THE SIGNAL OF BATTLE.
Troubles of Dinwiddie ? Gathering1 of the Burgesses ? Virginian Society ? Refractory2 Legislators ? The Quaker Assembly ? It refuses to resist the French ? Apathy3 of New York ? Shirley and the General Court of Massachusetts ? Short-sighted Policy ? Attitude of Royal Governors ? Indian Allies waver ? Convention at Albany ? Scheme of union ? It fails ? Dinwiddie and Glen ? Dinwiddie calls on England for Help ? The Duke of Newcastle ? Weakness of the British Cabinet ? Attitude of France ? Mutual4 Dissimulation5 ? Both Powers send Troops to America ? Collision ? Capture of the "Alcide" and the "Lis."
The defeat of Washington was a heavy blow to the Governor, and he angrily ascribed it to the delay of the expected reinforcements. The King's companies from New York had reached Alexandria, and crawled towards the scene of action with thin ranks, bad discipline, thirty women and children, no tents, no blankets, no knapsacks, and for munitions7 one barrel of spoiled gunpowder8. [161] The case was still worse with the regiment9 from North Carolina. It was commanded by Colonel Innes, a countryman and friend of Dinwiddie, who wrote to him: "Dear James, I now wish that we had none from your colony but yourself, for I foresee nothing but confusion among them." The men 163
V1 were, in fact, utterly10 unmanageable. They had been promised three shillings a day, while the Virginians had only eightpence; and when they heard on the march that their pay was to be reduced, they mutinied, disbanded, and went home.
[161] Dinwiddie to the Lords of Trade, 24 July, 1754. Ibid. to Delancey, 20 June, 1754.
"You may easily guess," says Dinwiddie to a London correspondent, "the great fatigue11 and trouble I have had, which is more than I ever went through in my life." He rested his hopes on the session of his Assembly, which was to take place in August; for he thought that the late disaster would move them to give him money for defending the colony. These meetings of the burgesses were the great social as well as political event of the Old Dominion12, and gave a gathering signal to the Virginian gentry13 scattered14 far and wide on their lonely plantations15. The capital of the province was Williamsburg, a village of about a thousand inhabitants, traversed by a straight and very wide street, and adorned17 with various public buildings, conspicuous18 among which was William and Mary College, a respectable structure, unjustly likened by Jefferson to a brick kiln19 with a roof. The capitol, at the other end of the town, had been burned some years before, and had just risen from its ashes. Not far distant was the so-called Governor's Palace, where Dinwiddie with his wife and two daughters exercised such official hospitality as his moderate salary and Scottish thrift20 would permit. [162]
[162] For a contemporary account of Williamsburg, Burnaby, Travels in North America, 6. Smyth, Tour in America, I. 17, describes it some years later.
164
V1 In these seasons of festivity the dull and quiet village was transfigured. The broad, sandy street, scorching21 under a southern sun, was thronged22 with coaches and chariots brought over from London at heavy cost in tobacco, though soon to be bedimmed by Virginia roads and negro care; racing23 and hard-drinking planters; clergymen of the Establishment, not much more ascetic24 than their boon25 companions of the laity26; ladies, with manners a little rusted27 by long seclusion28; black coachmen and footmen, proud of their masters and their liveries; young cavaliers, booted and spurred, sitting their thoroughbreds with the careless grace of men whose home was the saddle. It was a proud little provincial29 society, which might seem absurd in its lofty self-appreciation, had it not soon approved itself so prolific30 in ability and worth. [163]
[163] The English traveller Smyth, in his Tour, gives a curious and vivid picture of Virginian life. For the social condition of this and other colonies before the Revolution, one cannot do better than to consult Lodge's Short History of the English Colonies.
The burgesses met, and Dinwiddie made them an opening speech, inveighing31 against the aggressions of the French, their "contempt of treaties," and "ambitious views for universal monarchy33;" and he concluded: "I could expatiate34 very largely on these affairs, but my heart burns with resentment35 at their insolence36. I think there is no room for many arguments to induce you to raise a considerable supply to enable me to defeat the designs of these troublesome people and enemies of mankind." The burgesses in their turn expressed 165
V1 the "highest and most becoming resentment," and promptly37 voted twenty thousand pounds; but on the third reading of the bill they added to it a rider which touched the old question of the pistole fee, and which, in the view of the Governor, was both unconstitutional and offensive. He remonstrated38 in vain; the stubborn republicans would not yield, nor would he; and again he prorogued39 them. This unexpected defeat depressed40 him greatly. "A governor," he wrote, "is really to be pitied in the discharge of his duty to his king and country, in having to do with such obstinate41, self-conceited people…. I cannot satisfy the burgesses unless I prostitute the rules of government. I have gone through monstrous42 fatigues43. Such wrong-headed people, I thank God, I never had to do with before." [164] A few weeks later he was comforted; for, having again called the burgesses, they gave him the money, without trying this time to humiliate44 him. [165]
[164] Dinwiddie to Hamilton, 6 Sept., 1754. Ibid. to J. Abercrombie, 1 Sept., 1754.
