CONFLICT FOR ACADIA.
Acadia ceded1 to England ? Acadians swear Fidelity2 ? Halifax founded ? French Intrigue3 ? Acadian Priests ? Mildness of English Rule ? Covert4 Hostility6 of Acadians ? The New Oath ? Treachery of Versailles ? Indians incited7 to War ? Clerical Agents of Revolt ? Abbé Le Loutre ? Acadians impelled8 to emigrate ? Misery9 of the Emigrants10 ? Humanity of Cornwallis and Hopson ? Fanaticism11 and Violence of Le Loutre ? Capture of the "St. Fran?ois" ? The English at Beaubassin ? Le Loutre drives out the Inhabitants ? Murder of Howe ? Beauséjour ? Insolence12 of Le Loutre ? His Harshness to the Acadians ? The Boundary Commission ? Its Failure ? Approaching War
While in the West all the signs of the sky foreboded storm, another tempest was gathering13 the East, less in extent, but not less in peril14. The conflict in Acadia has a melancholy15 interest, since it ended in a catastrophe16 which prose and verse have joined to commemorate17, but of which the causes have not been understood.
Acadia—that it to say, the peninsula of Nova Scotia, with the addition, as the English claimed, of the present New Brunswick and some adjacent country—was conquered by General Nicholson in 1710, and formally transferred by France to the British Crown, three years later, by the treaty of Utrecht. By that treaty it was "expressly provided" that such of the French inhabitants as 91
V1 "are willing to remain there and to be subject to the Kingdom of Great Britain, are to enjoy the free exercise of their religion according to the usage of the Church of Rome, as far as the laws of Great Britain do allow the same;" but that any who choose may remove, with their effects, if they do so within a year. Very few availed themselves of this right; and after the end of the year those who remained were required to take an oath of allegiance to King George. There is no doubt that in a little time they would have complied, had they been let alone; but the French authorities of Canada and Cape18 Breton did their utmost to prevent them, and employed agents to keep them hostile to England. Of these the most efficient were the French priests, who, in spite of the treaty, persuaded their flocks that they were still subjects of King Louis. Hence rose endless perplexity to the English commanders at Annapolis, who more than suspected that the Indian attacks with which they were harassed20 were due mainly to French instigation. [72] It was not till seventeen years after the treaty that the Acadians could be brought to take the oath without qualifications which made it almost useless. The English authorities seem to have shown throughout an unusual patience and forbearance. At length, about 1730, nearly all the inhabitants signed by crosses, since few of them could write, an oath 92
V1 recognizing George II. as sovereign of Acadia, and promising21 fidelity and obedience22 to him. [73] This restored comparative quiet till the war of 1745, when some of the Acadians remained neutral, while some took arms against the English, and many others aided the enemy with information and supplies.
[72] See the numerous papers in Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1869), pp. 1-165; a Government publication of great value.
[73] The oath was literatim as follows: "Je Promets et Jure Sincerement en Foi de Chrétien que Je serai entierement Fidele, et Obeierai Vraiment Sa Majesté Le Roy George Second, qui (sic) Je reconnoi pour Le Souvrain Seigneur de l'Accadie ou Nouvelle Ecosse. Ainsi Dieu me Soit en Aide."
English power in Acadia, hitherto limited to a feeble garrison24 at Annapolis and a feebler one at Canseau, received at this time a great accession. The fortress25 of Louisbourg, taken by the English during the war, had been restored by the treaty; and the French at once prepared to make it a military and naval26 station more formidable than ever. Upon this the British Ministry27 resolved to establish another station as a counterpoise; and the harbor of Chebucto, on the south coast of Acadia, was chosen as the site of it. Thither28 in June, 1749, came a fleet of transports loaded with emigrants, tempted29 by offers of land and a home in the New World. Some were mechanics, tradesmen, farmers, and laborers31; others were sailors, soldiers, and subaltern officers thrown out of employment by the peace. Including women and children, they counted in all about twenty-five hundred. Alone of all the British colonies on the continent, this new settlement was the offspring, not of private enterprise, but of royal authority. 93
V1 Yet is was free like the rest, with the same popular representation and local self-government. Edward Cornwallis, uncle of Lord Cornwallis of the Revolutionary War, was made governor and commander-in-chief. Wolfe calls him "a man of approved courage and fidelity;" and even the caustic32 Horace Walpole speaks of him as "a brave, sensible young man, of great temper and good nature."
Before summer was over, the streets were laid out, and the building-lot of each settler was assigned to him; before winter closed, the whole were under shelter, the village was fenced with palisades and defended by redoubts of timber, and the battalions33 lately in garrison at Louisbourg manned the wooden ramparts. Succeeding years brought more emigrants, till in 1752 the population was above four thousand. Thus was born into the world the city of Halifax. Along with the crumbling34 old fort and miserably35 disciplined garrison at Annapolis, besides six or seven small detached posts to watch the Indians and Acadians, it comprised the whole British force on the peninsula; for Canseau had been destroyed by the French.
The French had never reconciled themselves to the loss of Acadia, and were resolved, by diplomacy36 or force, to win it back again; but the building of Halifax showed that this was to be no easy task, and filled them at the same time with alarm for the safety of Louisbourg. On one point, at least, they saw their policy clear. The Acadians, though those of them who were not above thirty-five 94
V1 had been born under the British flag, must be kept French at heart, and taught that they were still French subjects. In 1748 they numbered eighty-eight hundred and fifty communicants, or from twelve to thirteen thousand souls; but an emigration, of which the causes will soon appear, had reduced them in 1752 to but little more than nine thousand. [74] These were divided into six principal parishes, one of the largest being that of Annapolis. Other centres of population were Grand Pré, on the basin of Mines; Beaubassin, at the head of Chignecto Bay; Pisiquid, now Windsor; and Cobequid, now Truro. Their priests, who were missionaries37 controlled by the diocese of Quebec, acted also as their magistrates38, ruling them for this world and the next. Bring subject to a French superior, and being, moreover, wholly French at heart, they formed in this British province a wheel within a wheel, the inner movement always opposing the outer.
[74] Description de l'Acadie, avec le Nom des Paroisses et le Nombre des Habitants, 1748. Mémoire à présenter à la Cour sur la Necessité de fixer les Limites de l'Acadie, par23 l'Abbé de l'Isle39-Dieu, 1753 (1754?). Compare the estimates in Censuses40 of Canada (Ottawa, 1876.)
Although, by the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht, France had solemnly declared the Acadians to be British subjects, the Government of Louis XV. intrigued41 continually to turn them from subjects into enemies. Before me is a mass of English documents on Acadian affairs from the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle to the catastrophe of 1755, and above a thousand pages of French official 95
V1 papers from the archives of Paris, memorials, reports, and secret correspondence, relating to the same matters. With the help of these and some collateral42 lights, it is not difficult to make a correct diagnosis43 of the political disease that ravaged44 this miserable45 country. Of a multitude of proofs, only a few can be given here; but these will suffice.
