SHIRLEY. BORDER WAR.
The Niagara Campaign ? Albany ? March to Oswego ? Difficulties ? The Expedition abandoned ? Shirley and Johnson ? Results of the Campaign ? The Scourge1 of the Border ? Trials of Washington ? Misery2 of the Settlers ? Horror of their Situation ? Philadelphia and the Quakers ? Disputes with the Penns ? Democracy and Feudalism ? Pennsylvanian Population ? Appeals from the Frontier ? Quarrel of Governor and Assembly ? Help refused ? Desperation of the Borderers ? Fire and Slaughter4 ? The Assembly alarmed ? They pass a mock Militia5 Law ? They are forced to yield.
The capture of Niagara was to finish the work of the summer. This alone would have gained for England the control of the valley of the Ohio, and made Braddock's expedition superfluous6. One marvels7 at the short-sightedness, the dissensions, the apathy8 which had left this key of the interior so long in the hands of France without an effort to wrest9 it from her. To master Niagara would be to cut the communications of Canada with the whole system of French forts and settlements in the West, and leave them to perish like limbs of a girdled tree.
Major-General Shirley, in the flush of his new martial10 honors, was to try his prentice hand at the work. The lawyer-soldier could plan a campaign boldly and well. It remained to see how 319
V1 he would do his part towards executing it. In July he arrived at Albany, the starting-point of his own expedition as well as that of Johnson. This little Dutch city was an outpost of civilization. The Hudson, descending12 from the northern wilderness14, connected it with the lakes and streams that formed the thoroughfare to Canada; while the Mohawk, flowing from the west, was a liquid pathway to the forest homes of the Five Nations. Before the war was over, a little girl, Anne MacVicar, daughter of a Highland15 officer, was left at Albany by her father, and spent several years there in the house of Mrs. Schuyler, aunt of General Schuyler of the Revolution. Long after, married and middle-aged16, she wrote down her recollections of the place,—the fort on the hill behind; the great street, grassy17 and broad, that descended18 thence to the river, with market, guard-house, town-hall, and two churches in the middle, and rows of quaint19 Dutch-built houses on both sides, each detached from its neighbors, each with its well, garden, and green, and its great overshadowing tree. Before every house was a capacious porch, with seats where the people gathered in the summer twilight20; old men at one door, matrons at another, young men and girls mingling21 at a third; while the cows with their tinkling22 bells came from the common at the end of the town, each stopping to be milked at the door of its owner; and children, porringer in hand, sat on the steps, watching the process and waiting their evening meal.
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V1 Such was the quiet picture painted on the memory of Anne MacVicar, and reproduced by the pen of Mrs. Anne Grant. [320] The patriarchal, semi-rural town had other aspects, not so pleasing. The men were mainly engaged in the fur-trade, sometimes legally with the Five Nations, and sometimes illegally with the Indians of Canada,—an occupation which by no means tends to soften23 the character. The Albany Dutch traders were a rude, hard race, loving money, and not always scrupulous24 as to the means of getting it. Coming events, too, were soon to have their effect on this secluded25 community. Regiments26, red and blue, trumpets28, drums, banners, artillery29 trains, and all the din13 of war transformed its peaceful streets, and brought some attaint to domestic morals hitherto commendable30; for during the next five years Albany was to be the principal base of military operations on the continent.
[320] Memoirs31 of an American Lady (Mrs. Schuyler), Chap. VI. A genuine picture of colonial life, and a charming book, though far from being historically trustworthy. Compare the account of Albany in Kalm, II. 102.
Shirley had left the place, and was now on his way up the Mohawk. His force, much smaller than at first intended, consisted of the New Jersey32 regiment27, which mustered33 five hundred men, known as the Jersey Blues34, and of the fiftieth and fifty-first regiments, called respectively Shirley's and Pepperell's. These, though paid by the King and counted as regulars, were in fact raw provincials35, just raised in the colonies, and wearing their gay uniforms with an awkward, unaccustomed air. 321
V1 How they gloried in them may be gathered from a letter of Sergeant37 James Gray, of Pepperell's, to his brother John: "I have two Holland shirts, found me by the King, and two pair of shoes and two pair of worsted stockings; a good silver-laced hat (the lace I could sell for four dollars); and my clothes is as fine scarlet38 broadcloth as ever you did see. A sergeant here in the King's regiment is counted as good as an ensign with you; and one day in every week we must have our hair or wigs39 powdered." [321] Most of these gorgeous warriors40 were already on their way to Oswego, their first destination.
