REMOVAL OF THE ACADIANS.
State of Acadia ? Threatened Invasion ? Peril1 of the English ? Their Plans ? French Forts to be attacked ? Beauséjour and its Occupants ? French Treatment of the Acadians ? John Winslow ? Siege and Capture of Beauséjour ? Attitude of Acadians ? Influence of their Priests ? They Refuse the Oath of Allegiance ? Their Condition and Character ? Pretended Neutrals ? Moderation of English Authorities ? The Acadians persist in their Refusal ? Enemies or Subjects? ? Choice of the Acadians ? The Consequence ? Their Removal determined2 ? Winslow at Grand Pré ? Conference with Murray ? Summons to the Inhabitants ? Their Seizure3 ? Their Embarkation4 ? Their Fate ? Their Treatment in Canada ? Misapprehension concerning them.
By the plan which the Duke of Cumberland had ordained6 and Braddock had announced in the Council at Alexandria, four blows were to be struck at once to force back the French boundaries, lop off the dependencies of Canada, and reduce her from a vast territory to a petty province. The first stroke had failed, and had shattered the hand of the striker; it remains7 to see what fortune awaited the others.
It was long since a project of purging8 Acadia of French influence had germinated9 in the fertile mind of Shirley. We have seen in a former chapter the condition of that afflicted10 province. Several thousands of its inhabitants, wrought11 upon 235
V1 by intriguing12 agents of the French Government; taught by their priests that fidelity13 to King Louis was inseparable from fidelity to God, and that to swear allegiance to the British Crown was eternal perdition; threatened with plunder15 and death at the hands of the savages16 whom the ferocious18 missionary19, Le Loutre, held over them in terror,—had abandoned, sometimes willingly, but oftener under constraint20, the fields which they and their fathers had tilled, and crossing the boundary line of the Missaguash, had placed themselves under the French flag planted on the hill of Beauséjour. [240] Here, or in the neighborhood, many of them had remained, wretched and half starved; while others had been transported to Cape21 Breton, Isle22 St. Jean, or the coasts of the Gulf,—not so far, however, that they could not on occasion be used to aid in an invasion of British Acadia. [241] Those of their countrymen who still lived under the British flag were chiefly the inhabitants of the district of Mines and of the valley of the River Annapolis, who, with other less important settlements, numbered a little more than nine thousand souls. We have shown already, by the evidence of the French themselves, that neither they nor their 236
V1 emigrant23 countrymen had been oppressed or molested25 in matters temporal or spiritual, but that the English authorities, recognizing their value as an industrious26 population, had labored27 to reconcile them to a change of rulers which on the whole was to their advantage. It has been shown also how, with a heartless perfidy29 and a reckless disregard of their welfare and safety, the French Government and its agents labored to keep them hostile to the Crown of which it had acknowledged them to be subjects. The result was, that though they did not, like their emigrant countrymen, abandon their homes, they remained in a state of restless disaffection, refused to supply English garrisons30 with provisions, except at most exorbitant32 rates, smuggled33 their produce to the French across the line, gave them aid and intelligence, and sometimes, disguised as Indians, robbed and murdered English settlers. By the new-fangled construction of the treaty of Utrecht which the French boundary commissioners34 had devised, [242] more than half the Acadian peninsula, including nearly all the cultivated land and nearly all the population of French descent, was claimed as belonging to France, though England had held possession of it more than forty years. Hence, according to the political ethics36 adopted at the time by both nations, it would be lawful37 for France to reclaim38 it by force. England, on her part, it will be remembered, claimed vast tracts40 beyond the isthmus41; and, on the same pretext42, held that 237
V1 she might rightfully seize them and capture Beauséjour, with the other French garrisons that guarded them.
[240] See ante, Chapter IV.
[241] Rameau (La France aux Colonies, I. 63), estimates the total emigration from 1748 to 1755 at 8,600 souls,—which number seems much too large. This writer, though vehemently44 anti-English, gives the following passage from a letter of a high French official: "que les Acadiens émigrés et en grande misère comptaient se retirer à Québec et demander des terres, mais il conviendrait mieux qu'ils restent où ils sont, afin d'avoir le voisinage de l'Acadie bien peuplé et défriché, pour approvisionner l'Isle Royale [Cape Breton] et tomber en cas de guerre sur l'Acadie." Rameau, I. 133.
[242] Supra, p. 123.
On the part of France, an invasion of the Acadian peninsula seemed more than likely. Honor demanded of her that, having incited45 the Acadians to disaffection, and so brought on them the indignation of the English authorities, she should intervene to save them from the consequences. Moreover the loss of the Acadian peninsula had been gall46 and wormwood to her; and in losing it she had lost great material advantages. Its possession was necessary to connect Canada with the Island of Cape Breton and the fortress47 of Louisbourg. Its fertile fields and agricultural people would furnish subsistence to the troops and garrisons in the French maritime48 provinces, now dependent on supplies illicitly49 brought by New England traders, and liable to be cut off in time of war when they were needed most. The harbors of Acadia, too, would be invaluable50 as naval51 stations from which to curb52 and threaten the northern English colonies. Hence the intrigues53 so assiduously practised to keep the Acadians French at heart, and ready to throw off British rule at any favorable moment. British officers believed that should a French squadron with a sufficient force of troops on board appear in the Bay of Fundy, the whole population on the Basin of Mines and along the Annapolis would rise in arms, and that the emigrants55 beyond the isthmus, armed and trained by French officers, 238
V1 would come to their aid. This emigrant population, famishing in exile, looked back with regret to the farms they had abandoned; and, prevented as they were by Le Loutre and his colleagues from making their peace with the English, they would, if confident of success, have gladly joined an invading force to regain57 their homes by reconquering Acadia for Louis XV. In other parts of the continent it was the interest of France to put off hostilities58; if Acadia alone had been in question, it would have been her interest to precipitate59 them.
Her chances of success were good. The French could at any time send troops from Louisbourg or Quebec to join those maintained upon the isthmus; and they had on their side of the lines a force of militia60 and Indians amounting to about two thousand, while the Acadians within the peninsula had about an equal number of fighting men who, while calling themselves neutrals, might be counted on to join the invaders61. The English were in no condition to withstand such an attack. Their regular troops were scattered62 far and wide through the province, and were nowhere more than equal to the local requirement; while of militia, except those of Halifax, they had few or none whom they dared to trust. Their fort at Annapolis was weak and dilapidated, and their other posts were mere63 stockades64. The strongest place in Acadia was the French fort of Beauséjour, in which the English saw a continual menace.
239
V1 Their apprehensions66 were well grounded. Duquesne, governor of Canada, wrote to Le Loutre, who virtually shared the control of Beauséjour with Vergor, its commandant: "I invite both yourself and M. Vergor to devise a plausible67 pretext for attacking them [the English] vigorously." [243] Three weeks after this letter was written, Lawrence, governor of Nova Scotia, wrote to Shirley from Halifax: "Being well informed that the French have designs of encroaching still farther upon His Majesty68's rights in this province, and that they propose, the moment they have repaired the fortifications of Louisbourg, to attack our fort at Chignecto [Fort Lawrence], I think it high time to make some effort to drive them from the north side of the Bay of Fundy." [244] This letter was brought to Boston by Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton, who was charged by Lawrence to propose to Shirley the raising of two thousand men in New England for the attack of Beauséjour and its dependent forts. Almost at the moment when Lawrence was writing these proposals to Shirley, Shirley was writing with the same object to Lawrence, enclosing a letter from Sir Thomas Robinson, concerning which he said: "I construe69 the contents to be orders to us to act in concert for taking any advantages to drive the French of Canada out of Nova Scotia. If that is your sense of them, and your honor will be pleased to let 240
V1 me know whether you want any and what assistance to enable you to execute the orders, I will endeavor to send you such assistance from this province as you shall want." [245]
[243] Duquesne à Le Loutre, 15 Oct. 1754; extract in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 239.
[244] Lawrence to Shirley, 5 Nov. 1754. Instructions of Lawrence to Monckton, 7 Nov. 1754.
[245] Shirley to Lawrence, 7 Nov. 1754.
The letter of Sir Thomas Robinson, of which a duplicate had already been sent to Lawrence, was written in answer to one of Shirley informing the Minister that the Indians of Nova Scotia, prompted by the French, were about to make an attack on all the English settlements east of the Kennebec; whereupon Robinson wrote: "You will without doubt have given immediate70 intelligence thereof to Colonel Lawrence, and will have concerted the properest measures with him for taking all possible advantage in Nova Scotia itself from the absence of those Indians, in case Mr. Lawrence shall have force enough to attack the forts erected71 by the French in those parts, without exposing the English settlements; and I am particularly to acquaint you that if you have not already entered into such a concert with Colonel Lawrence, it is His Majesty's pleasure that you should immediately proceed thereupon." [246]
[246] Robinson to Shirley, 5 July, 1754.
The Indian raid did not take place; but not the less did Shirley and Lawrence find in the Minister's letter their authorization72 for the attack of Beauséjour. Shirley wrote to Robinson that the expulsion of the French from the forts on the isthmus was a necessary measure of self-defence; that they meant to seize the whole country as far as Mines 241
V1 Basin, and probably as far as Annapolis, to supply their Acadian rebels with land; that of these they had, without reckoning Indians, fourteen hundred fighting men on or near the isthmus, and two hundred and fifty more on the St. John, with whom, aided by the garrison31 of Beauséjour, they could easily take Fort Lawrence; that should they succeed in this, the whole Acadian population would rise in arms, and the King would lose Nova Scotia. We should anticipate them, concludes Shirley, and strike the first blow. [247]
[247] Shirley to Robinson, 8 Dec. 1754. Ibid., 24 Jan. 1755. The Record Office contains numerous other letters of Shirley on the subject. "I am obliged to your Honor for communicating to me the French Mémoire, which, with other reasons, puts it out of doubt that the French are determined to begin an offensive war on the peninsula as soon as ever they shall think themselves strengthened enough to venture up it, and that they have thoughts of attempting it in the ensuing spring. I enclose your Honor extracts from two letters from Annapolis Royal, which show that the French inhabitants are in expectation of its being begun in the spring." Shirley to Lawrence, 6 Jan. 1755.