It was not that the Acadians had been ill-used by the English; the reverse was the case. They had been left in free exercise of their worship, as stipulated46 by treaty. It is true that, from time to time, there were loud complaints from French officials that religion was in danger, because certain priests had been rebuked47, arrested, brought before the Council at Halifax, suspended from their functions, or required, on pain of banishment48, to swear that they would do nothing against the interests of King George. Yet such action on the part of the provincial49 authorities seems, without a single exception, to have been the consequence of misconduct on the part of the priest, in opposing the Government and stirring his flock to disaffection. La Jonquière, the determined50 adversary51 of the English, reported to the bishop52 that they did not oppose the ecclesiastics53 in the exercise of their functions, and an order of Louis XV. admits that the Acadians have enjoyed liberty of religion. [75] In a long document addressed in 1750 to 96
V1 the Colonial Minister at Versailles, Roma, an officer at Louisbourg, testifies thus to the mildness of British rule, though he ascribes it to interested motives55. "The fear that the Acadians have of the Indians is the controlling motive54 which makes them side with the French. The English, having in view the conquest of Canada, wished to give the French of that colony, in their conduct towards the Acadians, a striking example of the mildness of their government. Without raising the fortune of any of the inhabitants, they have supplied them for more than thirty-five years with the necessaries of life, often on credit and with an excess of confidence, without troubling their debtors56, without pressing them, without wishing to force them to pay. They have left them an appearance of liberty so excessive that they have not intervened in their disputes or even punished their crimes. They have allowed them to refuse with insolence certain moderate rents payable57 in grain and lawfully58 due. They have passed over in silence the contemptuous refusal of the Acadians to take titles from them for the new lands which they chose to occupy. [76]
[75] La Jonquière à l'évêque de Québec, 14 Juin, 1750. Mémoire du Roy pour servir d'Instruction au Comte de Raymond, commandant pour Sa Majesté à l'Isle Royale [Cape Breton], 24 Avril, 1751.
[76] See Appendix B.
"We know very well," pursues Roma, "the fruits of this conduct in the last war; and the English know it also. Judge then what will be the wrath61 and vengeance62 of this cruel nation." The fruits to which Roma alludes63 were the hostilities64, open or secret, committed by the Acadians against the English. He now ventures the 97
V1 prediction that the enraged65 conquerors66 will take their revenge by drafting all the young Acadians on board their ships of war, and there destroying them by slow starvation. He proved, however, a false prophet. The English Governor merely required the inhabitants to renew their oath of allegiance, without qualification or evasion68.
It was twenty years since the Acadians had taken such an oath; and meanwhile a new generation had grown up. The old oath pledged them to fidelity and obedience; but they averred69 that Phillips, then governor of the province, had given them, at the same time, assurance that they should not be required to bear arms against either French or Indians. In fact, such service had not been demanded of them, and they would have lived in virtual neutrality, had not many of them broken their oaths and joined the French war-parties. For this reason Cornwallis thought it necessary that, in renewing the pledge, they should bind71 themselves to an allegiance as complete as that required of other British subjects. This spread general consternation72. Deputies from the Acadian settlements appeared at Halifax, bringing a paper signed with the marks of a thousand persons. The following passage contains the pith of it. "The inhabitants in general, sir, over the whole extent of this country are resolved not to take the oath which your Excellency requires of us; but if your Excellency will grant us our old oath, with an exemption73 for ourselves and our heirs from taking up arms, we 98
V1 will accept it." [77] The answer of Cornwallis was by no means so stern as it has been represented. [78] After the formal reception he talked in private with the deputies; and "they went home in good humor, promising great things." [79]
[77] Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 173.
[78] See Ibid., 174, where the answer is printed.
[79] Cornwallis to the Board of Trade, 11 Sept. 1749.
The refusal of the Acadians to take the required oath was not wholly spontaneous, but was mainly due to influence from without. The French officials of Cape Breton and Isle St. Jean, now Prince Edward Island, exerted themselves to the utmost, chiefly through the agency of the priests, to excite the people to refuse any oath that should commit them fully60 to British allegiance. At the same time means were used to induce them to migrate to the neighboring islands under French rule, and efforts were also made to set on the Indians to attack the English. But the plans of the French will best appear in a despatch74 sent by La Jonquière to the Colonial Minister in the autumn of 1749.
"Monsieur Cornwallis issued an order on the tenth of the said month [August], to the effect that if the inhabitants will remain faithful subjects of the King of Great Britain, he will allow them priests and public exercise of their religion, with the understanding that no priest shall officiate without his permission or before taking an oath of fidelity to the King of Great Britain. Secondly75, that the inhabitants shall not be 99
V1 exempted76 from defending their houses, their lands, and the Government. Thirdly, that they shall take an oath of fidelity to the King of Great Britain, on the twenty-sixth of this month, before officers sent them for that purpose."
La Jonquière proceeds to say that on hearing these conditions the Acadians were filled with perplexity and alarm, and that he, the governor, had directed Boishébert, his chief officer on the Acadian frontier, to encourage them to leave their homes and seek asylum77 on French soil. He thus recounts the steps he has taken to harass19 the English of Halifax by means of their Indian neighbors. As peace had been declared, the operation was delicate; and when three of these Indians came to him from their missionary78, Le Loutre, with letters on the subject, La Jonquière was discreetly79 reticent80. "I did not care to give them any advice upon the matter, and confined myself to a promise that I would on no account abandon them; and I have provided for supplying them with everything, whether arms, ammunition81, food, or other necessaries. It is to be desired that these savages82 should succeed in thwarting84 the designs of the English, and even their settlement at Halifax. They are bent85 on doing so; and if they can carry out their plans, it is certain that they will give the English great trouble, and so harass them that they will be a great obstacle in their path. These savages are to act alone; neither soldier nor French inhabitant is to join them; everything will be done of 100
V1 their own motion, and without showing that I had any knowledge of the matter. This is very essential; therefore I have written to the Sieur de Boishébert to observe great prudence86 in his measures, and to act very secretly, in order that the English may not perceive that we are providing for the needs of the said savages.
"It will be the missionaries who will manage all the negotiation87, and direct the movements of the savages, who are in excellent hands, as the Reverend Father Germain and Monsieur l'Abbé Le Loutre are very capable of making the most of them, and using them to the greatest advantage for our interests. They will manage their intrigue in such a way as not to appear in it."
La Jonquière then recounts the good results which he expects from these measures: first, the English will be prevented from making any new settlements; secondly, we shall gradually get the Acadians out of their hands; and lastly, they will be so discouraged by constant Indian attacks that they will renounce88 their pretensions89 to the parts of the country belonging to the King of France. "I feel, Monseigneur,"—thus the Governor concludes his despatch,—"all the delicacy90 of this negotiation; be assured that I will conduct it with such precaution that the English will not be able to say that my orders had any part in it." [80]
[80] La Jonquière au Ministre, 9 Oct. 1749. See Appendix B.