[165] Hening, VI. 435.
In straining at a gnat45 and swallowing a camel, aristocratic Virginia was far outdone by democratic Pennsylvania. Hamilton, her governor, had laid before the Assembly a circular letter from the Earl of Holdernesse directing him, in common with other governors, to call on his province for means to repel46 any invasion which might be made "within the undoubted limits of His Majesty47's dominion." [166] The Assembly of Pennsylvania was curiously48 unlike 166
V1 that of Virginia, as half and often more than half of its members were Quaker tradesmen in sober raiment and broad-brimmed hats; while of the rest, the greater part were Germans who cared little whether they lived under English rule or French, provided that they were left in peace upon their farms. The House replied to the Governor's call: "It would be highly presumptuous49 in us to pretend to judge of the undoubted limits of His Majesty's dominions50;" and they added: "the Assemblies of this province are generally composed of a majority who are constitutionally principled against war, and represent a well-meaning, peaceable people." [167] They then adjourned51, telling the Governor that, "As those our limits have not been clearly ascertained52 to our satisfaction, we fear the precipitate53 call upon us as the province invaded cannot answer any good purpose at this time."
[166] The Earl of Holdernesse to the Governors in America, 28 Aug. 1753.
[167] Colonial Records of Pa., V. 748.
In the next month they met again, and again Hamilton asked for means to defend the country. The question was put, Should the Assembly give money for the King's use? and the vote was feebly affirmative. Should the sum be twenty thousand pounds? The vote was overwhelming in the negative. Fifteen thousand, ten thousand, and five thousand, were successively proposed, and the answer was always, No. The House would give nothing but five hundred pounds for a present to the Indians; after which they adjourned "to the sixth of the month called May." [168] At their next meeting 167
V1 they voted to give the Governor ten thousand pounds; but under conditions which made them for some time independent of his veto, and which, in other respects, were contrary to his instructions from the King, as well as from the proprietaries54 of the province, to whom he had given bonds to secure his obedience55. He therefore rejected the bill, and they adjourned. In August they passed a similar vote, with the same result. At their October meeting they evaded56 his call for supplies. In December they voted twenty thousand pounds, hampered57 with conditions which were sure to be refused, since Morris, the new governor, who had lately succeeded Hamilton, was under the same restrictions58 as his predecessor59. They told him, however, that in the present case they felt themselves bound by no Act of Parliament, and added: "We hope the Governor, notwithstanding any penal60 bond he may have entered into, will on reflection think himself at liberty and find it consistent with his safety and honor to give his assent61 to this bill." Morris, who had taken the highest legal advice on the subject in England, declined to compromise himself, saying: "Consider, gentlemen, in what light you will appear to His Majesty while, instead of contributing towards your own defence, you are entering into an ill-timed controversy62 concerning the validity of royal instructions which may be delayed to a more convenient time without the least injury to the rights of the people." [169] They would not yield, and 168
V1 told him "that they had rather the French should conquer them than give up their privileges." [170] "Truly," remarks Dinwiddie, "I think they have given their senses a long holiday."
[168] Pennsylvania Archives, II. 235. Colonial Records of Pa., VI. 22-26. Works of Franklin, III. 265.
[169] Colonial Records of Pa., VI. 215.
[170] Morris to Penn, 1 Jan. 1755.
New York was not much behind her sisters in contentious63 stubbornness. In answer to the Governor's appeal, the Assembly replied: "It appears that the French have built a fort at a place called French Creek64, at a considerable distance from the River Ohio, which may, but does not by any evidence or information appear to us to be an invasion of any of His Majesty's colonies." [171] So blind were they as yet to "manifest destiny!" Afterwards, however, on learning the defeat of Washington, they gave five thousand pounds to aid Virginia. [172] Maryland, after long delay, gave six thousand. New Jersey65 felt herself safe behind the other colonies, and would give nothing. New England, on the other hand, and especially Massachusetts, had suffered so much from French war-parties that they were always ready to fight. Shirley, the governor of Massachusetts, had returned from his bootless errand to settle the boundary question at Paris. His leanings were strongly monarchical66; yet he believed in the New Englanders, and was more or less in sympathy with them. Both he and they were strenuous67 against the French, and they had mutually helped each other to reap laurels68 in the last war. Shirley was cautious of giving 169
V1 umbrage69 to his Assembly, and rarely quarrelled with it, except when the amount of his salary was in question. He was not averse16 to a war with France; for though bred a lawyer, and now past middle life, he flattered himself with hopes of a high military command. On the present occasion, making use of a rumor70 that the French were seizing the carrying-place between the Chaudière and the Kennebec, he drew from the Assembly a large grant of money, and induced them to call upon him to march in person to the scene of danger. He accordingly repaired to Falmouth (now Portland); and, though the rumor proved false, sent eight hundred men under Captain John Winslow to build two forts on the Kennebec as a measure of precaution. [173]
[171] Address of the Assembly to Lieutenant-Governor Delancey, 23 April, 1754. Lords of Trade to Delancey, 5 July, 1754.