He opened his plans to his Assembly in secret session, and found them of one mind with himself. Preparation was nearly complete, and the men raised for the expedition, before the Council at Alexandria, recognized it as a part of a plan of the summer campaign.
The French fort of Beauséjour, mounted on its hill between the marshes73 of Missaguash and Tantemar, was a regular work, pentagonal in form, with solid earthern ramparts, bomb-proofs, and an armament of twenty-four cannon74 and one mortar75. The commandant, Duchambon de Vergor, a captain in the colony regulars, was a dull man of no education, of stuttering speech, unpleasing countenance76, 242
V1 and doubtful character. He owed his place to the notorious Intendant, Bigot, who, it is said, was in his debt for disreputable service in an affair of gallantry, and who had ample means of enabling his friends to enrich themselves by defrauding77 the King. Beauséjour was one of those plague-spots of official corruption78 which dotted the whole surface of New France. Bigot, sailing for Europe in the summer of 1754, wrote thus to his confederate: "Profit by your place, my dear Vergor; clip and cut—you are free to do what you please—so that you can come soon to join me in France and buy an estate near me." [248] Vergor did not neglect his opportunities. Supplies in great quantities were sent from Quebec for the garrison and the emigrant Acadians. These last got but a small part of them. Vergor and his confederates sent the rest back to Quebec, or else to Louisbourg, and sold them for their own profit to the King's agents there, who were also in collusion with him.
[248] Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. This letter is also mentioned in another contemporary document, Mémoire sur les Fraudes commises dans la Colonie.
Vergor, however, did not reign79 alone. Le Loutre, by force of energy, capacity, and passionate80 vehemence81, held him in some awe82, and divided his authority. The priest could count on the support of Duquesne, who had found, says a contemporary, that "he promised more than he could perform, and that he was a knave," but who nevertheless felt compelled to rely upon him for keeping the 243
V1 Acadians on the side of France. There was another person in the fort worthy83 of notice. This was Thomas Pichon, commissary of stores, a man of education and intelligence, born in France of an English mother. He was now acting84 the part of a traitor85, carrying on a secret correspondence with the commandant of Fort Lawrence, and acquainting him with all that passed at Beauséjour. It was partly from this source that the hostile designs of the French became known to the authorities of Halifax, and more especially the proceedings86 of "Moses," by which name Pichon always designated Le Loutre, because he pretended to have led the Acadians from the land of bondage87. [249]
[249] Pichon, called also Tyrrell from the name of his mother, was author of Genuine Letters and Memoirs88 relating to Cape Breton,—a book of some value. His papers are preserved at Halifax, and some of them are printed in the Public Documents of Nova Scotia.
These exiles, who cannot be called self-exiled, in view of the outrageous89 means used to force most of them from their homes, were in a deplorable condition. They lived in constant dread90 of Le Loutre, backed by Vergor and his soldiers. The savage17 missionary, bad as he was, had in him an ingredient of honest fanaticism91, both national and religious; though hatred92 of the English held a large share in it. He would gladly, if he could, have forced the Acadians into a permanent settlement on the French side of the line, not out of love for them, but in the interest of the cause with which he had identified his own ambition. His efforts had failed. There was not land enough for their subsistence and that of the older settlers; 244
V1 and the suffering emigrants pined more and more for their deserted93 farms. Thither94 he was resolved that they should not return. "If you go," he told them, "you will have neither priests nor sacraments, but will die like miserable95 wretches96." [250] The assertion was false. Priests and sacraments had never been denied them. It is true that Daudin, priest of Pisiquid, had lately been sent to Halifax for using insolent97 language to the commandant, threatening him with an insurrection of the inhabitants, and exciting them to sedition98; but on his promise to change conduct, he was sent back to his parishioners. [251] Vergor sustained Le Loutre, and threatened to put in irons any of the exiles who talked of going back to the English. Some of them bethought themselves of an appeal to Duquesne, and drew up a petition asking leave to return home. Le Loutre told the signers that if they did not efface99 their marks from the paper they should have neither sacraments in this life nor heaven in the next. He nevertheless allowed two of them to go to Quebec as deputies, writing at the same time to the Governor, that his mind might be duly prepared. Duquesne replied: "I think that the two rascals100 of deputies whom you sent me will not soon recover from the fright I gave them, notwithstanding the emollient103 I administered after my reprimand; and since I told them that they 245
V1 were indebted to you for not being allowed to rot in a dungeon104, they have promised me to comply with your wishes." [252]
[250] Pichon to Captain Scott, 14 Oct. 1754, in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 229.
[251] Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 223, 224, 226, 227, 238.
[252] Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 239.
An entire heartlessness marked the dealings of the French authorities with the Acadians. They were treated as mere tools of policy, to be used, broken, and flung away. Yet, in using them, the sole condition of their efficiency was neglected. The French Government, cheated of enormous sums by its own ravenous105 agents, grudged106 the cost of sending a single regiment107 to the Acadian border. Thus unsupported, the Acadians remained in fear and vacillation108, aiding the French but feebly, though a ceaseless annoyance109 and menace to the English.
This was the state of affairs at Beauséjour while Shirley and Lawrence were planning its destruction. Lawrence had empowered his agent, Monckton, to draw without limit on two Boston merchants, Apthorp and Hancock. Shirley, as commander-in-chief of the province of Massachusetts, commissioned John Winslow to raise two thousand volunteers. Winslow was sprung from the early governors of Plymouth colony; but, though well-born, he was ill-educated, which did not prevent him from being both popular and influential110. He had strong military inclinations111, had led a company of his own raising in the luckless attack on Carthagena, had commanded the force sent in the preceding summer to occupy the Kennebec, and on various other occasions had left his Marshfield 246
V1 farm to serve his country. The men enlisted112 readily at his call, and were formed into a regiment, of which Shirley made himself the nominal113 colonel. It had two battalions115, of which Winslow, as lieutenant-colonel, commanded the first, and George Scott the second, both under the orders of Monckton. Country villages far and near, from the western borders of the Connecticut to uttermost Cape Cod116, lent soldiers to the new regiment. The muster-rolls preserve their names, vocations117, birthplaces, and abode118. Obadiah, Nehemiah, Jedediah, Jonathan, Ebenezer, Joshua, and the like Old Testament119 names abound120 upon the list. Some are set down as "farmers," "yeomen," or "husbandmen;" others as "shopkeepers," others as "fishermen," and many as "laborers121;" while a great number were handicraftsmen of various trades, from blacksmiths to wig122-makers. They mustered123 at Boston early in April, where clothing, haversacks, and blankets were served out to them at the charge of the King; and the crooked124 streets of the New England capital were filled with staring young rustics125. On the next Saturday the following mandate126 went forth127: "The men will behave very orderly on the Sabbath Day, and either stay on board their transports, or else go to church, and not stroll up and down the streets." The transports, consisting of about forty sloops128 and schooners129, lay at Long Wharf130; and here on Monday a grand review took place,—to the gratification, no doubt, of a populace whose amusements were few. All was ready except the 247
V1 muskets131, which were expected from England, but did not come. Hence the delay of a month, threatening to ruin the enterprise. When Shirley returned from Alexandria he found, to his disgust, that the transports still lay at the wharf where he had left them on his departure. [253] The muskets arrived at length, and the fleet sailed on the twenty-second of May. Three small frigates132, the "Success," the "Mermaid," and the "Siren," commanded by the ex-privateersman, Captain Rous, acted as convoy133; and on the twenty-sixth the whole force safely reached Annapolis. Thence after some delay they sailed up the Bay of Fundy, and at sunset on the first of June anchored within five miles of the hill of Beauséjour.
[253] Shirley to Robinson, 20 June, 1755.
At two o'clock on the next morning a party of Acadians from Chipody roused Vergor with the news. In great alarm, he sent a messenger to Louisbourg to beg for help, and ordered all the fighting men of the neighborhood to repair to the fort. They counted in all between twelve and fifteen hundred; [254] but they had no appetite for war. The force of the invaders daunted134 them; and the hundred and sixty regulars who formed the garrison of Beauséjour were too few to revive their confidence. Those of them who had crossed from the English side dreaded135 what might ensue should they be caught in arms; and, to prepare an excuse beforehand, they begged Vergor to threaten them 248
V1 with punishment if they disobeyed his order. He willingly complied, promised to have them killed if they did not fight, and assured them at the same time that the English could never take the fort. [255] Three hundred of them thereupon joined the garrison, and the rest, hiding their families in the woods, prepared to wage guerilla war against the invaders.
[254] Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. An English document, State of the English and French Forts in Nova Scotia, says 1,200 to 1,400.
[255] Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
Monckton, with all his force, landed unopposed, and encamped at night on the fields around Fort Lawrence, whence he could contemplate136 Fort Beauséjour at his ease. The regulars of the English garrison joined the New England men; and then, on the morning of the fourth, they marched to the attack. Their course lay along the south bank of the Missaguash to where it was crossed by a bridge called Pont-à-Buot. This bridge had been destroyed; and on the farther bank there was a large blockhouse and a breastwork of timber defended by four hundred regulars, Acadians, and Indians. They lay silent and unseen till the head of the column reached the opposite bank; then raised a yell and opened fire, causing some loss. Three field-pieces were brought up, the defenders138 were driven out, and a bridge was laid under a spattering fusillade from behind bushes, which continued till the English had crossed the stream. Without further opposition139, they marched along the road to Beauséjour, and, turning to the right, encamped among the woody hills half a league from the fort. That night there was a grand illumination, for 249
V1 Vergor set fire to the church and all the houses outside the ramparts. [256]
[256] Winslow, Journal and Letter Book. Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760. Letters from officers on the spot in Boston Evening Post and Boston News Letter. Journal of Surgeon John Thomas.