He kept his word, and so did the missionaries. The Indians gave great trouble on the outskirts91 of Halifax, and murdered many harmless settlers; 101
V1 yet the English authorities did not at first suspect that they were hounded on by their priests, under the direction of the Governor of Canada, and with the privity of the Minister at Versailles. More than this; for, looking across the sea, we find royalty92 itself lending its august countenance93 to the machination. Among the letters read before the King in his cabinet in May, 1750, was one from Desherbiers, then commanding at Louisbourg, saying that he was advising the Acadians not to take the oath of allegiance to the King of England; another from Le Loutre, declaring that he and Father Germain were consulting together how to disgust the English with their enterprise of Halifax; and a third from the Intendant, Bigot, announcing that Le Loutre was using the Indians to harass the new settlement, and that he himself was sending them powder, lead, and merchandise, "to confirm them in their good designs." [81]
To this the Minister replies in a letter to Desherbiers: "His Majesty95 is well satisfied with all you have done to thwart83 the English in their new establishment. If the dispositions96 of the savages are such as they seem, there is reason to hope that in the course of the winter they will succeed in so harassing97 the settlers that some of them will become disheartened." Desherbiers is then told that His Majesty desires him to aid English deserters in escaping from Halifax. [82] Supplies for the 102
V1 Indians are also promised; and he is informed that twelve medals are sent him by the frigate98 "La Mutine," to be given to the chiefs who shall most distinguish themselves. In another letter Desherbiers is enjoined99 to treat the English authorities with great politeness. [83]
[82] In 1750 nine captured deserters from Phillips's regiment100 declared on their trial that the French had aided them and supplied them all with money. Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 193.
[83] Le Ministre à Desherbiers, 23 Mai, 1750; Ibid., 31 Mai, 1750.
When Count Raymond took command at Louisbourg, he was instructed, under the royal hand, to give particular attention to the affairs of Acadia, especially in two points,—the management of the Indians, and the encouraging of Acadian emigration to countries under French rule. "His Majesty," says the document, "has already remarked that the savages have been most favorably disposed. It is of the utmost importance that no means be neglected to keep them so. The missionaries among them are in a better position than anybody to contribute to this end, and His Majesty has reason to be satisfied with the pains they take therein. The Sieur de Raymond will excite these missionaries not to slacken their efforts; but he will warn them at the same time so to contain their zeal101 as not to compromise themselves with the English, and give just occasion of complaint." [84] That is, the King orders his representative to encourage the missionaries in instigating102 their flocks to butcher English settlers, but to see that they take care not to be found out. The injunction was hardly needed. "Monsieur Desherbiers," says a 103
V1 letter of earlier date, "has engaged Abbé Le Loutre to distribute the usual presents among the savages, and Monsieur Bigot has placed in his hands an additional gift of cloth, blankets, powder, and ball, to be given them in case they harass the English at Halifax. This missionary is to induce them to do so." [85] In spite of these efforts, the Indians began to relent in their hostilities; and when Longueuil became provisional governor of Canada, he complained to the Minister that it was very difficult to prevent them from making peace with the English, though Father Germain was doing his best to keep them on the war-path. [86] La Jonquière, too, had done his best, even to the point of departing from his original policy of allowing no soldier or Acadian to take part with them. He had sent a body of troops under La Corne, an able partisan103 officer, to watch the English frontier; and in the same vessel104 was sent a supply of "merchandise, guns, and munitions105 for the savages and the Acadians who may take up arms with them; and the whole is sent under pretext106 of trading in furs with the savages." [87] On another occasion La Jonquière wrote: "In order that the savages may do their part courageously107, a few Acadians, dressed and painted in their way, could join them to strike the English. I cannot help consenting to what these savages do, because we have our hands tied [by the peace], and 104
V1 so can do nothing ourselves. Besides, I do not think that any inconvenience will come of letting the Acadians mingle108 among them, because if they [the Acadians] are captured, we shall say that they acted of their own accord." [88] In other words, he will encourage them to break the peace; and then, by means of a falsehood, have them punished as felons109. Many disguised Acadians did in fact join the Indian war-parties; and their doing so was no secret to the English. "What we call here an Indian war," wrote Hopson, successor of Cornwallis, "is no other than a pretence110 for the French to commit hostilities on His Majesty's subjects."
[84] Mémoire du Roy pour servir d'Instruction au Comte de Raymond, 24 Avril, 1751.
[85] Lettre commune de Desherbiers et Bigot au Ministre, 15 Ao?t, 1749.
[86] Longueuil au Ministre, 26 Avril, 1752.
[87] Bigot au Ministre, 1749.
[88] Dépêches de la Jonquière, 1 Mai, 1751. See Appendix B.
At length the Indians made peace, or pretended to do so. The chief of Le Loutre's mission, who called himself Major Jean-Baptiste Cope, came to Halifax with a deputation of his tribe, and they all affixed111 their totems to a solemn treaty. In the next summer they returned with ninety or a hundred warriors112, were well entertained, presented with gifts, and sent homeward in a schooner113. On the way they seized the vessel and murdered the crew. This is told by Prévost, intendant at Louisbourg, who does not say that French instigation had any part in the treachery. [89] It is nevertheless certain that the Indians were paid for this or some contemporary murder; for Prévost, writing just four weeks later, says: "Last month the savages 105
V1 took eighteen English scalps, and Monsieur Le Loutre was obliged to pay them eighteen hundred livres, Acadian money, which I have reimbursed114 him." [90]
[89] Prévost au Ministre, 12 Mars, 1753; Ibid., 17 July, 1753. Prévost was ordonnateur, or intendant, at Louisbourg. The treaty will be found in full in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 683.
[90] Prévost au Ministre, 16 Ao?t, 1753.
From the first, the services of this zealous115 missionary had been beyond price. Prévost testifies that, though Cornwallis does his best to induce the Acadians to swear fidelity to King George, Le Loutre keeps them in allegiance to King Louis, and threatens to set his Indians upon them unless they declare against the English. "I have already," adds Prévost, "paid him 11,183 livres for his daily expenses; and I never cease advising him to be as economical as possible, and always to take care not to compromise himself with the English Government." [91] In consequence of "good service to religion and the state," Le Loutre received a pension of eight hundred livres, as did also Maillard, his brother missionary on Cape Breton. "The fear is," writes the Colonial Minister to the Governor of Louisbourg, "that their zeal may carry them too far. Excite them to keep the Indians in our interests, but do not let them compromise us. Act always so as to make the English appear as aggressors." [92]
[91] Ibid., 22 Juillet, 1750.