[172] Delancey to Lords of Trade, 8 Oct. 1754.
[173] Massachusetts Archives, 1754. Hutchinson, III. 26. Conduct of Major-General Shirley briefly71 stated. Journals of the Board of Trade, 1754.
While to these northern provinces Canada was an old and pestilent enemy, those towards the south scarcely knew her by name; and the idea of French aggression32 on their borders was so novel and strange that they admitted it with difficulty. Mind and heart were engrossed72 in strife73 with their governors: the universal struggle for virtual self-rule. But the war was often waged with a passionate74 stupidity. The colonist75 was not then an American; he was simply a provincial, and a narrow one. The time was yet distant when these dissevered and jealous communities should weld themselves into one broad nationality, capable, at need, of the mightiest76 efforts to purge77 170
In the interest of that practical independence which they had so much at heart, two conditions were essential to the colonists80. The one was a field for expansion, and the other was mutual help. Their first necessity was to rid themselves of the French, who, by shutting them between the Alleghanies and the sea, would cramp81 them into perpetual littleness. With France on their backs, growing while they had no room to grow, they must remain in helpless wardship82, dependent on England, whose aid they would always need; but with the West open before them, their future was their own. King and Parliament would respect perforce the will of a people spread from the ocean to the Mississippi, and united in action as in aims. But in the middle of the last century the vision of the ordinary colonist rarely reached so far. The immediate83 victory over a governor, however slight the point at issue, was more precious in his eyes than the remote though decisive advantage which he saw but dimly.
The governors, representing the central power, saw the situation from the national point of view. Several of them, notably84 Dinwiddie and Shirley, were filled with wrath85 at the proceedings86 of the French; and the former was exasperated87 beyond measure at the supineness of the provinces. He had spared no effort to rouse them, and had failed. His instincts were on the side of authority; but, under the circumstances, it is hardly to be imputed88 171
V1 to him as a very deep offence against human liberty that he advised the compelling of the colonies to raise men and money for their own defence, and proposed, in view of their "intolerable obstinacy89 and disobedience to his Majesty's commands," that Parliament should tax them half-a-crown a head. The approaching war offered to the party of authority temptations from which the colonies might have saved it by opening their purse-strings without waiting to be told.
The Home Government, on its part, was but half-hearted in the wish that they should unite in opposition90 to the common enemy. It was very willing that the several provinces should give money and men, but not that they should acquire military habits and a dangerous capacity of acting91 together. There was one kind of union, however, so obviously necessary, and at the same time so little to be dreaded92, that the British Cabinet, instructed by the governors, not only assented93 to it, but urged it. This was joint94 action in making treaties with the Indians. The practice of separate treaties, made by each province in its own interest, had bred endless disorders95. The adhesion of all the tribes had been so shaken, and the efforts of the French to alienate96 them were so vigorous and effective, that not a moment was to be lost. Joncaire had gained over most of the Senecas, Piquet was drawing the Onondagas more and more to his mission, and the Dutch of Albany were alienating97 their best friends, the Mohawks, by encroaching on their lands. Their chief, 172
V1 Hendrick, came to New York with a deputation of the tribe to complain of their wrongs; and finding no redress98, went off in anger, declaring that the covenant99 chain was broken. [174] The authorities in alarm called William Johnson to their aid. He succeeded in soothing100 the exasperated chief, and then proceeded to the confederate council at Onondaga, where he found the assembled sachems full of anxieties and doubts. "We don't know what you Christians101, English and French, intend," said one of their orators102. "We are so hemmed104 in by you both that we have hardly a hunting-place left. In a little while, if we find a bear in a tree, there will immediately appear an owner of the land to claim the property and hinder us from killing105 it, by which we live. We are so perplexed106 between you that we hardly know what to say or think." [175] No man had such power over the Five Nations as Johnson. His dealings with them were at once honest, downright, and sympathetic. They loved and trusted him as much as they detested107 the Indian commissioners108 at Albany, whom the province of New York had charged with their affairs, and who, being traders, grossly abused their office.