The English spent some days in preparing their camp and reconnoitring the ground. Then Scott, with five hundred provincials140, seized upon a ridge137 within easy range of the works. An officer named Vannes came out to oppose him with a hundred and eighty men, boasting that he would do great things; but on seeing the enemy, quietly returned, to become the laughing-stock of the garrison. The fort fired furiously, but with little effect. In the night of the thirteenth, Winslow, with a part of his own battalion114, relieved Scott, and planted in the trenches141 two small mortars142, brought to the camp on carts. On the next day they opened fire. One of them was disabled by the French cannon, but Captain Hazen brought up two more, of larger size, on ox-wagons; and, in spite of heavy rain, the fire was brisk on both sides.
Captain Rous, on board his ship in the harbor, watched the bombardment with great interest. Having occasion to write to Winslow, he closed his letter in a facetious143 strain. "I often hear of your success in plunder, particularly a coach. [257] I hope you have some fine horses for it, at least four, to draw it, that it may be said a New England colonel [rode in] his coach and four in Nova Scotia. If 250
V1 you have any good saddle-horses in your stable, I should be obliged to you for one to ride round the ship's deck on for exercise, for I am not likely to have any other."
[257] "11 June. Capt. Adams went with a Company of Raingers, and Returned at 11 Clock with a Coach and Sum other Plunder." Journal of John Thomas.
Within the fort there was little promise of a strong defence. Le Loutre, it is true, was to be seen in his shirt-sleeves, with a pipe in his mouth, directing the Acadians in their work of strengthening the fortifications. [258] They, on their part, thought more of escape than of fighting. Some of them vainly begged to be allowed to go home; others went off without leave,—which was not difficult, as only one side of the place was attacked. Even among the officers there were some in whom interest was stronger than honor, and who would rather rob the King than die for him. The general discouragement was redoubled when, on the fourteenth, a letter came from the commandant of Louisbourg to say that he could send no help, as British ships blocked the way. On the morning of the sixteenth, a mischance befell, recorded in these words in the diary of Surgeon John Thomas: "One of our large shells fell through what they called their bomb-proof, where a number of their officers were sitting, killed six of them dead, and one Ensign Hay, which the Indians had took prisoner a few days agone and carried to the fort." The party was at breakfast when the unwelcome visitor burst in. Just opposite was a second bomb-proof, where was Vergor himself, with Le Loutre, another priest, and several 251
V1 officers, who felt that they might at any time share the same fate. The effect was immediate. The English, who had not yet got a single cannon into position, saw to their surprise a white flag raised on the rampart. Some officers of the garrison protested against surrender; and Le Loutre, who thought that he had everything to fear at the hands of the victors, exclaimed that it was better to be buried under the ruins of the fort than to give it up; but all was in vain, and the valiant144 Vannes was sent out to propose terms of capitulation. They were rejected, and others offered, to the following effect: the garrison to march out with the honors of war and to be sent to Louisbourg at the charge of the King of England, but not to bear arms in America for the space of six months. The Acadians to be pardoned the part they had just borne in the defence, "seeing that they had been compelled to take arms on pain of death." Confusion reigned145 all day at Beauséjour. The Acadians went home loaded with plunder. The French officers were so busy in drinking and pillaging146 that they could hardly be got away to sign the capitulation. At the appointed hour, seven in the evening, Scott marched in with a body of provincials, raised the British flag on the ramparts, and saluted147 it by a general discharge of the French cannon, while Vergor as a last act of hospitality gave a supper to the officers. [259]
[258] Journal of Pichon, cited by Beamish Murdoch.
[259] On the capture of Beauséjour, Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760; Pichon, Cape Breton, 318; Journal of Pichon, cited by Murdoch; and the English accounts already mentioned.
252
V1 Le Loutre was not to be found; he had escaped in disguise with his box of papers, and fled to Baye Verte to join his brother missionary, Manach. Thence he made his way to Quebec, where the Bishop149 received him with reproaches. He soon embarked150 for France; but the English captured him on the way, and kept him eight years in Elizabeth Castle, on the Island of Jersey151. Here on one occasion a soldier on guard made a dash at the father, tried to stab him with his bayonet, and was prevented with great difficulty. He declared that, when he was with his regiment in Acadia, he had fallen into the hands of Le Loutre, and narrowly escaped being scalped alive, the missionary having doomed152 him to this fate, and with his own hand drawn154 a knife round his head as a beginning of the operation. The man swore so fiercely that he would have his revenge, that the officer in command transferred him to another post. [260]
[260] Knox, Campaigns in North America, I. 114, note. Knox, who was stationed in Nova Scotia, says that Le Loutre left behind him "a most remarkable155 character for inhumanity."
Throughout the siege, the Acadians outside the fort, aided by Indians, had constantly attacked the English, but were always beaten off with loss. There was an affair of this kind on the morning of the surrender, during which a noted156 Micmac chief was shot, and being brought into the camp, recounted the losses of his tribe; "after which, and taking a dram or two, he quickly died," writes Winslow in his Journal.
253
V1 Fort Gaspereau, at Baye Verte, twelve miles distant, was summoned by letter to surrender. Villeray, its commandant, at once complied; and Winslow went with a detachment to take possession. [261] Nothing remained but to occupy the French post at the mouth of the St. John. Captain Rous, relieved at last from inactivity, was charged with the task; and on the thirtieth he appeared off the harbor, manned his boats, and rowed for shore. The French burned their fort, and withdrew beyond his reach. [262] A hundred and fifty Indians, suddenly converted from enemies to pretended friends, stood on the strand157, firing their guns into the air as a salute148, and declaring themselves brothers of the English. All Acadia was now in British hands. Fort Beauséjour became Fort Cumberland,—the second fort in America that bore the name of the royal Duke.
[261] Winslow, Journal. Villeray au Ministre, 20 Sept. 1755.
[262] Drucour au Ministre, 1 Déc. 1755.
The defence had been of the feeblest. Two years later, on pressing demands from Versailles, Vergor was brought to trial, as was also Villeray. The Governor, Vaudreuil, and the Intendant, Bigot, who had returned to Canada, were in the interest of the chief defendant158. The court-martial was packed; adverse159 evidence was shuffled160 out of sight; and Vergor, acquitted161 and restored to his rank, lived to inflict162 on New France another and a greater injury. [263]
[263] Mémoire sur les Fraudes commises dans la Colonie, 1759. Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
Now began the first act of a deplorable drama. 254
V1 Monckton, with his small body of regulars, had pitched their tents under the walls of Beauséjour. Winslow and Scott, with the New England troops, lay not far off. There was little intercourse163 between the two camps. The British officers bore themselves towards those of the provincials with a supercilious164 coldness common enough on their part throughout the war. July had passed in what Winslow calls "an indolent manner," with prayers every day in the Puritan camp, when, early in August, Monckton sent for him, and made an ominous165 declaration. "The said Monckton was so free as to acquaint me that it was determined to remove all the French inhabitants out of the province, and that he should send for all the adult males from Tantemar, Chipody, Aulac, Beauséjour, and Baye Verte to read the Governor's orders; and when that was done, was determined to retain them all prisoners in the fort. And this is the first conference of a public nature I have had with the colonel since the reduction of Beauséjour; and I apprehend166 that no officer of either corps167 has been made more free with."
Monckton sent accordingly to all the neighboring settlements, commanding the male inhabitants to meet him at Beauséjour. Scarcely a third part of their number obeyed. These arrived on the tenth, and were told to stay all night under the guns of the fort. What then befell them will appear from an entry in the diary of Winslow under date of August eleventh: "This day was one extraordinary to the inhabitants of Tantemar, 255
V1 Oueskak, Aulac, Baye Verte, Beauséjour, and places adjacent; the male inhabitants, or the principal of them, being collected together in Fort Cumberland to hear the sentence, which determined their property, from the Governor and Council of Halifax; which was that they were declared rebels, their lands, goods, and chattels168 forfeited169 to the Crown, and their bodies to be imprisoned170. Upon which the gates of the fort were shut, and they all confined, to the amount of four hundred men and upwards171." Parties were sent to gather more, but caught very few, the rest escaping to the woods.
Some of the prisoners were no doubt among those who had joined the garrison at Beauséjour, and had been pardoned for doing so by the terms of the capitulation. It was held, however, that, though forgiven this special offence, they were not exempted172 from the doom153 that had gone forth against the great body of their countrymen. We must look closely at the motives174 and execution of this stern sentence.
At any time up to the spring of 1755 the emigrant Acadians were free to return to their homes on taking the ordinary oath of allegiance required of British subjects. The English authorities of Halifax used every means to persuade them to do so; yet the greater part refused. This was due not only to Le Loutre and his brother priests, backed by the military power, but also to the Bishop of Quebec, who enjoined175 the Acadians to demand of the English certain concessions177, the 256
V1 chief of which were that the priests should exercise their functions without being required to ask leave of the Governor, and that the inhabitants should not be called upon for military service of any kind. The Bishop added that the provisions of the treaty of Utrecht were insufficient178, and that others ought to be exacted. [264] The oral declaration of the English authorities, that for the present the Acadians should not be required to bear arms, was not thought enough. They, or rather their prompters, demanded a written pledge.
[264] L'évêque de Québec à Le Loutre, Nov. 1754, in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 240.