[92] Le Ministre au Comte de Raymond, 21 Juillet, 1752. It is curious to compare these secret instructions, given by the Minister to the colonial officials, with a letter which the same Minister, Rouillé, wrote ostensibly to La Jonquière, but which was really meant for the eye of the British Minister at Versailles, Lord Albemarle, to whom it was shown in proof of French good faith. It was afterwards printed, along with other papers, in a small volume called Précis des Faits, avec leurs Pièces justificatives which was sent by the French Government to all the courts of Europe to show that the English alone were answerable for the war. The letter, it is needless to say, breathes the highest sentiments of international honor.
106
V1 All the Acadian clergy116, in one degree or another, seem to have used their influence to prevent the inhabitants from taking the oath, and to persuade them that they were still French subjects. Some were noisy, turbulent, and defiant117; others were too tranquil118 to please the officers of the Crown. A missionary at Annapolis is mentioned as old, and therefore inefficient119; while the curé at Grand Pré, also an elderly man, was too much inclined to confine himself to his spiritual functions. It is everywhere apparent that those who chose these priests, and sent them as missionaries into a British province, expected them to act as enemies of the British Crown. The maxim120 is often repeated that duty to religion is inseparable from the duty to the King of France. The Bishop of Quebec desired the Abbé de l'Isle-Dieu to represent to the Court the need of more missionaries to keep the Acadians Catholic and French; but, he adds, there is danger that they (the missionaries) will be required to take an oath to do nothing contrary to the interests of the King of Great Britain. [93] It is a wonder that such a pledge was not always demanded. It was exacted in a few cases, notably121 in that of Girard, priest at Cobequid, who, on charges of instigating his flock to disaffection, had been sent prisoner to Halifax, but released on taking an oath in the above terms. 107
V1 Thereupon he wrote to Longueuil at Quebec that his parishioners wanted to submit to the English, and that he, having sworn to be true to the British King, could not prevent them. "Though I don't pretend to be a casuist," writes Longueuil, "I could not help answering him that he is not obliged to keep such an oath, and that he ought to labor30 in all zeal to preserve and increase the number of the faithful." Girard, to his credit, preferred to leave the colony, and retired122 to Isle St. Jean. [94]
[93] L'Isle-Dieu, Mémoire sur l'état actuel des Missions, 1753 (1754?).
[94] Longueuil au Ministre, 27 Avril, 1752.
Cornwallis soon discovered to what extent the clergy stirred their flocks to revolt; and he wrote angrily to the Bishop of Quebec: "Was it you who sent Le Loutre as a missionary to the Micmacs? and is it for their good that he excites these wretches123 to practise their cruelties against those who have shown them every kindness? The conduct of the priests of Acadia has been such that by command of his Majesty I have published an Order declaring that if any one of them presumes to exercise his functions without my express permission he shall be dealt with according to the laws of England." [95]
[95] Cornwallis to the Bishop of Quebec, 1 Dec. 1749.
The English, bound by treaty to allow the Acadians the exercise of their religion, at length conceived the idea of replacing the French priests by others to be named by the Pope at the request of the British Government. This, becoming known to the French, greatly alarmed them, and the Intendant at Louisbourg wrote to the Minister that the 108
V1 matter required serious attention. [96] It threatened, in fact, to rob them of their chief agents of intrigue; but their alarm proved needless, as the plan was not carried into execution.
[96] Daudin, prêtre, à Prévost, 23 Oct. 1753. Prévost au Ministre, 24 Nov. 1753.
The French officials would have been better pleased had the conduct of Cornwallis been such as to aid their efforts to alienate124 the Acadians; and one writer, while confessing the "favorable treatment" of the English towards the inhabitants, denounces it as a snare125. [97] If so, it was a snare intended simply to reconcile them to English rule. Nor was it without effect. "We must give up altogether the idea of an insurrection in Acadia," writes an officer of Cape Breton. "The Acadians cannot be trusted; they are controlled by fear of the Indians, which leads them to breathe French sentiments, even when their inclinations126 are English. They will yield to their interests; and the English will make it impossible that they should either hurt them or serve us, unless we take measures different from those we have hitherto pursued." [98]
[97] Mémoire à présenter à la Cour, 1753.
[98] Roma au Ministre, 11 Mars, 1750.
During all this time, constant efforts were made to stimulate127 Acadian emigration to French territory, and thus to strengthen the French frontier. In this work the chief agent was Le Loutre. "This priest," says a French writer of the time, "urged the people of Les Mines, Port Royal [Annapolis], and other places, to come and join the French, and promised to all, in the name of the Governor, to 109
V1 settle and support them for three years, and even indemnify them for any losses they might incur128; threatening if they did not do as he advised, to abandon them, deprive them of their priests, have their wives and children carried off, and their property laid waste by the Indians." [99] Some passed over the isthmus129 to the shores of the gulf130, and others made their way to the Strait of Canseau. Vessels131 were provided to convey them, in the one case to Isle St. Jean, now Prince Edward Island, and in the other to Isle Royale, called by the English, Cape Breton. Some were eager to go; some went with reluctance132; some would scarcely be persuaded to go at all. "They leave their homes with great regret," reports the Governor of Isle St. Jean, speaking of the people of Cobequid, "and they began to move their luggage only when the savages compelled them." [100] These savages were the flock of Abbé Le Loutre, who was on the spot to direct the emigration. Two thousand Acadians are reported to have left the peninsula before the end of 1751, and many more followed within the next two years. Nothing could exceed the misery of a great part of these emigrants, who had left perforce most of their effects behind. They became disheartened and apathetic133. The Intendant at Louisbourg says that they will not take the trouble to clear the land, and that some of them live, like Indians, under huts of spruce-branches. [101] The Governor of 110
V1 Isle St. Jean declares that they are dying of hunger. [102] Girard, the priest who had withdrawn134 to this island rather than break his oath to the English, writes: "Many of them cannot protect themselves day or night from the severity of the cold. Most of the children are entirely135 naked; and when I go into a house they are all crouched136 in the ashes, close to the fire. They run off and hide themselves, without shoes, stockings, or shirts. They are not all reduced to this extremity137 but nearly all are in want." [103] Mortality among them was great, and would have been greater but for rations138 supplied by the French Government.
[99] Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
[100] Bonaventure à Desherbiers, 26 Juin, 1751.
[101] Prévost au Ministre, 25 Nov. 1750.
[102] Bonaventure, ut supra.
[103] Girard à (Bonaventure?), 27 Oct. 1753.