[174] N. Y. Col. Docs., VI. 788. Colonial Records of Pa., V. 625.
[175] N. Y. Col. Docs., VI. 813.
It was to remedy this perilous109 state of things that the Lords of Trade and Plantations directed the several governors to urge on their assemblies the sending of commissioners to make a joint treaty with the wavering tribes. [176] Seven of the 173
V1 provinces, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the four New England colonies, acceded110 to the plan, and sent to Albany, the appointed place of meeting, a body of men who for character and ability had never had an equal on the continent, but whose powers from their respective assemblies were so cautiously limited as to preclude112 decisive action. They met in the court-house of the little frontier city. A large "chain-belt" of wampum was provided, on which the King was symbolically113 represented, holding in his embrace the colonies, the Five Nations, and all their allied114 tribes. This was presented to the assembled warriors115, with a speech in which the misdeeds of the French were not forgotten. The chief, Hendrick, made a much better speech in reply. "We do now solemnly renew and brighten the covenant chain. We shall take the chain-belt to Onondaga, where our council-fire always burns, and keep it so safe that neither thunder nor lightning shall break it." The commissioners had blamed them for allowing so many of their people to be drawn116 away to Piquet's mission. "It is true," said the orator103, "that we live disunited. We have tried to bring back our brethren, but in vain; for the Governor of Canada is like a wicked, deluding117 spirit. You ask why we are so dispersed118. The reason is that you have neglected us for these three years past." Here he took a stick and threw it behind him. "You have thus thrown us behind your back; whereas the French are a subtle and vigilant119 people, always using their utmost endeavors 174
V1 to seduce120 and bring us over to them." He then told them that it was not the French alone who invaded the country of the Indians. "The Governor of Virginia and the Governor of Canada are quarrelling about lands which belong to us, and their quarrel may end in our destruction." And he closed with a burst of sarcasm121. "We would have taken Crown Point [in the last war], but you prevented us. Instead, you burned your own fort at Saratoga and ran away from it,—which was a shame and a scandal to you. Look about your country and see: you have no fortifications; no, not even in this city. It is but a step from Canada hither, and the French may come and turn you out of doors. You desire us to speak from the bottom of our hearts, and we shall do it. Look at the French: they are men; they are fortifying122 everywhere. But you are all like women, bare and open, without fortifications." [177]
[176] Circular Letter of Lords of Trade to Governors in America, 18 Sept. 1753. Lords of Trade to Sir Danvers Osborne, in N. Y. Col. Docs., VI. 800.
[177] Proceedings of the Congress at Albany, N. Y. Col. Docs., VI. 853. A few verbal changes, for the sake of brevity, are made in the above extracts.
Hendrick's brother Abraham now took up the word, and begged that Johnson might be restored to the management of Indian affairs, which he had formerly123 held; "for," said the chief, "we love him and he us, and he has always been our good and trusty friend." The commissioners had not power to grant the request, but the Indians were assured that it should not be forgotten; and they returned to their villages soothed124, but far from satisfied. Nor were the commissioners empowered 175
V1 to take any effective steps for fortifying the frontier.
The congress now occupied itself with another matter. Its members were agreed that great danger was impending125; that without wise and just treatment of the tribes, the French would gain them all, build forts along the back of the British colonies, and, by means of ships and troops from France, master them one by one, unless they would combine for mutual defence. The necessity of some form of union had at length begun to force itself upon the colonial mind. A rough woodcut had lately appeared in the Pennsylvania Gazette, figuring the provinces under the not very flattering image of a snake cut to pieces, with the motto, "Join, or die." A writer of the day held up the Five Nations for emulation126, observing that if ignorant savages127 could confederate, British colonists might do as much. [178] Franklin, the leading spirit of the congress, now laid before it his famous project of union, which has been too often described to need much notice here. Its fate is well known. The Crown rejected it because it gave too much power to the colonies; the colonies, because it gave too much power to the Crown, and because it required each of them to transfer some of its functions of self-government to a central council. Another plan was afterwards devised by the friends of prerogative128, perfectly129 agreeable to the King, since it placed all power in the hands 176
V1 of a council of governors, and since it involved compulsory130 taxation131 of the colonists, who, for the same reasons, would have doggedly132 resisted it, had an attempt been made to carry it into effect. [179]
[178] Kennedy, Importance of gaining and preserving the Friendship of the Indians.
[179] On the Albany plan of union, Franklin's Works, I. 177. Shirley thought it "a great strain upon the prerogative of the Crown," and was for requiring the colonies to raise money and men "without farther consulting them upon any points whatever." Shirley to Robinson, 24 Dec. 1754.