The refusal to take the oath without reservation was not confined to the emigrants. Those who remained in the peninsula equally refused it, though most of them were born and had always lived under the British flag. Far from pledging themselves to complete allegiance, they showed continual signs of hostility179. In May three pretended French deserters were detected among them inciting180 them to take arms against the English. [265]
[265] Ibid., 242.
On the capture of Beauséjour the British authorities found themselves in a position of great difficulty. The New England troops were enlisted for the year only, and could not be kept in Acadia. It was likely that the French would make a strong effort to recover the province, sure as they were of support from the great body of its people. The presence of this disaffected181 population was for the French commanders a continual inducement to invasion; and Lawrence was not strong enough 257
V1 to cope at once with attack from without and insurrection from within.
Shirley had held for some time that there was no safety for Acadia but in ridding it of the Acadians. He had lately proposed that the lands of the district of Chignecto, abandoned by their emigrant owners, should be given to English settlers, who would act as a check and a counterpoise to the neighboring French population. This advice had not been acted upon. Nevertheless Shirley and his brother Governor of Nova Scotia were kindred spirits, and inclined to similar measures. Colonel Charles Lawrence had not the good-nature and conciliatory temper which marked his predecessors183, Cornwallis and Hopson. His energetic will was not apt to relent under the softer sentiments, and the behavior of the Acadians was fast exhausting his patience. More than a year before, the Lords of Trade had instructed him that they had no right to their lands if they persisted in refusing the oath. [266] Lawrence replied, enlarging on their obstinacy184, treachery, and "ingratitude185 for the favor, indulgence, and protection they have at all times so undeservedly received from His Majesty's Government;" declaring at the same time that, "while they remain without taking the oaths, and have incendiary French priests among them, there are no hopes of their amendment186;" and that "it would be much better, if they refuse the oaths, that they were away." [267] "We were in 258
V1 hopes," again wrote the Lords of Trade, "that the lenity which had been shown to those people by indulging them in the free exercise of their religion and the quiet possession of their lands, would by degrees have gained their friendship and assistance, and weaned their affections from the French; but we are sorry to find that this lenity has had so little effect, and that they still hold the same conduct, furnishing them with labor28, provisions, and intelligence, and concealing187 their designs from us." In fact, the Acadians, while calling themselves neutrals, were an enemy encamped in the heart of the province. These are the reasons which explain and palliate a measure too harsh and indiscriminate to be wholly justified188.
[266] Lords of Trade to Lawrence, 4 March, 1754.
[267] Lawrence to Lords of Trade, 1 Aug. 1754.
Abbé Raynal, who never saw the Acadians, has made an ideal picture of them, [268] since copied and improved in prose and verse, till Acadia has become Arcadia. The plain realities of their condition and fate are touching189 enough to need no exaggeration. They were a simple and very ignorant peasantry, industrious and frugal190 till evil days came to discourage them; living aloof191 from the world, with little of that spirit of adventure which an easy access to the vast fur-bearing interior had developed in their Canadian kindred; having few wants, and those of the rudest; fishing a little and hunting in the winter, but chiefly employed in cultivating the meadows along the River Annapolis, or rich marshes reclaimed192 by dikes from the tides of the Bay of Fundy. The British Government left 259
V1 them entirely193 free of taxation194. They made clothing of flax and wool of their own raising, hats of similar materials, and shoes or moccasons of moose and seal skin. They bred cattle, sheep, hogs195, and horses in abundance; and the valley of the Annapolis, then as now, was known for the profusion196 and excellence197 of its apples. For drink, they made cider or brewed198 spruce-beer. French officials describe their dwellings199 as wretched wooden boxes, without ornaments200 or conveniences, and scarcely supplied with the most necessary furniture. [269] Two or more families often occupied the same house; and their way of life, though simple and virtuous201, was by no means remarkable for cleanliness. Such as it was, contentment reigned among them, undisturbed by what modern America calls progress. Marriages were early, and population grew apace. This humble202 society had its disturbing elements; for the Acadians, like the Canadians, were a litigious race, and neighbors often quarrelled about their boundaries. Nor were they without a bountiful share of jealousy203, gossip, and backbiting204, to relieve the monotony of their lives; and every village had its turbulent spirits, sometimes by fits, though rarely long, contumacious205 even toward the curé, the guide, counsellor, and ruler of his flock. Enfeebled by hereditary206 mental subjection, and too long kept in leading-strings to walk alone, they needed him, not for the next world only, but for this; and their submission207, compounded of love and fear, was commonly without bounds. He was their 260
V1 true government; to him they gave a frank and full allegiance, and dared not disobey him if they would. Of knowledge he gave them nothing; but he taught them to be true to their wives and constant at confession208 and Mass, to stand fast for the Church and King Louis, and to resist heresy209 and King George; for, in one degree or another, the Acadian priest was always the agent of a double-headed foreign power,—the Bishop of Quebec allied210 with the Governor of Canada. [270]
[268] Histoire philosophique et politique, VI. 242 (ed. 1772).
[269] Beauharnois et Hocquart au Comte de Maurepas, 12 Sept. 1745.
[270] Franquet, Journal, 1751, says of the Acadians: "Ils aiment l'argent, n'ont dans toute leur conduite que leur intérêt pour objet, sont, indifféremment des deux sexes, d'une inconsidération dans leurs discours qui dénote de la méchanceté." Another observer, Dieréville, gives a more favorable picture.
When Monckton and the Massachusetts men laid siege to Beauséjour, Governor Lawrence thought the moment favorable for exacting211 an unqualified oath of allegiance from the Acadians. The presence of a superior and victorious213 force would help, he thought, to bring them to reason; and there were some indications that this would be the result. A number of Acadian families, who at the promptings of Le Loutre had emigrated to Cape Breton, had lately returned to Halifax, promising214 to be true subjects of King George if they could be allowed to repossess their lands. They cheerfully took the oath; on which they were reinstated in their old homes, and supplied with food for the winter. [271] Their example unfortunately found few imitators.
[271] Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 228.
Early in June the principal inhabitants of Grand Pré and other settlements about the Basin 261
V1 of Mines brought a memorial, signed with their crosses, to Captain Murray, the military commandant in their district, and desired him to send it to Governor Lawrence, to whom it was addressed. Murray reported that when they brought it to him they behaved with the greatest insolence215, though just before they had been unusually submissive. He thought that this change of demeanor216 was caused by a report which had lately got among them of a French fleet in the Bay of Fundy; for it had been observed that any rumor217 of an approaching French force always had a similar effect. The deputies who brought the memorial were sent with it to Halifax, where they laid it before the Governor and Council. It declared that the signers had kept the qualified212 oath they had taken, "in spite of the solicitations and dreadful threats of another power," and that they would continue to prove "an unshaken fidelity to His Majesty, provided that His Majesty shall allow us the same liberty that he has [hitherto] granted us." Their memorial then demanded, in terms highly offensive to the Council, that the guns, pistols, and other weapons, which they had lately been required to give up, should be returned to them. They were told in reply that they had been protected for many years in the enjoyment218 of their lands, though they had not complied with the terms on which the lands were granted; "that they had always been treated by the Government with the greatest lenity and tenderness, had enjoyed more privileges than other English 262
V1 subjects, and had been indulged in the free exercise of their religion;" all which they acknowledged to be true. The Governor then told them that their conduct had been undutiful and ungrateful; "that they had discovered a constant disposition220 to assist His Majesty's enemies and to distress221 his subjects; that they had not only furnished the enemy with provisions and ammunition222, but had refused to supply the [English] inhabitants or Government, and when they did supply them, had exacted three times the price for which they were sold at other markets." The hope was then expressed that they would no longer obstruct223 the settlement of the province by aiding the Indians to molest24 and kill English settlers; and they were rebuked224 for saying in their memorial that they would be faithful to the King only on certain conditions. The Governor added that they had some secret reason for demanding their weapons, and flattered themselves that French troops were at hand to support their insolence. In conclusion, they were told that now was a good opportunity to prove their sincerity225 by taking the oath of allegiance, in the usual form, before the Council. They replied that they had not made up their minds on that point, and could do nothing till they had consulted their constituents226. Being reminded that the oath was personal to themselves, and that six years had already been given them to think about it, they asked leave to retire and confer together. This was granted, and at the end of an hour they came back with the same 263
V1 answer as before; whereupon they were allowed till ten o'clock on the next morning for a final decision. [272]
[272] Minutes of Council at Halifax, 3 July, 1755, in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 247-255.
At the appointed time the Council again met, and the deputies were brought in. They persisted stubbornly in the same refusal. "They were then informed," says the record, "that the Council could no longer look on them as subjects to His Britannic Majesty, but as subjects to the King of France, and as such they must hereafter be treated; and they were ordered to withdraw." A discussion followed in the Council. It was determined that the Acadians should be ordered to send new deputies to Halifax, who should answer for them, once for all, whether they would accept the oath or not; that such as refused it should not thereafter be permitted to take it; and "that effectual measures ought to be taken to remove all such recusants out of the province."
The deputies, being then called in and told this decision, became alarmed, and offered to swear allegiance in the terms required. The answer was that it was too late; that as they had refused the oath under persuasion227, they could not be trusted when they took it under compulsion. It remained to see whether the people at large would profit by their example.
"I am determined," wrote Lawrence to the Lords of Trade, "to bring the inhabitants to a compliance228, or rid the province of such perfidious229 264
V1 subjects." [273] First, in answer to the summons of the Council, the deputies from Annapolis appeared, declaring that they had always been faithful to the British Crown, but flatly refusing the oath. They were told that, far from having been faithful subjects, they had always secretly aided the Indians, and that many of them had been in arms against the English; that the French were threatening the province; and that its affairs had reached a crisis when its inhabitants must either pledge themselves without equivocation230 to be true to the British Crown, or else must leave the country. They all declared that they would lose their lands rather than take the oath. The Council urged them to consider the matter seriously, warning them that, if they now persisted in refusal, no farther choice would be allowed them; and they were given till ten o'clock on the following Monday to make their final answer.