During these proceedings139, the English Governor, Cornwallis, seems to have justified140 the character of good temper given him by Horace Walpole. His attitude towards the Acadians remained on the whole patient and conciliatory. "My friends," he replied to a deputation of them asking a general permission to leave the province, "I am not ignorant of the fact that every means has been used to alienate the hearts of the French subjects of His Britannic Majesty. Great advantages have been promised you elsewhere, and you have been made to imagine that your religion was in danger. Threats even have been resorted to in order to induce you to remove to French territory. The savages are made use of to molest141 you; they are to cut the throats of all who remain in their native country, attached to their own interests and 111
V1 faithful to the Government. You know that certain officers and missionaries, who came from Canada last autumn, have been the cause of all our trouble during the winter. Their conduct has been horrible, without honor, probity142, or conscience. Their aim is to embroil143 you with the Government. I will not believe that they are authorized144 to do so by the Court of France, that being contrary to good faith and the friendship established between the two Crowns."
What foundation there was for this amiable145 confidence in the Court of Versailles has been seen already. "When you declared your desire to submit yourselves to another Government," pursues Cornwallis, "our determination was to hinder nobody from following what he imagined to be his interest. We know that a forced service is worth nothing, and that a subject compelled to be so against his will is not far from being an enemy. We confess, however, that your determination to go gives us pain. We are aware of your industry and temperance, and that you are not addicted146 to any vice70 or debauchery. This province is your country. You and your fathers have cultivated it; naturally you ought yourselves to enjoy the fruits of your labor. Such was the design of the King, our master. You know that we have followed his orders. You know that we have done everything to secure to you not only the occupation of your lands, but the ownership of them forever. We have given you also every possible assurance of the free and 112
V1 public exercise of the Roman Catholic religion. But I declare to you frankly147 that, according to our laws, nobody can possess lands or houses in the province who shall refuse to take the oath of allegiance to his King when required to do so. You know very well that there are ill-disposed and mischievous148 persons among you who corrupt149 the others. Your inexperience, your ignorance of the affairs of government, and your habit of following the counsels of those who have not your real interests at heart, make it an easy matter to seduce150 you. In your petitions you ask for a general leave to quit the province. The only manner in which you can do so is to follow the regulations already established, and provide yourselves with our passport. And we declare that nothing shall prevent us from giving such passports to all who ask for them, the moment peace and tranquillity151 are re-established." [104] He declares as his reason for not giving them at once, that on crossing the frontier "you will have to pass the French detachments and savages assembled there, and that they compel all the inhabitants who go there to take up arms" against the English. How well this reason was founded will soon appear.
[104] The above passages are from two address of Cornwallis, read to the Acadian deputies in April and May, 1750. The combined extracts here given convey the spirit of the whole. See Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 185-190.
Hopson, the next governor, described by the French themselves as a "mild and peaceable officer," was no less considerate in his treatment of the Acadians; and at the end of 1752 he issued 113
V1 the following order to his military subordinates: "You are to look on the French inhabitants in the same light as the rest of His Majesty's subjects, as to the protection of the laws and government; for which reason nothing is to be taken from them by force, or any price set upon their goods but what they themselves agree to. And if at any time the inhabitants should obstinately153 refuse to comply with what His Majesty's service may require of them, you are not to redress154 yourself by military force or in any unlawful manner, but to lay the case before the Governor and wait his orders thereon." [105] Unfortunately, the mild rule of Cornwallis and Hopson was not always maintained under their successor, Lawrence.
[105] Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 197.
Louis Joseph Le Loutre, vicar-general of Acadia and missionary to the Micmacs, was the most conspicuous155 person in the province, and more than any other man was answerable for the miseries156 that overwhelmed it. The sheep of which he was the shepherd dwelt, at a day's journey from Halifax, by the banks of the River Shubenacadie, in small cabins of logs, mixed with wigwams of birch-bark. They were not a docile157 flock; and to manage them needed address, energy, and money,—with all of which the missionary was provided. He fed their traditional dislike of the English, and fanned their fanaticism, born of the villanous counterfeit158 of Christianity which he and his predecessors159 had imposed on them. Thus he contrived160 to use them on the one hand to murder the English, and on 114
V1 the other to terrify the Acadians; yet not without cost to the French Government; for they had learned the value of money, and, except when their blood was up, were slow to take scalps without pay. Le Loutre was a man of boundless161 egotism, a violent spirit of domination, an intense hatred162 of the English, and a fanaticism that stopped at nothing. Towards the Acadians he was a despot; and this simple and superstitious163 people, extremely susceptible164 to the influence of their priests, trembled before him. He was scarcely less masterful in his dealings with the Acadian clergy; and, aided by his quality of the Bishop's vicar-general, he dragooned even the unwilling165 into aiding his schemes. Three successive governors of New France thought him invaluable166, yet feared the impetuosity of his zeal, and vainly tried to restrain it within safe bounds. The Bishop, while approving his objects, thought his medicines too violent, and asked in a tone of reproof167: "Is it right for you to refuse the Acadians the sacraments, to threaten that they shall be deprived of the services of a priest, and that the savages shall treat them as enemies?" [106] "Nobody," says a French Catholic contemporary, "was more fit than he to carry discord168 and desolation into a country." [107] Cornwallis called him "a good-for-nothing scoundrel," and offered a hundred pounds for his head. [108]
[106] L'évêque de Québec à Le Loutre; translation in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 240.
[107] Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
[108] On Le Loutre, compare Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 178-180, note, with authorities there cited; N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 11; Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760 (Quebec, 1838).
115
V1 The authorities at Halifax, while exasperated169 by the perfidy170 practised on them, were themselves not always models of international virtue171. They seized a French vessel in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on the charge—probably true—that she was carrying arms and ammunition to the Acadians and Indians. A less defensible act was the capture of the armed brig "St. Fran?ois," laden172 with supplies for a fort lately re-established by the French, at the mouth of the River St. John, on ground claimed by both nations. Captain Rous, a New England officer commanding a frigate in the Royal Navy, opened fire on the "St. Fran?ois," took her after a short cannonade, and carried her into Halifax, where she was condemned173 by the court. Several captures of small craft, accused of illegal acts, were also made by the English. These proceedings, being all of an overt5 nature, gave the officers of Louis XV. precisely174 what they wanted,—an occasion for uttering loud complaints, and denouncing the English as breakers of the peace.