Even if some plan of union had been agreed upon, long delay must have followed before its machinery133 could be set in motion; and meantime there was need of immediate action. War-parties of Indians from Canada, set on, it was thought, by the Governor, were already burning and murdering among the border settlements of New York and New Hampshire. In the south Dinwiddie grew more and more alarmed, "for the French are like so many locusts134; they are collected in bodies in a most surprising manner; their number now on the Ohio is from twelve hundred to fifteen hundred." He writes to Lord Granville that, in his opinion, they aim to conquer the continent, and that "the obstinacy of this stubborn generation" exposes the country "to the merciless rage of a rapacious135 enemy." What vexed136 him even more than the apathy of the assemblies was the conduct of his brother-governor, Glen of South Carolina, who, apparently137 piqued138 at the conspicuous part Dinwiddie was acting, wrote to him in a "very dictatorial139 style," found fault with his measures, jested at his activity in writing letters, and even questioned the 177
V1 right of England to lands on the Ohio; till he was moved at last to retort: "I cannot help observing that your letters and arguments would have been more proper from a French officer than from one of His Majesty's governors. My conduct has met with His Majesty's gracious approbation140; and I am sorry it has not received yours." Thus discouraged, even in quarters where he had least reason to expect it, he turned all his hopes to the Home Government; again recommended a tax by Act of Parliament, and begged, in repeated letters, for arms, munitions, and two regiments141 of infantry142. [180] His petition was not made in vain.
[180] Dinwiddie Papers; letters to Granville, Albemarle, Halifax, Fox, Holdernesse, Horace Walpole, and Lords of Trade.
England at this time presented the phenomenon of a prime minister who could not command the respect of his own servants. A more preposterous143 figure than the Duke of Newcastle never stood at the head of a great nation. He had a feverish144 craving145 for place and power, joined to a total unfitness for both. He was an adept146 in personal politics, and was so busied with the arts of winning and keeping office that he had no leisure, even if he had had ability, for the higher work of government. He was restless, quick in movement, rapid and confused in speech, lavish147 of worthless promises, always in a hurry, and at once headlong, timid, and rash. "A borrowed importance and real insignificance," says Walpole, who knew him well, "gave him the perpetual air of a solicitor…. He had no pride, though infinite self-love. He 178
V1 loved business immoderately; yet was only always doing it, never did it. When left to himself, he always plunged148 into difficulties, and then shuddered149 for the consequences." Walpole gives an anecdote150 showing the state of his ideas on colonial matters. General Ligonier suggested to him that Annapolis ought to be defended. "To which he replied with his lisping, evasive hurry: 'Annapolis, Annapolis! Oh, yes, Annapolis must be defended,—where is Annapolis?'" [181] Another contemporary, Smollett, ridicules151 him in his novel of Humphrey Clinker, and tells a similar story, which, founded in fact or not, shows in what estimation the minister was held: "Captain C. treated the Duke's character without any ceremony. 'This wiseacre,' said he, 'is still abed; and I think the best thing he can do is to sleep on till Christmas; for when he gets up he does nothing but expose his own folly152. In the beginning of the war he told me in a great fright that thirty thousand French had marched from Acadia to Cape153 Breton. Where did they find transports? said I.—Transports! cried he, I tell you they marched by land.—By land to the island of Cape Breton!—What, is Cape Breton an island?—Certainly.—Ha! are you sure of that?—When I pointed111 it out on the map, he examined it earnestly with his spectacles; then, taking me in his arms,—My dear C., cried he, you always bring us good news. Egad! I'll go directly and tell the King that Cape Breton is an island.'"
[181] Walpole, George II., I. 344.
179
V1 His wealth, county influence, flagitious use of patronage154, and long-practised skill in keeping majorities in the House of Commons by means that would not bear the light, made his support necessary to Pitt himself, and placed a fantastic political jobber155 at the helm of England in a time when she needed a patriot156 and a statesman. Newcastle was the growth of the decrepitude157 and decay of a great party, which had fulfilled its mission and done its work. But if the Whig soil had become poor for a wholesome158 crop, it was never so rich for toadstools.
Sir Thomas Robinson held the Southern Department, charged with the colonies; and Lord Mahon remarks of him that the Duke had achieved the feat6 of finding a secretary of state more incapable159 than himself. He had the lead of the House of Commons. "Sir Thomas Robinson lead us!" said Pitt to Henry Fox; "the Duke might as well send his jackboot to lead us." The active and aspiring160 Halifax was at the head of the Board of Trade and Plantations. The Duke of Cumberland commanded the army,—an indifferent soldier, though a brave one; harsh, violent, and headlong. Anson, the celebrated161 navigator, was First Lord of the Admiralty,—a position in which he disappointed everybody.