[273] Lawrence to Lords of Trade, 18 July, 1755.
When that day came, another body of deputies had arrived from Grand Pré and the other settlements of the Basin of Mines; and being called before the Council, both they and the former deputation absolutely refused to take the oath of allegiance. These two bodies represented nine tenths of the Acadian population within the peninsula. "Nothing," pursues the record of the Council, "now remained to be considered but what measures should be taken to send the inhabitants away, and where they should be sent to." If they were sent to Canada, Cape Breton, 265
V1 or the neighboring islands, they would strengthen the enemy, and still threaten the province. It was therefore resolved to distribute them among the various English colonies, and to hire vessels232 for the purpose with all despatch233. [274]
[274] Minutes of Council, 4 July—28 July, in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 255-267. Copies of these and other parts of the record were sent at the time to England, and are now in the Public Record Office, along with the letters of Lawrence.
The oath, the refusal of which had brought such consequences, was a simple pledge of fidelity and allegiance to King George II. and his successors. Many of the Acadians had already taken an oath of fidelity, though with the omission234 of the word "allegiance," and, as they insisted, with a saving clause exempting235 them from bearing arms. The effect of this was that they did not regard themselves as British subjects, and claimed, falsely as regards most of them, the character of neutrals. It was to put an end to this anomalous236 state of things that the oath without reserve had been demanded of them. Their rejection237 of it, reiterated238 in full view of the consequences, is to be ascribed partly to a fixed239 belief that the English would not execute their threats, partly to ties of race and kin14, but mainly to superstition240. They feared to take part with heretics against the King of France, whose cause, as already stated, they had been taught to regard as one with the cause of God; they were constrained241 by the dread of perdition. "If the Acadians are miserable, remember that the priests are the cause of it," writes 266
V1 the French officer Boishébert to the missionary Manach. [275]
[275] On the oath and its history, compare a long note by Mr. Akin56 in Public Documents of Nova Scotia, 263-267. Winslow in his Journal gives an abstract of a memorial sent him by the Acadians, in which they say that they had refused the oath, and so forfeited their lands, from motives of religion. I have shown in a former chapter that the priests had been the chief instruments in preventing them from accepting the English government. Add the following:—
"Les malheurs des Accadiens sont beaucoup moins leur ouvrage que le fruit des sollicitations et des démarches des missionnaires." Vaudreuil au Ministre, 6 Mai, 1760.
"Si nous avons la guerre, et si les Accadiens sont misérables, souvenez-vous que ce sont les prêtres qui en sont la cause." Boishébert à Manach, 21 Fév. 1760. Both these writers had encouraged the priests in their intrigues so long as there were likely to profit the French Government, and only blamed them after they failed to accomplished242 what was expected of them.
"Nous avons six missionnaires dont l'occupation perpetuelle est de porter les esprits au fanatisme et à la vengeance…. Je ne puis supporter dans nos prêtres ces odieuses déclamations qu'ils font tous les jours aux sauvages: 'Les Anglois sont les ennemis de Dieu, les compagnons du Diable.'" Pichon, Lettres et Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire du Cap-Breton, 160, 161. (La Haye, 1760.)
The Council having come to a decision, Lawrence acquainted Monckton with the result, and ordered him to seize all the adult males in the neighborhood of Beauséjour; and this, as we have seen, he promptly243 did. It remains to observe how the rest of the sentence was carried into effect.
Instructions were sent to Winslow to secure the inhabitants on or near the Basin of Mines and place them on board transports, which, he was told, would soon arrive from Boston. His orders were stringent244: "If you find that fair means will not do with them, you must proceed by the most vigorous measures possible, not only in compelling them to embark5, but in depriving those who shall 267
V1 escape of all means of shelter or support, by burning their houses and by destroying everything that may afford them the means of subsistence in the country." Similar orders were given to Major Handfield, the regular officer in command at Annapolis.
On the fourteenth of August Winslow set out from his camp at Fort Beauséjour, or Cumberland, on his unenviable errand. He had with him but two hundred and ninety-seven men. His mood of mind was not serene245. He was chafed246 because the regulars had charged his men with stealing sheep; and he was doubly vexed247 by an untoward248 incident that happened on the morning of his departure. He had sent forward his detachment under Adams, the senior captain, and they were marching by the fort with drums beating and colors flying, when Monckton sent out his aide-de-camp with a curt249 demand that the colors should be given up, on the ground that they ought to remain with the regiment. Whatever the soundness of the reason, there was no courtesy in the manner of enforcing it. "This transaction raised my temper some," writes Winslow in his Diary; and he proceeds to record his opinion that "it is the most ungenteel, ill-natured thing that ever I saw." He sent Monckton a quaintly250 indignant note, in which he observed that the affair "looks odd, and will appear so in future history;" but his commander, reckless of the judgments251 of posterity253, gave him little satisfaction.
Thus ruffled254 in spirit, he embarked with his men and sailed down Chignecto Channel to the Bay of 268
V1 Fundy. Here, while they waited the turn of the tide to enter the Basin of Mines, the shores of Cumberland lay before them dim in the hot and hazy255 air, and the promontory256 of Cape Split, like some misshapen monster of primeval chaos257, stretched its portentous258 length along the glimmering259 sea, with head of yawning rock, and ridgy260 back bristled261 with forests. Borne on the rushing flood, they soon drifted through the inlet, glided262 under the rival promontory of Cape Blomedon, passed the red sandstone cliffs of Lyon's Cove101, and descried263 the mouths of the rivers Canard264 and Des Habitants, where fertile marshes, diked against the tide, sustained a numerous and thriving population. Before them spread the boundless265 meadows of Grand Pré, waving with harvests or alive with grazing cattle; the green slopes behind were dotted with the simple dwellings of the Acadian farmers, and the spire266 of the village church rose against a background of woody hills. It was a peaceful, rural scene, soon to become one of the most wretched spots on earth. Winslow did not land for the present, but held his course to the estuary267 of the River Pisiquid, since called the Avon. Here, where the town of Windsor now stands, there was a stockade65 called Fort Edward, where a garrison of regulars under Captain Alexander Murray kept watch over the surrounding settlements. The New England men pitched their tents on shore, while the sloops that had brought them slept on the soft bed of tawny268 mud left by the fallen tide.
269
V1 Winslow found a warm reception, for Murray and his officers had been reduced too long to their own society not to welcome the coming of strangers. The two commanders conferred together. Both had been ordered by Lawrence to "clear the whole country of such bad subjects;" and the methods of doing so had been outlined for their guidance. Having come to some understanding with his brother officer concerning the duties imposed on both, and begun an acquaintance which soon grew cordial on both sides, Winslow embarked again and retraced269 his course to Grand Pré, the station which the Governor had assigned him. "Am pleased," he wrote to Lawrence, "with the place proposed by your Excellency for our reception [the village church]. I have sent for the elders to remove all sacred things, to prevent their being defiled270 by heretics." The church was used as a storehouse and place of arms; the men pitched their tents between it and the graveyard271; while Winslow took up his quarters in the house of the priest, where he could look from his window on a tranquil272 scene. Beyond the vast tract39 of grassland273 to which Grand Pré owed its name, spread the blue glistening274 breast of the Basin of Mines; beyond this again, the distant mountains of Cobequid basked275 in the summer sun; and nearer, on the left, Cape Blomedon reared its bluff276 head of rock and forest above the sleeping waves.
As the men of the settlement greatly outnumbered his own, Winslow set his followers277 to surrounding the camp with a stockade. Card-playing 270
V1 was forbidden, because it encouraged idleness, and pitching quoits in camp, because it spoiled the grass. Presently there came a letter from Lawrence expressing a fear that the fortifying278 of the camp might alarm the inhabitants. To which Winslow replied that the making of the stockade had not alarmed them in the least, since they took it as a proof that the detachment was to spend the winter with them; and he added, that as the harvest was not yet got in, he and Murray had agreed not to publish the Governor's commands till the next Friday. He concludes: "Although it is a disagreeable part of duty we are put upon, I am sensible it is a necessary one, and shall endeavor strictly279 to obey your Excellency's orders."
On the thirtieth, Murray, whose post was not many miles distant, made him a visit. They agreed that Winslow should summon all the male inhabitants about Grand Pré to meet him at the church and hear the King's orders, and that Murray should do the same for those around Fort Edward. Winslow then called in his three captains,—Adams, Hobbs, and Osgood,—made them swear secrecy280, and laid before them his instructions and plans; which latter they approved. Murray then returned to his post, and on the next day sent Winslow a note containing the following: "I think the sooner we strike the stroke the better, therefore will be glad to see you here as soon as conveniently you can. I shall have the orders for assembling ready written for your approbation281, only the day blank, and am hopeful everything will 271
V1 succeed according to our wishes. The gentlemen join me in our best compliments to you and the Doctor."
On the next day, Sunday, Winslow and the Doctor, whose name was Whitworth, made the tour of the neighborhood, with an escort of fifty men, and found a great quantity of wheat still on the fields. On Tuesday Winslow "set out in a whale-boat with Dr. Whitworth and Adjutant Kennedy, to consult with Captain Murray in this critical conjuncture." They agreed that three in the afternoon of Friday should be the time of assembling; then between them they drew up a summons to the inhabitants, and got one Beauchamp, a merchant, to "put it into French." It ran as follows:—
By John Winslow, Esquire, Lieutenant-Colonel and Commander of His Majesty's troops at Grand Pré, Mines, River Canard, and places adjacent.