But the movement most alarming to the French was the English occupation of Beaubassin,—an act perfectly175 lawful59 in itself, since, without reasonable doubt, the place was within the limits of Acadia, and therefore on English ground.[109] Beaubassin was a considerable settlement on the isthmus that joins the Acadian peninsula to the mainland. Northwest of the settlement lay a wide marsh176, through which ran a stream called 116
V1 the Missaguash, some two miles beyond which rose a hill called Beauséjour. On and near this hill were stationed the troops and Canadians sent under Boishébert and La Corne to watch the English frontier. This French force excited disaffection among the Acadians through all the neighboring districts, and constantly helped them to emigrate. Cornwallis therefore resolved to send an English force to the spot; and accordingly, towards the end of April, 1750, Major Lawrence landed at Beaubassin with four hundred men. News of their approach had come before them, and Le Loutre was here with his Micmacs, mixed with some Acadians whom he had persuaded or bullied177 to join him. Resolved that the people of Beaubassin should not live under English influence, he now with his own hand set fire to the parish church, while his white and red adherents178 burned the houses of the inhabitants, and thus compelled them to cross to the French side of the river. [110] This was the first forcible removal of the Acadians. It was as premature179 as it was violent; since Lawrence, being threatened by La Corne, whose force was several times greater than his own, presently reimbarked. In the following September he returned with seventeen small vessels and about seven hundred men, and again attempted 117
V1 to land on the strand180 of Beaubassin. La Jonquière says that he could only be resisted indirectly181, because he was on the English side of the river. This indirect resistance was undertaken by Le Loutre, who had thrown up a breastwork along the shore and manned it with his Indians and his painted and be-feathered Acadians. Nevertheless the English landed, and, with some loss, drove out the defenders182. Le Loutre himself seems not to have been among them; but they kept up for a time a helter-skelter fight, encouraged by two other missionaries, Germain and Lalerne, who were near being caught by the English. [111] Lawrence quickly routed them, took possession of the cemetery183, and prepared to fortify184 himself. The village of Beaubassin, consisting, it is said, of a hundred and forty houses, had been burned in the spring; but there were still in the neighborhood, on the English side, many hamlets and farms, with barns full of grain and hay. Le Loutre's Indians now threatened to plunder185 and kill the inhabitants if they did not take arms against the English. Few complied, and the greater part fled to the woods. [112] On this the Indians and their Acadian allies set the houses and barns on fire, and laid waste the whole district, leaving the inhabitants no choice but to seek food and shelter with the French. [113]
[109] La Jonquière himself admits that he thought so. "Cette partie là étant, à ce que je crois, dépendante de l'Acadie." La Jonquière au Ministre, 3 Oct. 1750.
[110] It has been erroneously stated that Beaubassin was burned by its own inhabitants. "Laloutre, ayant vu que les Acadiens ne paroissoient pas fort pressés d'abandonner leurs biens, avoit lui-même mis le feu à l'église, et l'avoit fait mettre aux maisons des habitants par quelques-uns de ceux qu'il avoit gagnés," etc. Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. "Les sauvages y mirent le feu." Précis des Faits, 85. "Les sauvages mirent le feu aux maisons." Prévost au Ministre, 22 Juillet, 1750.
[111] La Vallière, Journal de ce qui s'est passé à Chenitou [Chignecto] et autres parties des Frontières de l'Acadie, 1750-1751. La Vallière was an officer on the spot to the footnote written.
[112] Prévost au Ministre, 27 Sept. 1750.
[113] "Les sauvages et Accadiens mirent le feu dans toutes les maisons et granges, pleines de bled et de fourrages, ce qui a causé une grande disette." La Vallière, ut supra.
118
V1 The English fortified186 themselves on a low hill by the edge of the marsh, planted palisades, built barracks, and named the new work Fort Lawrence. Slight skirmishes between them and the French were frequent. Neither party respected the dividing line of the Missaguash, and a petty warfare187 of aggression188 and reprisal189 began, and became chronic190. Before the end of the autumn there was an atrocious act of treachery. Among the English officers was Captain Edward Howe, an intelligent and agreeable person, who spoke191 French fluently, and had been long stationed in the province. Le Loutre detested192 him; dreading193 his influence over the Acadians, by many of whom he was known and liked. One morning, at about eight o'clock, the inmates194 of Fort Lawrence saw what seemed an officer from Beauséjour, carrying a flag, and followed by several men in uniform, wading195 through the sea of grass that stretched beyond the Missaguash. When the tide was out, this river was but an ugly trench196 of reddish mud gashed197 across the face of the marsh, with a thread of half-fluid slime lazily crawling along the bottom; but at high tide it was filled to the brim with an opaque198 torrent199 that would have overflowed200, but for the dikes thrown up to confine it. Behind the dike201 on the farther bank stood the seeming officer, waving his flag in sign that he desired a parley202. He was in reality no officer, but one of Le Loutre's Indians in disguise, étienne Le Batard, or, as others say, the great chief, Jean-Baptiste Cope. Howe, carrying a white flag, and accompanied by 119
V1 a few officers and men, went towards the river to hear what he had to say. As they drew near, his looks and language excited their suspicion. But it was too late; for a number of Indians, who had hidden behind the dike during the night, fired upon Howe across the stream, and mortally wounded him. They continued their fire on his companions, but could not prevent them from carrying the dying man to the fort. The French officers, indignant at this villany, did not hesitate to charge it upon Le Loutre; "for," says one of them, "what is not a wicked priest capable of doing?" But Le Loutre's brother missionary, Maillard, declares that it was purely203 an effect of religious zeal on the part of the Micmacs, who, according to him, bore a deadly grudge204 against Howe because, fourteen years before, he had spoken words disrespectful to the Holy Virgin205. [114] Maillard adds that the Indians were much pleased with what they had done. Finding, however, that they could effect little against the English troops, they changed their field of action, repaired to the outskirts of Halifax, murdered about thirty settlers, and carried off eight or ten prisoners.
[114] Maillard, Les Missions Micmaques. On the murder of Howe, Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 194, 195, 210; Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760, where it is said that Le Loutre was present at the deed; La Vallière, Journal, who says that some Acadians took part in it; Dépêches de la Jonquière, who says "les sauvages de l'Abbé le Loutre l'ont tué par trahison;" and Prévost au Ministre, 27 Oct. 1750.
Strong reinforcements came from Canada. The French began a fort on the hill of Beauséjour, and the Acadians were required to work at it with no 120
V1 compensation but rations. They were thinly clad, some had neither shoes nor stockings, and winter was begun. They became so dejected that it was found absolutely necessary to give them wages enough to supply their most pressing needs. In the following season Fort Beauséjour was in a state to receive a garrison. It stood on the crown of the hill, and a vast panorama206 stretched below and around it. In front lay the Bay of Chignecto, winding207 along the fertile shores of Chipody and Memeramcook. Far on the right spread the great Tantemar marsh; on the left lay the marsh of the Missaguash; and on a knoll208 beyond it, not three miles distant, the red flag of England waved over the palisades of Fort Lawrence, while hills wrapped in dark forests bounded the horizon.