In France the true ruler was Madame de Pompadour, once the King's mistress, now his procuress, and a sort of feminine prime minister. Machault d'Arnouville was at the head of the Marine162 and Colonial Department. The diplomatic representatives of the two Crowns were more conspicuous 180
V1 for social than for political talents. Of Mirepoix, French ambassador at London, Marshal Saxe had once observed: "It is a good appointment; he can teach the English to dance." Walpole says concerning him: "He could not even learn to pronounce the names of our games of cards,—which, however, engaged most of the hours of his negotiation163. We were to be bullied164 out of our colonies by an apprentice165 at whist!" Lord Albemarle, English ambassador at Versailles, is held up by Chesterfield as an example to encourage his son in the pursuit of the graces: "What do you think made our friend Lord Albemarle colonel of a regiment of Guards, Governor of Virginia, Groom166 of the Stole, and ambassador to Paris,—amounting in all to sixteen or seventeen thousand pounds a year? Was it his birth? No; a Dutch gentleman only. Was it his estate? No; he had none. Was it his learning, his parts, his political abilities and application? You can answer these questions as easily and as soon as I can ask them. What was it then? Many people wondered; but I do not, for I know, and will tell you,—it was his air, his address, his manners, and his graces."
The rival nations differed widely in military and naval167 strength. England had afloat more than two hundred ships of war, some of them of great force; while the navy of France counted little more than half the number. On the other hand, England had reduced her army to eighteen thousand men, and France had nearly ten times as many under arms. Both alike were weak in 181
V1 leadership. That rare son of the tempest, a great commander, was to be found in neither of them since the death of Saxe.
In respect to the approaching crisis, the interests of the two Powers pointed to opposite courses of action. What France needed was time. It was her policy to put off a rupture168, wreathe her face in diplomatic smiles, and pose in an attitude of peace and good faith, while increasing her navy, reinforcing her garrisons169 in America, and strengthening her positions there. It was the policy of England to attack at once, and tear up the young encroachments while they were yet in the sap, before they could strike root and harden into stiff resistance.
When, on the fourteenth of November, the King made his opening speech to the Houses of Parliament, he congratulated them on the prevailing170 peace, and assured them that he should improve it to promote the trade of his subjects, "and protect those possessions which constitute one great source of their wealth." America was not mentioned; but his hearers understood him, and made a liberal grant for the service of the year. [182] Two regiments, each of five hundred men, had already been ordered to sail for Virginia, where their numbers were to be raised by enlistment171 to seven hundred. [183] Major-General Braddock, a man after the 182
V1 Duke of Cumberland's own heart, was appointed to the chief command. The two regiments—the forty-fourth and the forty-eighth—embarked172 at Cork173 in the middle of January. The soldiers detested the service, and many had deserted174. More would have done so had they foreseen what awaited them.
[182] Entick, Late War, I. 118.
[183] Robinson to Lords of the Admiralty, 30 Sept. 1754. Ibid., to Board of Ordnance175, 10 Oct. 1754. Ibid., Circular Letter to American Governors, 26 Oct. 1754. Instructions to our Trusty and Well-beloved Edward Braddock, 25 Nov. 1754.
This movement was no sooner known at Versailles than a counter expedition was prepared on a larger scale. Eighteen ships of war were fitted for sea at Brest and Rochefort, and the six battalions176 of La Reine, Bourgogne, Languedoc, Guienne, Artois, and Béarn, three thousand men in all, were ordered on board for Canada. Baron177 Dieskau, a German veteran who had served under Saxe, was made their general; and with him went the new governor of French America, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, destined178 to succeed Duquesne, whose health was failing under the fatigues of his office. Admiral Dubois de la Motte commanded the fleet; and lest the English should try to intercept179 it, another squadron of nine ships, under Admiral Macnamara, was ordered to accompany it to a certain distance from the coast. There was long and tedious delay. Doreil, commissary of war, who had embarked with Vaudreuil and Dieskau in the same ship, wrote from the harbor of Brest on the twenty-ninth of April: "At last I think we are off. We should have been outside by four o'clock this morning, if M. de Macnamara had not been obliged to ask Count Dubois de la Motte to wait till noon to mend some important part of the 183
V1 rigging (I don't know the name of it) which was broken. It is precious time lost, and gives the English the advantage over us of two tides. I talk of these things as a blind man does of colors. What is certain is that Count Dubois de la Motte is very impatient to get away, and that the King's fleet destined for Canada is in very able and zealous180 hands. It is now half-past two. In half an hour all may be ready, and we may get out of the harbor before night." He was again disappointed; it was the third of May before the fleet put to sea. [184]
[184] Lettres de Cremille, de Rostaing, et de Doreil au Ministre, Avril 18, 24, 28, 29, 1755. Liste des Vaisseaux de Guerre qui composent l'Escadre armée à Brest, 1755. Journal of M. de Vaudreuil's Voyage to Canada, in N. Y. Col. Docs., X. 297. Pouchot, I. 25.