[321] James Gray to John Gray, 11 July, 1755.
Shirley followed, embarking41 at the Dutch village of Schenectady, and ascending43 the Mohawk with about two hundred of the so-called regulars in bateaux. They passed Fort Johnson, the two villages of the Mohawks, and the Palatine settlement of German Flats; left behind the last trace of civilized44 man, rowed sixty miles through a wilderness, and reached the Great Carrying Place, which divided the waters that flow to the Hudson from those that flow to Lake Ontario. Here now stands the city which the classic zeal45 of its founders47 has adorned48 with the name of Rome. Then all was swamp and forest, traversed by a track that led to Wood Creek49,—which is not to be confounded with the Wood Creek of Lake Champlain. Thither50 the bateaux were dragged on sledges51 and launched on the dark and tortuous52 stream, which, fed by a decoction of forest leaves 322
V1 that oozed53 from the marshy54 shores, crept in shadow through depths of foliage55, with only a belt of illumined sky gleaming between the jagged tree-tops. Tall and lean with straining towards the light, their rough, gaunt stems trickling56 with perpetual damps, stood on either hand the silent hosts of the forest. The skeletons of their dead, barkless, blanched57, and shattered, strewed58 the mudbanks and shallows; others lay submerged, like bones of drowned mammoths, thrusting lank59, white limbs above the sullen60 water; and great trees, entire as yet, were flung by age or storms athwart the current,—a bristling61 barricade62 of matted boughs63. There was work for the axe64 as well as for the oar65; till at length Lake Oneida opened before them, and they rowed all day over its sunny breast, reached the outlet66, and drifted down the shallow eddies67 of the Onondaga, between walls of verdure, silent as death, yet haunted everywhere with ambushed68 danger. It was twenty days after leaving Schenectady when they neared the mouth of the river; and Lake Ontario greeted them, stretched like a sea to the pale brink69 of the northern sky, while on the bare hill at their left stood the miserable70 little fort of Oswego.
Shirley's whole force soon arrived; but not the needful provisions and stores. The machinery71 of transportation and the commissariat was in the bewildered state inevitable72 among a peaceful people at the beginning of a war; while the news of Braddock's defeat produced such an effect on 323
V1 the boatmen and the draymen at the carrying-places, that the greater part deserted73. Along with these disheartening tidings, Shirley learned the death of his eldest74 son, killed at the side of Braddock. He had with him a second son, Captain John Shirley, a vivacious75 young man, whom his father and his father's friends in their familiar correspondence always called "Jack76." John Shirley's letters give a lively view of the situation.
"I have sat down to write to you,"—thus he addresses Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania, who seems to have had a great liking77 for him,—"because there is an opportunity of sending you a few lines; and if you will promise to excuse blots78, interlineations, and grease (for this is written in the open air, upon the head of a pork-barrel, and twenty people about me), I will begin another half-sheet. We are not more than about fifteen hundred men fit for duty; but that, I am pretty sure, if we can go in time in our sloop79, schooner80, row-galleys, and whale-boats, will be sufficient to take Frontenac; after which we may venture to go upon the attack of Niagara, but not before. I have not the least doubt with myself of knocking down both these places yet this fall, if we can get away in a week. If we take or destroy their two vessels81 at Frontenac, and ruin their harbor there, and destroy the two forts of that and Niagara, I shall think we have done great things. Nobody holds it out better than my father and myself. We shall all of us relish82 a good house over our heads, being all encamped, 324
V1 except the General and some few field-officers, who have what are called at Oswego houses; but they would in other countries be called only sheds, except the fort, where my father is. Adieu, dear sir; I hope my next will be directed from Frontenac. Yours most affectionately, John Shirley." [322]
[322] The young author of this letter was, like his brother, a victim of the war.
"Permit me, good sir, to offer you my hearty83 condolence upon the death of my friend Jack, whose worth I admired, and feel for him more than I can express…. Few men of his age had so many friends." Governor Morris to Shirley, 27 Nov. 1755.
"My heart bleeds for Mr. Shirley. He must be overwhelmed with Grief when he hears of Capt. John Shirley's Death, of which I have an Account by the last Post from New York, where he died of a Flux84 and Fever that he had contracted at Oswego. The loss of Two Sons in one Campaign scarcely admits of Consolation86. I feel the Anguish87 of the unhappy Father, and mix my Tears very heartily88 with his. I have had an intimate Acquaintance with Both of Them for many Years, and know well their inestimable Value." Morris to Dinwiddie, 29 Nov. 1755.
