make their way through the inundated72 jungle that bordered it. As they pushed or dragged their canoes through the swamp, they saw with disgust and alarm a good number of snakes, coiled about twigs73 and boughs74 on the right and left, or sometimes over their heads. These were probably the deadly water-moccason, which in warm weather is accustomed to crawl out of its favorite element and bask75 itself in the sun, precisely76 as described by La Harpe. Their nerves were further discomposed by the splashing and plunging77 of alligators78 lately wakened from their wintry torpor79. Still, they pushed painfully on, till they reached navigable water again, and at the end of the month were, as they thought, a hundred and eight leagues above Natchitoches. In four days more they reached the Nassonites.
These savages80 belonged to a group of stationary81 tribes, only one of which, the Caddoes, survives to our day as a separate community. Their enemies, the Chickasaws, Osages, Arkansas, and even the distant Illinois, waged such deadly war against them that, according to La Harpe, the unfortunate Nassonites were in the way of extinction82, their numbers having fallen, within ten years, from twenty-five hundred souls to four hundred.[372]
La Harpe stopped among them to refresh his men,[Pg 357] and build a house of cypress-wood as a beginning of the post he was ordered to establish; then, having heard that a war with Spain had ruined his hopes of trade with New Mexico, he resolved to pursue his explorations.
With him went ten men, white, red, and black, with twenty-two horses bought from the Indians, for his journeyings were henceforth to be by land. The party moved in a northerly and westerly course, by hills, forests, and prairies, passed two branches of the Wichita, and on the third of September came to a river which La Harpe calls the southwest branch of the Arkansas, but which, if his observation of latitude83 is correct, must have been the main stream, not far from the site of Fort Mann. Here he was met by seven Indian chiefs, mounted on excellent horses saddled and bridled12 after the Spanish manner. They led him to where, along the plateau of the low, treeless hills that bordered the valley, he saw a string of Indian villages, extending for a league and belonging to nine several bands, the names of which can no longer be recognized, and most of which are no doubt extinct. He says that they numbered in all six thousand souls; and their dwellings84 were high, dome-shaped structures, built of clay mixed with reeds and straw, resting, doubtless, on a frame of bent85 poles.[Pg 358][373] With them were also some of the roving Indians of the plains, with their conical teepees of dressed buffalo-skin.
The arrival of the strangers was a great and amazing event for these savages, few of whom had ever seen a white man. On the day after their arrival the whole multitude gathered to receive them and offer them the calumet, with a profusion86 of songs and speeches. Then warrior49 after warrior recounted his exploits and boasted of the scalps he had taken. From eight in the morning till two hours after midnight the din6 of drums, songs, harangues87, and dances continued without relenting, with a prospect88 of twelve hours more; and La Harpe, in desperation, withdrew to rest himself on a buffalo-robe, begging another Frenchman to take his place. His hosts left him in peace for a while; then the chiefs came to find him, painted his face blue, as a tribute of respect, put a cap of eagle-feathers on his head, and laid numerous gifts at his feet. When at last the ceremony ended, some of the performers were so hoarse89 from incessant90 singing that they could hardly speak.[374]
La Harpe was told by his hosts that the Spanish settlements could be reached by ascending91 their river; but to do this was at present impossible. He began his backward journey, fell desperately92 ill of a fever, and nearly died before reaching Natchitoches.
[Pg 359]Having recovered, he made an attempt, two years later, to explore the Arkansas in canoes, from its mouth, but accomplished93 little besides killing94 a good number of buffalo, bears, deer, and wild turkeys. He was confirmed, however, in the belief that the Comanches and the Spaniards of New Mexico might be reached by this route.