During these preparations there was active diplomatic correspondence between the two Courts. Mirepoix demanded why British troops were sent to America. Sir Thomas Robinson answered that there was no intention to disturb the peace or offend any Power whatever; yet the secret orders to Braddock were the reverse of pacific. Robinson asked on his part the purpose of the French armament at Brest and Rochefort; and the answer, like his own, was a protestation that no hostility181 was meant. At the same time Mirepoix in the name of the King proposed that orders should be given to the American governors on both sides to refrain from all acts of aggression. But while making this proposal the French Court secretly sent orders to Duquesne to attack and destroy Fort Halifax, one of the two forts lately built by Shirley 184
V1 on the Kennebec,—a river which, by the admission of the French themselves, belonged to the English. But, in making this attack, the French Governor was expressly enjoined182 to pretend that he acted without orders. [185] He was also told that, if necessary, he might make use of the Indians to harass183 the English. [186] Thus there was good faith on neither part; but it is clear through all the correspondence that the English expected to gain by precipitating184 an open rupture, and the French by postponing185 it. Projects of convention were proposed on both sides, but there was no agreement. The English insisted as a preliminary condition that the French should evacuate186 all the western country as far as the Wabash. Then ensued a long discussion of their respective claims, as futile187 as the former discussion at Paris on Acadian boundaries. [187]
[185] Machault à Duquesne, 17 Fév. 1755. The letter of Mirepoix proposing mutual abstinence from aggression, is dated on the 6th of the same month. The French dreaded Fort Halifax, because they thought it prepared the way for an advance on Quebec by way of the Chaudière.
[186] Ibid.
[187] This correspondence is printed among the Pièces justificatives of the Précis des Faits.
The British Court knew perfectly the naval and military preparations of the French. Lord Albemarle had died at Paris in December; but the secretary of the embassy, De Cosne, sent to London full information concerning the fleet at Brest and Rochefort. [188] On this, Admiral Boscawen, with eleven ships of the line and one frigate188, was ordered to intercept it; and as his force was plainly too small, Admiral Holbourne, with seven more ships, was 185
V1 sent, nearly three weeks after, to join him if he could. Their orders were similar,—to capture or destroy any French vessels189 bound to North America. [189] Boscawen, who got to sea before La Motte, stationed himself near the southern coast of Newfoundland to cut him off; but most of the French squadron eluded190 him, and safely made their way, some to Louisbourg, and the others to Quebec. Thus the English expedition was, in the main, a failure. Three of the French ships, however, lost in fog and rain, had become separated from the rest, and lay rolling and tossing on an angry sea not far from Cape Race. One of them was the "Alcide," commanded by Captain Hocquart; the others were the "Lis" and the "Dauphin." The wind fell; but the fogs continued at intervals191; till, on the afternoon of the seventh of June, the weather having cleared, the watchman on the maintop saw the distant ocean studded with ships. It was the fleet of Boscawen. Hocquart, who gives the account, says that in the morning they were within three leagues of him, crowding all sail in pursuit. Towards eleven o'clock one of them, the "Dunkirk," was abreast192 of him to windward, within short speaking distance; and the ship of the Admiral, displaying a red flag as a signal to engage, was not far off. Hocquart called out: "Are we at peace, or war?" He declares that Howe, captain of the "Dunkirk," replied in French: "La paix, la paix." 186
V1 Hocquart then asked the name of the British admiral; and on hearing it said: "I know him; he is a friend of mine." Being asked his own name in return, he had scarcely uttered it when the batteries of the "Dunkirk" belched193 flame and smoke, and volleyed a tempest of iron upon the crowded decks of the "Alcide." She returned the fire, but was forced at length to strike her colors. Rostaing, second in command of the troops, was killed; and six other officers, with about eighty men, were killed or wounded. [190] At the same time the "Lis" was attacked and overpowered. She had on board eight companies of the battalions of La Reine and Languedoc. The third French ship, the "Dauphin," escaped under cover of a rising fog. [191]
[188] Particulars in Entick, I. 121.
[189] Secret Instructions for our Trusty and Well-beloved Edward Boscawen, Esq., Vice-Admiral of the Blue, 16 April, 1755. Most secret Instructions for Francis Holbourne, Esq., Rear-Admiral of the Blue, 9 May, 1755. Robinson to Lords of the Admiralty, 8 May, 1755.