How the homeless Acadians from Beaubassin lived through the winter is not very clear. They probably found shelter at Chipody and its neighborhood, where there were thriving settlements of their countrymen. Le Loutre, fearing that they would return to their lands and submit to the English, sent some of them to Isle St. Jean. "They refused to go," says a French writer; "but he compelled them at last, by threatening to make the Indians pillage209 them, carry off their wives and children, and even kill them before their eyes. Nevertheless he kept about him such as were most submissive to his will." [115] In the spring after the English occupied Beaubassin, La Jonquière issued a strange proclamation. It commanded 121
V1 all Acadians to take forthwith an oath of fidelity to the King of France, and to enroll210 themselves in the French militia211, on pain of being treated as rebels. [116] Three years after, Lawrence, who then governed the province, proclaimed in his turn that all Acadians who had at any time sworn fidelity to the King of England, and who should be found in arms against him, would be treated as criminals. [117] Thus were these unfortunates ground between the upper and nether212 millstones. Le Loutre replied to this proclamation of Lawrence by a letter in which he outdid himself. He declared that any of the inhabitants who had crossed to the French side of the line, and who should presume to return to the English, would be treated as enemies by his Micmacs; and in the name of these, his Indian adherents, he demanded that the entire eastern half of the Acadian peninsula, including the ground on which Fort Lawrence stood, should be at once made over to their sole use and sovereign ownership, [118]—"which being read and considered," says the record of the Halifax Council, "the contents appeared too insolent213 and absurd to be answered."
[115] Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
[116] Ordonnance du 12 Avril, 1751.
[117] écrit donné aux Habitants réfugiés à Beauséjour, 10 Ao?t, 1754.
[118] Copie de la Lettre de M. l'Abbé Le Loutre, Prêtre Missionnaire des Sauvages de l'Accadie, à M. Lawrence à Halifax, 26 Ao?t, 1754. There is a translation in Public Documents of Nova Scotia.
The number of Acadians who had crossed the line and were collected about Beauséjour was now large. Their countrymen of Chipody began to find them a burden, and they lived chiefly on 122
V1 Government rations. Le Loutre had obtained fifty thousand livres from the Court in order to dike in, for their use, the fertile marshes214 of Memeramcook; but the relief was distant, and the misery pressing. They complained that they had been lured215 over the line by false assurances, and they applied216 secretly to the English authorities to learn if they would be allowed to return to their homes. The answer was that they might do so with full enjoyment217 of religion and property, if they would take a simple oath of fidelity and loyalty218 to the King of Great Britain, qualified219 by an oral intimation that they would not be required for the present to bear arms. [119] When Le Loutre heard this, he mounted the pulpit, broke into fierce invectives, threatened the terrified people with excommunication, and preached himself into a state of exhaustion220. [120] The military commandant at Beauséjour used gentler means of prevention; and the Acadians, unused for generations to think or act for themselves, remained restless, but indecisive, waiting till fate should settle for them the question, under which king?
[119] Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 205, 209.
[120] Compare Mémoires, 1749-1760, and Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 229, 230.
Meanwhile, for the past three years, the commissioners221 appointed under the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle to settle the question of boundaries between France and England in America had been in session at Paris, waging interminable war on paper; La Galissonière and Silhouette222 for France, 123
V1 Shirley and Mildmay for England. By the treaty of Utrecht, Acadia belonged to England; but what was Acadia? According to the English commissioners, it comprised not only the peninsula now called Nova Scotia, but all the immense tract152 of land between the River St. Lawrence on the north, the Gulf of the same name on the east, the Atlantic on the south, and New England on the west. [121] The French commissioners, on their part, maintained that the name Acadia belonged of right only to about a twentieth part of this territory, and that it did not even cover the whole of the Acadian peninsula, but only its southern coast, with an adjoining belt of barren wilderness223. When the French owned Acadia, they gave it boundaries as comprehensive as those claimed for it by the English commissioners; now that it belonged to a rival, they cut it down to a paring of its former self. The denial that Acadia included the whole peninsula was dictated224 by the need of a winter communication between Quebec and Cape Breton, which was possible only with the eastern portions in French hands. So new was this denial that even La Galissonière himself, the foremost in making it, had declared without reservation two years before that Acadia was the entire peninsula. [122] "If," says a writer on the question, "we 124
V1 had to do with a nation more tractable225, less grasping, and more conciliatory, it would be well to insist also that Halifax should be given up to us." He thinks that, on the whole, it would be well to make the demand in any case, in order to gain some other point by yielding this one. [123] It is curious that while denying that the country was Acadia, the French invariably called the inhabitants Acadians. Innumerable public documents, commissions, grants, treaties, edicts, signed by French kings and ministers, had recognized Acadia as extending over New Brunswick and a part of Maine. Four censuses of Acadia while it belonged to the French had recognized the mainland as included in it; and so do also the early French maps. Its prodigious226 shrinkage was simply the consequence of its possession by an alien.
[121] The commission of De Monts, in 1603, defines Acadia as extending from the fortieth to the forty-sixth degrees of latitude,—that is, from central New Brunswick to southern Pennsylvania. Neither party cared to produce the document.
[122] "L'Acadie suivant ses anciennes limites est la presquisle bornée par son isthme." La Galissonière au Ministre, 25 Juillet, 1749. The English commissioners were, of course, ignorant of this admission.
[123] Mémoire de l'Abbé de l'Isle-Dieu, 1753 (1754?).
Other questions of limits, more important and equally perilous227, called loudly for solution. What line should separate Canada and her western dependencies from the British colonies? Various principles of demarcation were suggested, of which the most prominent on the French side was a geographical228 one. All countries watered by streams falling into the St. Lawrence, the Great Lakes, and the Mississippi were to belong to her. This would have planted her in the heart of New York and along the crests229 of the Alleghanies, giving her all the interior of the continent, and leaving nothing to England but a strip of sea-coast. Yet in view of what France had achieved; of the patient gallantry 125
V1 of her explorers, the zeal of her missionaries, the adventurous230 hardihood of her bushrangers, revealing to civilized231 mankind the existence of this wilderness world, while her rivals plodded232 at their workshops, their farms, or their fisheries,—in view of all this, her pretensions were moderate and reasonable compared with those of England. The treaty of Utrecht had declared the Iroquois, or Five Nations, to be British subjects; therefore it was insisted that all countries conquered by them belonged to the British Crown. But what was an Iroquois conquest? The Iroquois rarely occupied the countries they overran. Their military expeditions were mere67 raids, great or small. Sometimes, as in the case of the Hurons, they made a solitude233 and called it peace; again, as in the case of the Illinois, they drove off the occupants of the soil, who returned after the invaders234 were gone. But the range of their war-parties was prodigious; and the English laid claim to every mountain, forest, or prairie where an Iroquois had taken a scalp. This would give them not only the country between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi, but also that between Lake Huron and the Ottawa, thus reducing Canada to the patch on the American map now represented by the province of Quebec,—or rather, by a part of it, since the extension of Acadia to the St. Lawrence would cut off the present counties of Gaspé, Rimouski, and Bonaventure. Indeed among the advocates of British claims there were those who denied that France had any rights whatever on the south side of the St. 126
V1 Lawrence. [124] Such being the attitude of the two contestants235, it was plain that there was no resort but the last argument of kings. Peace must be won with the sword.