In the year of La Harpe's first exploration, one Du Tisné went up the Missouri to a point six leagues above Grand River, where stood the village of the Missouris. He wished to go farther, but they would not let him. He then returned to the Illinois, whence he set out on horseback with a few followers across what is now the State of Missouri, till he reached the village of the Osages, which stood on a hill high up the river Osage. At first he was well received; but when they found him disposed to push on to a town of their enemies, the Pawnees, forty leagues distant, they angrily refused to let him go. His firmness and hardihood prevailed, and at last they gave him leave. A ride of a few days over rich prairies brought him to the Pawnees, who, coming as he did from the hated Osages, took him for an enemy and threatened to kill him. Twice they raised the tomahawk over his head; but when the intrepid95 traveller dared them to strike, they began to treat him as a friend. When, however, he told them that he meant to go fifteen days' journey farther, to the Padoucas, or Comanches, their deadly enemies, they fiercely forbade him; and after planting a French flag in their[Pg 360] village, he returned as he had come, guiding his way by compass, and reaching the Illinois in November, after extreme hardships.[375]
Early in 1721 two hundred mounted Spaniards, followed by a large body of Comanche warriors, came from New Mexico to attack the French at the Illinois, but were met and routed on the Missouri by tribes of that region.[376] In the next year, Bienville was told that they meant to return, punish those who had defeated them, and establish a post on the river Kansas; whereupon he ordered Boisbriant, commandant at the Illinois, to anticipate them by sending troops to build a French fort at or near the same place. But the West India Company had already sent one Bourgmont on a similar errand, the object being to trade with the Spaniards in time of peace, and stop their incursions in time of war.[377] It was hoped also that, in the interest of trade, peace might be made between the Comanches and the tribes of the Missouri.[378]
Bourgmont was a man of some education, and well acquainted with these tribes, among whom he had[Pg 361] traded for years. In pursuance of his orders he built a fort, which he named Fort Orléans, and which stood on the Missouri not far above the mouth of Grand River. Having thus accomplished one part of his mission, he addressed himself to the other, and prepared to march for the Comanche villages.
Leaving a sufficient garrison96 at the fort, he sent his ensign, Saint-Ange, with a party of soldiers and Canadians, in wooden canoes, to the villages of the Kansas higher up the stream, and on the third of July set out by land to join him, with a hundred and nine Missouri Indians and sixty-eight Osages in his train. A ride of five days brought him again to the banks of the Missouri, opposite a Kansas town. Saint-Ange had not yet arrived, the angry and turbid97 current, joined to fevers among his men, having retarded98 his progress. Meanwhile Bourgmont drew from the Kansas a promise that their warriors should go with him to the Comanches. Saint-Ange at last appeared, and at daybreak of the twenty-fourth the tents were struck and the pack-horses loaded. At six o'clock the party drew up in battle array on a hill above the Indian town, and then, with drum beating and flag flying, began their march. "A fine prairie country," writes Bourgmont, "with hills and dales and clumps99 of trees to right and left." Sometimes the landscape quivered under the sultry sun, and sometimes thunder bellowed100 over their heads, and rain fell in floods on the steaming plains.
[Pg 362]Renaudière, engineer of the party, one day stood by the side of the path and watched the whole procession as it passed him. The white men were about twenty in all. He counted about three hundred Indian warriors, with as many squaws, some five hundred children, and a prodigious101 number of dogs, the largest and strongest of which dragged heavy loads. The squaws also served as beasts of burden; and, says the journal, "they will carry as much as a dog will drag." Horses were less abundant among these tribes than they afterwards became, so that their work fell largely upon the women.
On the sixth day the party was within three leagues of the river Kansas, at a considerable distance above its mouth. Bourgmont had suffered from dysentery on the march, and an access of the malady102 made it impossible for him to go farther. It is easy to conceive the regret with which he saw himself compelled to return to Fort Orléans. The party retraced103 their steps, carrying their helpless commander on a litter.
First, however, he sent one Gaillard on a perilous104 errand. Taking with him two Comanche slaves bought for the purpose from the Kansas, Gaillard was ordered to go to the Comanche villages with the message that Bourgmont had been on his way to make them a friendly visit, and, though stopped by illness, hoped soon to try again, with better success.
Early in September, Bourgmont, who had arrived[Pg 363] safely at Fort Orléans, received news that the mission of Gaillard had completely succeeded; on which, though not wholly recovered from his illness, he set out again on his errand of peace, accompanied by his young son, besides Renaudière, a surgeon, and nine soldiers. On reaching the great village of the Kansas he found there five Comanche chiefs and warriors, whom Gaillard had induced to come thither with him. Seven chiefs of the Otoes presently appeared, in accordance with an invitation of Bourgmont; then six chiefs of the Iowas and the head chief of the Missouris. With these and the Kansas chiefs a solemn council was held around a fire before Bourgmont's tent; speeches were made, the pipe of peace was smoked, and presents were distributed.