To the inhabitants of the districts above named, as well ancients as young men and lads.
Whereas His Excellency the Governor has instructed us of his last resolution respecting the matters proposed lately to the inhabitants, and has ordered us to communicate the same to the inhabitants in general in person, His Excellency being desirous that each of them should be fully43 satisfied of His Majesty's intentions, which he has also ordered us to communicate to you, such as they have been given him.
We therefore order and strictly enjoin176 by these presents to all the inhabitants, as well of the above-named districts as of all the other districts, both old men and young men, as well as all the lads of ten years of age, to attend at the church in Grand Pré on Friday, the fifth instant, at three of the clock in the afternoon, that we may impart what we are ordered to communicate to them; declaring that no 272
V1 excuse will be admitted on any pretence282 whatsoever283, on pain of forfeiting284 goods and chattels in default.
Given at Grand Pré, the second of September, in the twenty-ninth year of His Majesty's reign, a.d. 1755.
A similar summons was drawn up in the name of Murray for the inhabitants of the district of Fort Edward.
Captain Adams made a reconnoissance of the rivers Canard and Des Habitants, and reported "a fine country and full of inhabitants, a beautiful church, and abundance of the goods of the world." Another reconnoissance by Captains Hobbs and Osgood among the settlements behind Grand Pré brought reports equally favorable. On the fourth, another letter came from Murray: "All the people quiet, and very busy at their harvest; if this day keeps fair, all will be in here in their barns. I hope to-morrow will crown all our wishes." The Acadians, like the bees, were to gather a harvest for others to enjoy. The summons was sent out that afternoon. Powder and ball were served to the men, and all were ordered to keep within the lines.
On the next day the inhabitants appeared at the hour appointed, to the number of four hundred and eighteen men. Winslow ordered a table to be set in the middle of the church, and placed on it his instructions and the address he had prepared. Here he took his stand in his laced uniform, with one or two subalterns from the regulars at Fort Edward, and such of the Massachusetts officers as were not on guard duty; strong, 273
V1 sinewy285 figures, bearing, no doubt, more or less distinctly, the peculiar286 stamp with which toil287, trade, and Puritanism had imprinted288 the features of New England. Their commander was not of the prevailing289 type. He was fifty-three years of age, with double chin, smooth forehead, arched eyebrows290, close powdered wig, and round, rubicund291 face, from which the weight of an odious292 duty had probably banished293 the smirk294 of self-satisfaction that dwelt there at other times. [276] Nevertheless, he had manly295 and estimable qualities. The congregation of peasants, clad in rough homespun, turned their sunburned faces upon him, anxious and intent; and Winslow "delivered them by interpreters the King's orders in the following words," which, retouched in orthography296 and syntax, ran thus:—
Gentlemen,—I have received from His Excellency, Governor Lawrence, the King's instructions, which I have in my hand. By his orders you are called together to hear His Majesty's final resolution concerning the French inhabitants of this his province of Nova Scotia, who for almost half a century have had more indulgence granted them than any of his subjects in any part of his dominions297. What use you have made of it you yourselves best know.
The duty I am now upon, though necessary, is very disagreeable to my natural make and temper, as I know it must be grievous to you, who are of the same species. But it is not my business to animadvert on the orders I have received, but to obey them; and therefore without hesitation298 I shall deliver to you His Majesty's instructions and commands, which are that your lands and tenements299 and cattle and live-stock of all kinds are forfeited to the Crown, with all your other effects, except money and household goods, and that you yourselves are to be removed from this his province.
The peremptory300 orders of His Majesty are that all the French inhabitants of these districts be removed; and through His Majesty's goodness I am directed to allow you the liberty of carrying with you your money and as many of your household 274
V1 goods as you can take without overloading301 the vessels you go in. I shall do everything in my power that all these goods be secured to you, and that you be not molested in carrying them away, and also that whole families shall go in the same vessel231; so that this removal, which I am sensible must give you a great deal of trouble, may be made as easy as His Majesty's service will admit; and I hope that in whatever part of the world your lot may fall, you may be faithful subjects, and a peaceable and happy people.
I must also inform you that it is His Majesty's pleasure that you remain in security under the inspection302 and direction of the troops that I have the honor to command.
[276] See his portrait, at the rooms of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
He then declared them prisoners of the King. "They were greatly struck," he says, "at this determination, though I believe they did not imagine that they were actually to be removed." After delivering the address, he returned to his quarters at the priest's house, whither he was followed by some of the elder prisoners, who begged leave to tell their families what had happened, "since they were fearful that the surprise of their detention303 would quite overcome them." Winslow consulted with his officers, and it was arranged that the Acadians should choose twenty of their number each day to revisit their homes, the rest being held answerable for their return.
A letter, dated some days before, now came from Major Handfield at Annapolis, saying that 275
V1 he had tried to secure the men of that neighborhood, but that many of them had escaped to the woods. Murray's report from Fort Edward came soon after, and was more favorable: "I have succeeded finely, and have got a hundred and eighty-three men into my possession." To which Winslow replies: "I have the favor of yours of this day, and rejoice at your success, and also for the smiles that have attended the party here." But he adds mournfully: "Things are now very heavy on my heart and hands." The prisoners were lodged304 in the church, and notice was sent to their families to bring them food. "Thus," says the Diary of the commander, "ended the memorable306 fifth of September, a day of great fatigue307 and trouble."
There was one quarter where fortune did not always smile. Major Jedediah Preble, of Winslow's battalion, wrote to him that Major Frye had just returned from Chipody, whither he had gone with a party of men to destroy the settlements and bring off the women and children. After burning two hundred and fifty-three buildings he had reimbarked, leaving fifty men on shore at a place called Peticodiac to give a finishing stroke to the work by burning the "Mass House," or church. While thus engaged, they were set upon by three hundred Indians and Acadians, led by the partisan308 officer Boishébert. More than half their number were killed, wounded, or taken. The rest ensconced themselves behind the neighboring dikes, and Frye, hastily landing 276
V1 with the rest of his men, engaged the assailants for three hours, but was forced at last to reimbark. [277] Captain Speakman, who took part in the affair, also sent Winslow an account of it, and added: "The people here are much concerned for fear your party should meet with the same fate (being in the heart of a numerous devilish crew), which I pray God avert309."
[277] Also Boishébert à Drucourt, 10 Oct. 1755, an exaggerated account. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 18 Oct. 1755, sets Boishébert's force at one hundred and twenty-five men.
Winslow had indeed some cause for anxiety. He had captured more Acadians since the fifth; and had now in charge nearly five hundred able-bodied men, with scarcely three hundred to guard them. As they were allowed daily exercise in the open air, they might by a sudden rush get possession of arms and make serious trouble. On the Wednesday after the scene in the church some unusual movements were observed among them, and Winslow and his officers became convinced that they could not safely be kept in one body. Five vessels, lately arrived from Boston, were lying within the mouth of the neighboring river. It was resolved to place fifty of the prisoners on board each of these, and keep them anchored in the Basin. The soldiers were all ordered under arms, and posted on an open space beside the church and behind the priest's house. The prisoners were then drawn up before them, ranked six deep,—the young unmarried men, as the most dangerous, being told off and placed on the left, to the number of a hundred and forty-one. Captain Adams, 277
V1 with eighty men, was then ordered to guard them to the vessels. Though the object of the movement had been explained to them, they were possessed310 with the idea that they were to be torn from their families and sent away at once; and they all, in great excitement, refused to go. Winslow told them that there must be no parley311 or delay; and as they still refused, a squad54 of soldiers advanced towards them with fixed bayonets; while he himself, laying hold of the foremost young man, commanded him to move forward. "He obeyed; and the rest followed, though slowly, and went off praying, singing, and crying, being met by the women and children all the way (which is a mile and a half) with great lamentation312, upon their knees, praying." When the escort returned, about a hundred of the married men were ordered to follow the first party; and, "the ice being broken," they readily complied. The vessels were anchored at a little distance from shore, and six soldiers were placed on board each of them as a guard. The prisoners were offered the King's rations313, but preferred to be supplied by their families, who, it was arranged, should go in boats to visit them every day; "and thus," says Winslow, "ended this troublesome job." He was not given to effusions of feeling, but he wrote to Major Handfield: "This affair is more grievous to me than any service I was ever employed in." [278]
[278] Haliburton, who knew Winslow's Journal only by imperfect extracts, erroneously states that the men put on board the vessels were sent away immediately. They remained at Grand Pré several weeks, and were then sent off at intervals314 with their families.
278
V1 Murray sent him a note of congratulation: "I am extremely pleased that things are so clever at Grand Pré, and that the poor devils are so resigned. Here they are more patient than I could have expected for people in their circumstances; and what surprises me still more is the indifference315 of the women, who really are, or seem, quite unconcerned. I long much to see the poor wretches embarked and our affair a little settled; and then I will do myself the pleasure of meeting you and drinking their good voyage."
This agreeable consummation was still distant. There was a long and painful delay. The provisions for the vessels which were to carry the prisoners did not come; nor did the vessels themselves, excepting the five already at Grand Pré. In vain Winslow wrote urgent letters to George Saul, the commissary, to bring the supplies at once. Murray, at Fort Edward, though with less feeling than his brother officer, was quite as impatient of the burden of suffering humanity on his hands. "I am amazed what can keep the transports and Saul. Surely our friend at Chignecto is willing to give us as much of our neighbors' company as he well can." [279] Saul came at last with a shipload of provisions; but the lagging transports did not appear. Winslow grew heartsick at the daily sight of miseries316 which he himself had occasioned, and wrote to a friend at Halifax: "I know they deserve all and more than they feel; yet it hurts me to hear their weeping and wailing317 279
V1 and gnashing of teeth. I am in hopes our affairs will soon put on another face, and we get transports, and I rid of the worst piece of service that ever I was in."