[190] Liste des Officiers tués et blessés dans le Combat de l'Alcide et du Lis.
[191] Hocquart's account is given in full by Pichon, Lettres et Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire du Cap-Breton. The short account in Précis des Faits, 272, seems, too, to be drawn from Hocquart. Also Boscawen to Robinson, 22 June, 1755. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 24 Juillet, 1755. Entick, I. 137.
Some English accounts say that Captain Howe, in answer to the question, "Are we at peace, or war?" returned, "I don't know; but you had better prepare for war." Boscawen places the action on the 10th, instead of the 8th, and puts the English loss at seven killed and twenty-seven wounded.
Here at last was an end to negotiation. The sword was drawn and brandished194 in the eyes of Europe.
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1
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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2
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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3
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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4
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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6
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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13
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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19
kiln
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| n.（砖、石灰等）窑，炉；v.烧窑 | |
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20
thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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21
scorching
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| adj. 灼热的 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
racing
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| n.竞赛，赛马；adj.竞赛用的，赛马用的 | |
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ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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25
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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26
laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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27
rusted
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| v.（使）生锈( rust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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29
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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30
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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31
inveighing
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的现在分词 ) | |
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32
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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34
expatiate
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| v.细说，详述 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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36
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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38
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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prorogued
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| v.使（议会）休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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41
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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42
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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43
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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44
humiliate
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| v.使羞辱，使丢脸[同]disgrace | |
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45
gnat
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| v.对小事斤斤计较，琐事 | |
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46
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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47
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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48
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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51
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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54
proprietaries
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| n.所有人( proprietary的名词复数 )；专卖药品；独家制造（及销售）的产品 | |
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55
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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56
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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57
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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59
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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60
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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61
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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contentious
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| adj.好辩的，善争吵的 | |
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64
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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67
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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68
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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69
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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71
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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72
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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74
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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75
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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76
mightiest
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| adj.趾高气扬( mighty的最高级 )；巨大的；强有力的；浩瀚的 | |
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77
purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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78
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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81
cramp
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| n.痉挛；[pl.](腹)绞痛；vt.限制，束缚 | |
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82
wardship
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| 监护，保护 | |
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83
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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84
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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85
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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91
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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93
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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95
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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96
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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alienating
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| v.使疏远( alienate的现在分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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98
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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107
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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109
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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110
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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111
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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112
preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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113
symbolically
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| ad.象征地，象征性地 | |
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114
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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115
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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116
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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117
deluding
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的现在分词 ) | |
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118
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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119
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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120
seduce
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| vt.勾引，诱奸，诱惑，引诱 | |
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121
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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122
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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123
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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124
soothed
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| v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
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125
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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126
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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127
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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128
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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129
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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130
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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131
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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132
doggedly
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| adv.顽强地，固执地 | |
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133
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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134
locusts
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| n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 )；贪吃的人；破坏者；槐树 | |
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135
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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136
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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137
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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138
piqued
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| v.伤害…的自尊心( pique的过去式和过去分词 )；激起（好奇心） | |
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139
dictatorial
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| adj. 独裁的，专断的 | |
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140
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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141
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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142
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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143
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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144
feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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145
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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146
adept
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| adj.老练的，精通的 | |
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147
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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148
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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149
shuddered
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| v.战栗( shudder的过去式和过去分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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150
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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151
ridicules
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| n.嘲笑( ridicule的名词复数 )；奚落；嘲弄；戏弄v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的第三人称单数 ) | |
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152
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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153
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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154
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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155
jobber
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| n.批发商；(股票买卖)经纪人；做零工的人 | |
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156
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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157
decrepitude
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| n.衰老；破旧 | |
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158
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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159
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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160
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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161
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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162
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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163
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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164
bullied
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| adj.被欺负了v.恐吓，威逼( bully的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
apprentice
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| n.学徒，徒弟 | |
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166
groom
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| vt.给（马、狗等）梳毛，照料，使...整洁 | |
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167
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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168
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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169
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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170
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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171
enlistment
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| n.应征入伍，获得，取得 | |
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172
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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173
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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174
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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175
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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176
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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177
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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178
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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179
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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180
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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181
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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182
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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184
precipitating
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| adj.急落的，猛冲的v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的现在分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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185
postponing
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| v.延期，推迟( postpone的现在分词 ) | |
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186
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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187
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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188
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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189
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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190
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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191
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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192
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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193
belched
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| v.打嗝( belch的过去式和过去分词 )；喷出，吐出；打（嗝）；嗳（气） | |
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194
brandished
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| v.挥舞( brandish的过去式和过去分词 )；炫耀 | |
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