On the eighth of October the march began, the five Comanches and the chiefs of several other tribes, including the Omahas, joining the cavalcade105. Gaillard and another Frenchman named Quesnel were sent in advance to announce their approach to the Comanches, while Bourgmont and his followers moved up the north side of the river Kansas till the eleventh, when they forded it at a point twenty leagues from its mouth, and took a westward and southwestward course, sometimes threading the grassy106 valleys of little streams, sometimes crossing the dry upland prairie, covered with the short, tufted dull-green herbage since known as "buffalo grass." Wild turkeys clamored along every watercourse; deer were seen on all sides, buffalo were without number,[Pg 364] sometimes in grazing droves, and sometimes dotting the endless plain as far as the eye could reach. Ruffian wolves, white and gray, eyed the travellers askance, keeping a safe distance by day, and howling about the camp all night. Of the antelope107 and the elk108 the journal makes no mention. Bourgmont chased a buffalo on horseback and shot him with a pistol,—which is probably the first recorded example of that way of hunting.
The stretches of high, rolling, treeless prairie grew more vast as the travellers advanced. On the seventeenth, they found an abandoned Comanche camp. On the next day as they stopped to dine, and had just unsaddled their horses, they saw a distant smoke towards the west, on which they set the dry grass on fire as an answering signal. Half an hour later a body of wild horsemen came towards them at full speed, and among them were their two couriers, Gaillard and Quesnel, waving a French flag. The strangers were eighty Comanche warriors, with the grand chief of the tribe at their head. They dashed up to Bourgmont's bivouac and leaped from their horses, when a general shaking of hands ensued, after which white men and red seated themselves on the ground and smoked the pipe of peace. Then all rode together to the Comanche camp, three leagues distant.[379]
[Pg 365]Bourgmont pitched his tents at a pistol-shot from the Comanche lodges110, whence a crowd of warriors presently came to visit him. They spread buffalo-robes on the ground, placed upon them the French commander, his officers, and his young son; then lifted each, with its honored load, and carried them all, with yells of joy and gratulation, to the lodge109 of the Great Chief, where there was a feast of ceremony lasting111 till nightfall.
On the next day Bourgmont displayed to his hosts the marvellous store of gifts he had brought for them,—guns, swords, hatchets112, kettles, gunpowder113, bullets, red cloth, blue cloth, hand-mirrors, knives, shirts, awls, scissors, needles, hawks114' bells, vermilion, beads115, and other enviable commodities, of the like of which they had never dreamed. Two hundred savages gathered before the French tents, where Bourgmont, with the gifts spread on the ground before him, stood with a French flag in his hand, surrounded by his officers and the Indian chiefs of his party, and harangued116 the admiring auditors117.
He told them that he had come to bring them a message from the King, his master, who was the Great Chief of all the nations of the earth, and whose will it was that the Comanches should live in peace with his other children,—the Missouris, Osages, Kansas, Otoes, Omahas, and Pawnees,—with whom[Pg 366] they had long been at war; that the chiefs of these tribes were now present, ready to renounce118 their old enmities; that the Comanches should henceforth regard them as friends, share with them the blessing119 of alliance and trade with the French, and give to these last free passage through their country to trade with the Spaniards of New Mexico. Bourgmont then gave the French flag to the Great Chief, to be kept forever as a pledge of that day's compact. The chief took the flag, and promised in behalf of his people to keep peace inviolate120 with the Indian children of the King. Then, with unspeakable delight, he and his tribesmen took and divided the gifts.
The next two days were spent in feasts and rejoicings. "Is it true that you are men?" asked the Great Chief. "I have heard wonders of the French, but I never could have believed what I see this day." Then, taking up a handful of earth, "The Spaniards are like this; but you are like the sun." And he offered Bourgmont, in case of need, the aid of his two thousand Comanche warriors. The pleasing manners of his visitors, and their unparalleled generosity121, had completely won his heart.