[279] Murray to Winslow, 26 Sept. 1755.
After weeks of delay, seven transports came from Annapolis; and Winslow sent three of them to Murray, who joyfully318 responded: "Thank God, the transports are come at last. So soon as I have shipped off my rascals, I will come down and settle matters with you, and enjoy ourselves a little."
Winslow prepared for the embarkation. The Acadian prisoners and their families were divided into groups answering to their several villages, in order that those of the same village might, as far as possible, go in the same vessel. It was also provided that the members of each family should remain together; and notice was given them to hold themselves in readiness. "But even now," he writes, "I could not persuade the people I was in earnest." Their doubts were soon ended. The first embarkation took place on the eighth of October, under which date the Diary contains this entry: "Began to embark the inhabitants who went off very solentarily [sic] and unwillingly319, the women in great distress, carrying off their children in their arms; others carrying their decrepit320 parents in their carts, with all their goods; moving in great confusion, and appeared a scene of woe321 and distress." [280]
[280] In spite of Winslow's care, some cases of separation of families occurred; but they were not numerous.
280
V1 Though a large number were embarked on this occasion, still more remained; and as the transports slowly arrived, the dismal322 scene was repeated at intervals, with more order than at first, as the Acadians had learned to accept their fate as a certainty. So far as Winslow was concerned, their treatment seems to have been as humane323 as was possible under the circumstances; but they complained of the men, who disliked and despised them. One soldier received thirty lashes324 for stealing fowls325 from them; and an order was issued forbidding soldiers or sailors, on pain of summary punishment, to leave their quarters without permission, "that an end may be put to distressing326 this distressed327 people." Two of the prisoners, however, while trying to escape, were shot by a reconnoitring party.
At the beginning of November Winslow reported that he had sent off fifteen hundred and ten persons, in nine vessels, and that more than six hundred still remained in his district. [281] The last of these were not embarked till late in December. Murray finished his part of the work at the end of October, having sent from the district of Fort Edward eleven hundred persons in four frightfully crowded transports. [282] At the close of that month sixteen hundred and sixty-four had been sent from the district of Annapolis, where many others escaped to the woods. [283] A detachment 281
V1 which was ordered to seize the inhabitants of the district of Cobequid failed entirely, finding the settlements abandoned. In the country about Fort Cumberland, Monckton, who directed the operation in person, had very indifferent success, catching328 in all but little more than a thousand. [284] Le Guerne, missionary priest in this neighborhood, gives a characteristic and affecting incident of the embarkation. "Many unhappy women, carried away by excessive attachment329 to their husbands, whom they had been allowed to see too often, and closing their ears to the voice of religion and their missionary, threw themselves blindly and despairingly into the English vessels. And now was seen the saddest of spectacles; for some of these women, solely330 from a religious motive173, refused to take with them their grown-up sons and daughters." [285] They would expose their own souls to perdition among heretics, but not those of their children.
[281] Winslow to Monckton, 3 Nov. 1755.
[282] Ibid.
[283] Captain Adams to Winslow, 29 Nov. 1755; see also Knox, I. 85, who exactly confirms Adams's figures.
[284] Monckton to Winslow, 7 Oct. 1755.
[285] Le Guerne à Prévost, 10 Mars, 1756.
When all, or nearly all, had been sent off from the various points of departure, such of the houses and barns as remained standing102 were burned, in obedience331 to the orders of Lawrence, that those who had escaped might be forced to come in and surrender themselves. The whole number removed from the province, men, women, and children, was a little above six thousand. Many remained behind; and while some of these withdrew to Canada, Isle St. Jean, and other distant retreats, the rest lurked332 in the woods or returned to their old 282
V1 haunts, whence they waged, for several years a guerilla warfare333 against the English. Yet their strength was broken, and they were no longer a danger to the province.
Of their exiled countrymen, one party overpowered the crew of the vessel that carried them, ran her ashore334 at the mouth of the St. John, and escaped. [286] The rest were distributed among the colonies from Massachusetts to Georgia, the master of each transport having been provided with a letter from Lawrence addressed to the Governor of the province to which he was bound, and desiring him to receive the unwelcome strangers. The provincials were vexed at the burden imposed upon them; and though the Acadians were not in general ill-treated, their lot was a hard one. Still more so was that of those among them who escaped to Canada. The chronicle of the Ursulines of Quebec, speaking of these last, says that their misery335 was indescribable, and attributes it to the poverty of the colony. But there were other causes. The exiles found less pity from kindred and fellow Catholics than from the heretics of the English colonies. Some of them who had made their way to Canada from Boston, whither they had been transported, sent word to a gentleman of that place who had befriended them, that they wished to return. [287] Bougainville, the celebrated336 navigator, then aide-de-camp to Montcalm, says concerning them: 283
V1 "They are dying by wholesale337. Their past and present misery, joined to the rapacity338 of the Canadians, who seek only to squeeze out of them all the money they can, and then refuse them the help so dearly bought, are the cause of this mortality." "A citizen of Quebec," he says farther on, "was in debt to one of the partners of the Great Company [Government officials leagued for plunder]. He had no means of paying. They gave him a great number of Acadians to board and lodge305. He starved them with hunger and cold, got out of them what money they had, and paid the extortioner. Quel pays! Quels m?urs!" [288]
[286] Lettre commune de Drucour et Prévost au Ministre, 6 Avril, 1756. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 1 Juin, 1756.
[287] Hutchinson, Hist. Mass., III. 42, note.
[288] Bougainville, Journal, 1756-1758. His statements are sustained by Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
Many of the exiles eventually reached Louisiana, where their descendants now form a numerous and distinct population. Some, after incredible hardship, made their way back to Acadia, where, after the peace, they remained unmolested, and, with those who had escaped seizure, became the progenitors339 of the present Acadians, now settled in various parts of the British maritime provinces, notably340 at Madawaska, on the upper St. John, and at Clare, in Nova Scotia. Others were sent from Virginia to England; and others again, after the complete conquest of the country, found refuge in France.
In one particular the authors of the deportation341 were disappointed in its results. They had hoped to substitute a loyal population for a disaffected one; but they failed for some time to 284
V1 find settlers for the vacated lands. The Massachusetts soldiers, to whom they were offered, would not stay in the province; and it was not till five years later that families of British stock began to occupy the waste fields of the Acadians. This goes far to show that a longing35 to become their heirs had not, as has been alleged342, any considerable part in the motives for their removal.
New England humanitarianism343, melting into sentimentality at a tale of woe, has been unjust to its own. Whatever judgment252 may be passed on the cruel measure of wholesale expatriation, it was not put in execution till every resource of patience and persuasion had been tried in vain. The agents of the French Court, civil, military, and ecclesiastical, had made some act of force a necessity. We have seen by what vile219 practices they produced in Acadia a state of things intolerable, and impossible of continuance. They conjured344 up the tempest; and when it burst on the heads of the unhappy people, they gave no help. The Government of Louis XV. began with making the Acadians its tools, and ended with making them its victims. [289]
[289] It may not be remembered that the predecessor182 of Louis XV., without the slightest provocation345 or the pretence of any, gave orders that the whole Protestant population of the colony of New York, amounting to about eighteen thousand, should be seized, despoiled346 of their property, placed on board his ships, and dispersed347 among the other British colonies in such a way that they could not reunite. Want of power alone prevented the execution of the order. See Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV., 189, 190.