[124] The extent of British claims is best shown on two maps of the time, Mitchell's Map of the British and French Dominions236 in North America and Huske's New and Accurate Map of North America; both are in the British Museum. Dr. John Mitchell, in his Contest in America (London, 1757) pushes the English claim to its utmost extreme, and denies that the French were rightful owners of anything in North America except the town of Quebec and the trading-post of Tadoussac. Besides the claim founded on the subjection of the Iroquois to the British Crown, the English somewhat inconsistently advanced others founded on titles obtained by treaty from these same tribes, and others still, founded on the original grants of some of the colonies, which ran indefinitely westward237 across the continent.
The commissioners at Paris broke up their sessions, leaving as the monument of their toils238 four quarto volumes of allegations, arguments, and documentary proofs. [125] Out of the discussion rose also a swarm239 of fugitive240 publications in French, English, and Spanish; for the question of American boundaries had become European. There was one among them worth notice from its amusing absurdity241. It is an elaborate disquisition, under the title of Roman politique, by an author faithful to the traditions of European diplomacy, and inspired at the same time by the new philosophy of the school of Rousseau. He insists that the balance of power must be preserved in America as well as in Europe, because "Nature," "the aggrandizement242 of the human soul," and the "felicity of man" are unanimous in demanding it. The English colonies are more populous243 and wealthy than the French; therefore 127
V1 the French should have more land, to keep the balance. Nature, the human soul, and the felicity of man require that France should own all the country beyond the Alleghanies and all Acadia but a strip of the south coast, according to the "sublime244 negotiations245" of the French commissioners, of which the writer declares himself a "religious admirer." [126]
[125] Mémoires des Commissaires de Sa Majesté Très Chrétienne et de ceux de Sa Majesté Brittanique. Paris, 1755. Several editions appeared.
[126] Roman politique sur l'état présent des Affaires de l'Amérique (Amsterdam, 1756). For extracts from French Documents, see Appendix B.
We know already that France had used means sharper than negotiation to vindicate246 her claim to the interior of the continent; had marched to the sources of the Ohio to entrench247 herself there, and hold the passes of the West against all comers. It remains248 to see how she fared in her bold enterprise.
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ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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fidelity
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intrigue
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covert
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overt
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hostility
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incited
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impelled
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misery
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emigrants
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fanaticism
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insolence
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gathering
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peril
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melancholy
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catastrophe
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commemorate
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cape
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harass
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harassed
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promising
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obedience
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fortress
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ministry
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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30
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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31
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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32
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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33
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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34
crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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35
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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36
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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37
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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38
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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39
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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40
censuses
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| 人口普查，统计( census的名词复数 ) | |
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41
intrigued
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| adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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42
collateral
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| adj.平行的；旁系的；n.担保品 | |
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43
diagnosis
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| n.诊断，诊断结果，调查分析，判断 | |
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44
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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45
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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46
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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47
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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49
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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50
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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51
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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52
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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53
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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54
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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55
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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56
debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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57
payable
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| adj.可付的，应付的，有利益的 | |
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58
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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59
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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60
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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61
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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62
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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63
alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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64
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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65
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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66
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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67
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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68
evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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69
averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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70
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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71
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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72
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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73
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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74
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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75
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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76
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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78
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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79
discreetly
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| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
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80
reticent
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| adj.沉默寡言的；言不如意的 | |
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81
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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82
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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83
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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84
thwarting
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| 阻挠( thwart的现在分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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85
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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86
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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87
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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88
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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89
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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90
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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91
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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92
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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93
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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94
travail
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| n.阵痛；努力 | |
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95
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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96
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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97
harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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98
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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99
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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101
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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102
instigating
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的现在分词 ) | |
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103
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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104
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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105
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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106
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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107
courageously
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| ad.勇敢地，无畏地 | |
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108
mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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109
felons
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| n.重罪犯( felon的名词复数 )；瘭疽；甲沟炎；指头脓炎 | |
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110
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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111
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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112
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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113
schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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114
reimbursed
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| v.偿还，付还( reimburse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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116
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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117
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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118
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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119
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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120
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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121
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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122
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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123
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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124
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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125
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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126
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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127
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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128
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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129
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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130
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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131
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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132
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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133
apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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134
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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135
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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136
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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138
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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139
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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140
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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141
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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142
probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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143
embroil
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| vt.拖累；牵连；使复杂 | |
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144
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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145
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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146
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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147
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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148
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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149
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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150
seduce
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| vt.勾引，诱奸，诱惑，引诱 | |
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151
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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152
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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153
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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154
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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155
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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156
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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157
docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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158
counterfeit
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| vt.伪造，仿造；adj.伪造的，假冒的 | |
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159
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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160
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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161
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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162
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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163
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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164
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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165
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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166
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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167
reproof
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| n.斥责，责备 | |
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168
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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169
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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170
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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171
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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172
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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173
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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174
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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175
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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176
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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177
bullied
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| adj.被欺负了v.恐吓，威逼( bully的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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179
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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180
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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181
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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182
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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183
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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184
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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185
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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186
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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187
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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188
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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189
reprisal
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| n.报复，报仇，报复性劫掠 | |
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190
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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191
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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192
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
dreading
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| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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194
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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195
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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196
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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197
gashed
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| v.划伤，割破( gash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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198
opaque
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| adj.不透光的；不反光的，不传导的；晦涩的 | |
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199
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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200
overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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201
dike
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| n.堤，沟；v.开沟排水 | |
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202
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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203
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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204
grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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205
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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206
panorama
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| n.全景，全景画，全景摄影，全景照片[装置] | |
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207
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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208
knoll
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| n.小山，小丘 | |
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209
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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210
enroll
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| v.招收；登记；入学；参军；成为会员（英)enrol | |
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211
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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212
nether
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| adj.下部的，下面的；n.阴间；下层社会 | |
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213
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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214
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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215
lured
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| 吸引，引诱（lure的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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216
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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217
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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218
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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219
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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220
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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221
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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222
silhouette
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| n.黑色半身侧面影，影子，轮廓；v.描绘成侧面影，照出影子来，仅仅显出轮廓 | |
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223
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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224
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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225
tractable
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| adj.易驾驭的；温顺的 | |
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226
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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227
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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228
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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229
crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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230
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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231
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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232
plodded
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| v.沉重缓慢地走（路）( plod的过去式和过去分词 )；努力从事；沉闷地苦干；缓慢进行（尤指艰难枯燥的工作） | |
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233
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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234
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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235
contestants
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| n.竞争者，参赛者( contestant的名词复数 ) | |
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236
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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237
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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238
toils
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| 网 | |
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239
swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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240
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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241
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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242
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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243
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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244
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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245
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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246
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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247
entrench
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| v.使根深蒂固；n.壕沟；防御设施 | |
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248
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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