As the object of the expedition was accomplished, or seemed to be so, the party set out on their return. A ride of ten days brought them again to the Missouri; they descended122 in canoes to Fort Orléans, and sang Te Deum in honor of the peace.[380]
[Pg 367]No farther discovery in this direction was made for the next fifteen years. Though the French had explored the Missouri as far as the site of Fort Clark and the Mandan villages, they were possessed by the idea—due, perhaps, to Indian reports concerning the great tributary river, the Yellowstone—that in its upper course the main stream bent so far southward as to form a waterway to New Mexico, with which it was the constant desire of the authorities of Louisiana to open trade. A way thither was at last made known by two brothers named Mallet, who with six companions went up the Platte to its South Fork, which they called River of the Padoucas,—a name given it on some maps down to the middle of this century. They followed the South Fork for some distance, and then, turning southward and southwestward, crossed the plains of Colorado. Here the dried dung of the buffalo was their only fuel; and it has continued to feed the camp-fire of the traveller in this treeless region within the memory of many now living. They crossed the upper Arkansas, and apparently123 the Cimarron, passed Taos, and on the twenty-second of July reached Santa Fé, where they spent the winter. On the first of May, 1740, they began their return journey, three of them crossing the plains to the Pawnee villages, and the rest descending124 the Arkansas to the Mississippi.[381]
[Pg 368]The bold exploit of the brothers Mallet attracted great attention at New Orleans, and Bienville resolved to renew it, find if possible a nearer and better way to Santa Fé, determine the nature and extent of these mysterious western regions, and satisfy a lingering doubt whether they were not contiguous to China and Tartary.[382] A naval125 officer, Fabry de la Bruyère, was sent on this errand, with the brothers Mallet and a few soldiers and Canadians. He ascended the Canadian Fork of the Arkansas, named by him the St. André, became entangled126 in the shallows and quicksands of that difficult river, fell into disputes with his men, and, after protracted127 efforts, returned unsuccessful.[383]
While French enterprise was unveiling the remote Southwest, two indomitable Canadians were pushing still more noteworthy explorations into more northern regions of the continent.
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mallet
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| n.槌棒 | |
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stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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wilderness
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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bridled
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| 给…套龙头( bridle的过去式和过去分词 )； 控制； 昂首表示轻蔑（或怨忿等）； 动怒，生气 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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obedience
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domesticate
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| vt.驯养；使归化，使专注于家务 | |
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18
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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19
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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21
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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22
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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24
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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25
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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26
erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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27
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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29
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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30
contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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31
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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32
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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33
outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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34
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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35
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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36
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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37
revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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38
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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39
outlays
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| v.支出，费用( outlay的第三人称单数 ) | |
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40
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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41
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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42
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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43
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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44
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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45
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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46
oar
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| n.桨，橹，划手；v.划行 | |
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47
infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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48
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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49
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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50
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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51
stockades
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| n.（防御用的）栅栏，围桩( stockade的名词复数 ) | |
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52
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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53
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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56
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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57
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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58
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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59
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
profusely
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| ad.abundantly | |
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61
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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62
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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63
reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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64
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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65
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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66
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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67
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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68
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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69
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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70
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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71
uprooted
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| v.把（某物）连根拔起( uproot的过去式和过去分词 )；根除；赶走；把…赶出家园 | |
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72
inundated
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| v.淹没( inundate的过去式和过去分词 )；（洪水般地）涌来；充满；给予或交予（太多事物）使难以应付 | |
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73
twigs
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| 细枝，嫩枝( twig的名词复数 ) | |
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74
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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75
bask
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| vt.取暖，晒太阳，沐浴于 | |
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76
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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77
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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78
alligators
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| n.短吻鳄( alligator的名词复数 ) | |
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79
torpor
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| n.迟钝；麻木；（动物的）冬眠 | |
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80
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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81
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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82
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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83
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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84
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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85
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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86
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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87
harangues
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| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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88
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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89
hoarse
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| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
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90
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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91
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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92
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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93
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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94
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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95
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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96
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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97
turbid
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| adj.混浊的，泥水的，浓的 | |
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98
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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99
clumps
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| n.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的名词复数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声v.（树、灌木、植物等的）丛、簇( clump的第三人称单数 )；（土、泥等）团；块；笨重的脚步声 | |
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100
bellowed
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| v.发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的过去式和过去分词 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫 | |
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101
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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102
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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103
retraced
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| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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104
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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105
cavalcade
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| n.车队等的行列 | |
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106
grassy
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| adj.盖满草的；长满草的 | |
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107
antelope
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| n.羚羊；羚羊皮 | |
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108
elk
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| n.麋鹿 | |
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109
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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110
lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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111
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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112
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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113
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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114
hawks
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| 鹰( hawk的名词复数 )； 鹰派人物，主战派人物 | |
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115
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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116
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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118
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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119
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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120
inviolate
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| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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121
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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122
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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123
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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124
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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125
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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126
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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