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104 dungeon | |
n.地牢,土牢 | |
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105 ravenous | |
adj.极饿的,贪婪的 | |
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106 grudged | |
怀恨(grudge的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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107 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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108 vacillation | |
n.动摇;忧柔寡断 | |
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109 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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110 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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111 inclinations | |
倾向( inclination的名词复数 ); 倾斜; 爱好; 斜坡 | |
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112 enlisted | |
adj.应募入伍的v.(使)入伍, (使)参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 );获得(帮助或支持) | |
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113 nominal | |
adj.名义上的;(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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114 battalion | |
n.营;部队;大队(的人) | |
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115 battalions | |
n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
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116 cod | |
n.鳕鱼;v.愚弄;哄骗 | |
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117 vocations | |
n.(认为特别适合自己的)职业( vocation的名词复数 );使命;神召;(认为某种工作或生活方式特别适合自己的)信心 | |
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118 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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119 testament | |
n.遗嘱;证明 | |
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120 abound | |
vi.大量存在;(in,with)充满,富于 | |
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121 laborers | |
n.体力劳动者,工人( laborer的名词复数 );(熟练工人的)辅助工 | |
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122 wig | |
n.假发 | |
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123 mustered | |
v.集合,召集,集结(尤指部队)( muster的过去式和过去分词 );(自他人处)搜集某事物;聚集;激发 | |
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124 crooked | |
adj.弯曲的;不诚实的,狡猾的,不正当的 | |
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125 rustics | |
n.有农村或村民特色的( rustic的名词复数 );粗野的;不雅的;用粗糙的木材或树枝制作的 | |
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126 mandate | |
n.托管地;命令,指示 | |
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127 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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128 sloops | |
n.单桅纵帆船( sloop的名词复数 ) | |
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129 schooners | |
n.(有两个以上桅杆的)纵帆船( schooner的名词复数 ) | |
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130 wharf | |
n.码头,停泊处 | |
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131 muskets | |
n.火枪,(尤指)滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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132 frigates | |
n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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133 convoy | |
vt.护送,护卫,护航;n.护送;护送队 | |
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134 daunted | |
使(某人)气馁,威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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136 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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137 ridge | |
n.山脊;鼻梁;分水岭 | |
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138 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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139 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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140 provincials | |
n.首都以外的人,地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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141 trenches | |
深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
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142 mortars | |
n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 );砂浆;房产;研钵 | |
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143 facetious | |
adj.轻浮的,好开玩笑的 | |
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144 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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145 reigned | |
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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146 pillaging | |
v.抢劫,掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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147 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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148 salute | |
vi.行礼,致意,问候,放礼炮;vt.向…致意,迎接,赞扬;n.招呼,敬礼,礼炮 | |
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149 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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150 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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151 jersey | |
n.运动衫 | |
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152 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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153 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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154 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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155 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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156 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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157 strand | |
vt.使(船)搁浅,使(某人)困于(某地) | |
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158 defendant | |
n.被告;adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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159 adverse | |
adj.不利的;有害的;敌对的,不友好的 | |
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160 shuffled | |
v.洗(纸牌)( shuffle的过去式和过去分词 );拖着脚步走;粗心地做;摆脱尘世的烦恼 | |
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161 acquitted | |
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
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162 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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163 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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164 supercilious | |
adj.目中无人的,高傲的;adv.高傲地;n.高傲 | |
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165 ominous | |
adj.不祥的,不吉的,预兆的,预示的 | |
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166 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
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167 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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168 chattels | |
n.动产,奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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169 forfeited | |
(因违反协议、犯规、受罚等)丧失,失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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172 exempted | |
使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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173 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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174 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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175 enjoined | |
v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176 enjoin | |
v.命令;吩咐;禁止 | |
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177 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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178 insufficient | |
adj.(for,of)不足的,不够的 | |
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179 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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180 inciting | |
刺激的,煽动的 | |
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181 disaffected | |
adj.(政治上)不满的,叛离的 | |
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182 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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183 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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184 obstinacy | |
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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185 ingratitude | |
n.忘恩负义 | |
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186 amendment | |
n.改正,修正,改善,修正案 | |
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187 concealing | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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188 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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189 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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190 frugal | |
adj.节俭的,节约的,少量的,微量的 | |
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191 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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192 reclaimed | |
adj.再生的;翻造的;收复的;回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 );要求收回;从废料中回收(有用的材料);挽救 | |
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193 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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194 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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195 hogs | |
n.(尤指喂肥供食用的)猪( hog的名词复数 );(供食用的)阉公猪;彻底地做某事;自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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196 profusion | |
n.挥霍;丰富 | |
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197 excellence | |
n.优秀,杰出,(pl.)优点,美德 | |
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198 brewed | |
调制( brew的过去式和过去分词 ); 酝酿; 沏(茶); 煮(咖啡) | |
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199 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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200 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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201 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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202 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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203 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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204 backbiting | |
背后诽谤 | |
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205 contumacious | |
adj.拒不服从的,违抗的 | |
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206 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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207 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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208 confession | |
n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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209 heresy | |
n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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210 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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211 exacting | |
adj.苛求的,要求严格的 | |
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212 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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213 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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214 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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215 insolence | |
n.傲慢;无礼;厚颜;傲慢的态度 | |
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216 demeanor | |
n.行为;风度 | |
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217 rumor | |
n.谣言,谣传,传说 | |
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218 enjoyment | |
n.乐趣;享有;享用 | |
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219 vile | |
adj.卑鄙的,可耻的,邪恶的;坏透的 | |
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220 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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221 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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222 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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223 obstruct | |
v.阻隔,阻塞(道路、通道等);n.阻碍物,障碍物 | |
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224 rebuked | |
责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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225 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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226 constituents | |
n.选民( constituent的名词复数 );成分;构成部分;要素 | |
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227 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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228 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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229 perfidious | |
adj.不忠的,背信弃义的 | |
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230 equivocation | |
n.模棱两可的话,含糊话 | |
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231 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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232 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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233 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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234 omission | |
n.省略,删节;遗漏或省略的事物,冗长 | |
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235 exempting | |
使免除[豁免]( exempt的现在分词 ) | |
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236 anomalous | |
adj.反常的;不规则的 | |
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237 rejection | |
n.拒绝,被拒,抛弃,被弃 | |
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238 reiterated | |
反复地说,重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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239 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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240 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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241 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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242 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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243 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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244 stringent | |
adj.严厉的;令人信服的;银根紧的 | |
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245 serene | |
adj. 安详的,宁静的,平静的 | |
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246 chafed | |
v.擦热(尤指皮肤)( chafe的过去式 );擦痛;发怒;惹怒 | |
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247 vexed | |
adj.争论不休的;(指问题等)棘手的;争论不休的问题;烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 );使苦恼;使生气;详细讨论 | |
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248 untoward | |
adj.不利的,不幸的,困难重重的 | |
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249 curt | |
adj.简短的,草率的 | |
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250 quaintly | |
adv.古怪离奇地 | |
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251 judgments | |
判断( judgment的名词复数 ); 鉴定; 评价; 审判 | |
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252 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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253 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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254 ruffled | |
adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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255 hazy | |
adj.有薄雾的,朦胧的;不肯定的,模糊的 | |
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256 promontory | |
n.海角;岬 | |
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257 chaos | |
n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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258 portentous | |
adj.不祥的,可怕的,装腔作势的 | |
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259 glimmering | |
n.微光,隐约的一瞥adj.薄弱地发光的v.发闪光,发微光( glimmer的现在分词 ) | |
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260 ridgy | |
adj.有脊的;有棱纹的;隆起的;有埂的 | |
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261 bristled | |
adj. 直立的,多刺毛的 动词bristle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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262 glided | |
v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 );掠过;(鸟或飞机 ) 滑翔 | |
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263 descried | |
adj.被注意到的,被发现的,被看到的 | |
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264 canard | |
n.虚报;谣言;v.流传 | |
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265 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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266 spire | |
n.(教堂)尖顶,尖塔,高点 | |
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267 estuary | |
n.河口,江口 | |
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268 tawny | |
adj.茶色的,黄褐色的;n.黄褐色 | |
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269 retraced | |
v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 );回忆;回顾;追溯 | |
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270 defiled | |
v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
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271 graveyard | |
n.坟场 | |
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272 tranquil | |
adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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273 grassland | |
n.牧场,草地,草原 | |
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274 glistening | |
adj.闪耀的,反光的v.湿物闪耀,闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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275 basked | |
v.晒太阳,取暖( bask的过去式和过去分词 );对…感到乐趣;因他人的功绩而出名;仰仗…的余泽 | |
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276 bluff | |
v.虚张声势,用假象骗人;n.虚张声势,欺骗 | |
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277 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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278 fortifying | |
筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 ); 筑堡于; 增强; 强化(食品) | |
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279 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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280 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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281 approbation | |
n.称赞;认可 | |
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282 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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283 whatsoever | |
adv.(用于否定句中以加强语气)任何;pron.无论什么 | |
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284 forfeiting | |
(因违反协议、犯规、受罚等)丧失,失去( forfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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285 sinewy | |
adj.多腱的,强壮有力的 | |
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286 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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287 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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288 imprinted | |
v.盖印(imprint的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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289 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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290 eyebrows | |
眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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291 rubicund | |
adj.(脸色)红润的 | |
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292 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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293 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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294 smirk | |
n.得意地笑;v.傻笑;假笑着说 | |
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295 manly | |
adj.有男子气概的;adv.男子般地,果断地 | |
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296 orthography | |
n.拼字法,拼字式 | |
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297 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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298 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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299 tenements | |
n.房屋,住户,租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
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300 peremptory | |
adj.紧急的,专横的,断然的 | |
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301 overloading | |
过载,超载,过负载 | |
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302 inspection | |
n.检查,审查,检阅 | |
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303 detention | |
n.滞留,停留;拘留,扣留;(教育)留下 | |
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304 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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305 lodge | |
v.临时住宿,寄宿,寄存,容纳;n.传达室,小旅馆 | |
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306 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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307 fatigue | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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308 partisan | |
adj.党派性的;游击队的;n.游击队员;党徒 | |
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309 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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310 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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311 parley | |
n.谈判 | |
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312 lamentation | |
n.悲叹,哀悼 | |
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313 rations | |
定量( ration的名词复数 ); 配给量; 正常量; 合理的量 | |
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314 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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315 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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316 miseries | |
n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
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317 wailing | |
v.哭叫,哀号( wail的现在分词 );沱 | |
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318 joyfully | |
adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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319 unwillingly | |
adv.不情愿地 | |
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320 decrepit | |
adj.衰老的,破旧的 | |
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321 woe | |
n.悲哀,苦痛,不幸,困难;int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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322 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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323 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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324 lashes | |
n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 );鞭子;突然猛烈的一击;急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 );煽动;紧系;怒斥 | |
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325 fowls | |
鸟( fowl的名词复数 ); 禽肉; 既不是这; 非驴非马 | |
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326 distressing | |
a.使人痛苦的 | |
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327 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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328 catching | |
adj.易传染的,有魅力的,迷人的,接住 | |
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329 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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330 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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331 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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332 lurked | |
vi.潜伏,埋伏(lurk的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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333 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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334 ashore | |
adv.在(向)岸上,上岸 | |
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335 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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336 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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337 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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338 rapacity | |
n.贪婪,贪心,劫掠的欲望 | |
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339 progenitors | |
n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 );先驱;前辈;原本 | |
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340 notably | |
adv.值得注意地,显著地,尤其地,特别地 | |
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341 deportation | |
n.驱逐,放逐 | |
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342 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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343 humanitarianism | |
n.博爱主义;人道主义;基督凡人论 | |
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344 conjured | |
用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 ); 祈求,恳求; 变戏法; (变魔术般地) 使…出现 | |
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345 provocation | |
n.激怒,刺激,挑拨,挑衅的事物,激怒的原因 | |
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346 despoiled | |
v.掠夺,抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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347 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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