Fort Frontenac lay to the northward89, fifty miles or more across the lake. Niagara lay to the westward90, at the distance of four or five days by boat or canoe along the south shore. At Frontenac there was a French force of fourteen hundred regulars and Canadians. [323] They had vessels and canoes to cross the lake and fall upon Oswego as soon as Shirley should leave it to attack Niagara; for Braddock's captured papers had revealed to them the English plan. If they should take it, Shirley would be cut off from his supplies and placed in desperate jeopardy91, with the enemy in his rear. Hence it is that John Shirley insists on taking Frontenac before attempting Niagara. But the task was not easy; for the French force 325
V1 at the former place was about equal in effective strength to that of the English at Oswego. At Niagara, too, the French had, at the end of August, nearly twelve hundred Canadians and Indians from Fort Duquesne and the upper lakes. [324] Shirley was but imperfectly informed by his scouts92 of the unexpected strength of the opposition93 that awaited him; but he knew enough to see that his position was a difficult one. His movement on Niagara was stopped, first by want of provisions, and secondly94 because he was checkmated by the troops at Frontenac. He did not despair. Want of courage was not among his failings, and he was but too ready to take risks. He called a council of officers, told them that the total number of men fit for duty was thirteen hundred and seventy-six, and that as soon as provisions enough should arrive he would embark42 for Niagara with six hundred soldiers and as many Indians as possible, leaving the rest to defend Oswego against the expected attack from Fort Frontenac. [325]
[323] Bigot au Ministre, 27 Ao?t, 1755.
[324] Bigot au Ministre, 5 Sept. 1755.
[325] Minutes of a Council of War at Oswego, 18 Sept. 1755.
"All I am uneasy about is our provisions," writes John Shirley to his friend Morris; "our men have been upon half allowance of bread these three weeks past, and no rum given to 'em. My father yesterday called all the Indians together and made 'em a speech on the subject of General Johnson's engagement, which he calculated to inspire them with a spirit of revenge." After the 326
V1 speech he gave them a bullock for a feast, which they roasted and ate, pretending that they were eating the Governor of Canada! Some provisions arriving, orders were given to embark on the next day; but the officers murmured their dissent95. The weather was persistently96 bad, their vessels would not hold half the party, and the bateaux, made only for river navigation, would infallibly founder46 on the treacherous97 and stormy lake. "All the field-officers," says John Shirley, "think it too rash an attempt; and I have heard so much of it that I think it my duty to let my father know what I hear." Another council was called; and the General, reluctantly convinced of the danger, put the question whether to go or not. The situation admitted but one reply. The council was of opinion that for the present the enterprise was impracticable; that Oswego should be strengthened, more vessels built, and preparation made to renew the attempt as soon as spring opened. [326] All thoughts of active operations were now suspended, and during what was left of the season the troops exchanged the musket99 for the spade, saw, and axe. At the end of October, leaving seven hundred men at Oswego, Shirley returned to Albany, and narrowly escaped drowning on the way, while passing a rapid in a whale-boat, to try the fitness of that species of craft for river navigation. [327]
[326] Minutes of a Council of War at Oswego, 27 Sept. 1755.
[327] On the Niagara expedition, Braddock's Instructions to Major-General Shirley. Correspondence of Shirley, 1755. Conduct of Major-General Shirley (London, 1758). Letters of John Shirley in Pennsylvania Archives, II. Bradstreet to Shirley, 17 Aug. 1755. MSS. in Massachusetts Archives. Review of Military Operations in North America. Gentleman's Magazine, 1757, p. 73. London Magazine, 1759, p. 594. Trumbull, Hist. Connecticut, II. 370.
327
V1 Unfortunately for him, he had fallen out with Johnson, whom he had made what he was, but who now turned against him,—a seeming ingratitude100 not wholly unprovoked. Shirley had diverted the New Jersey regiment, destined101 originally for Crown Point, to his own expedition against Niagara. Naturally inclined to keep all the reins102 in his own hands, he had encroached on Johnson's new office of Indian superintendent103, held conferences with the Five Nations, and employed agents of his own to deal with them. These agents were persons obnoxious104 to Johnson, being allied105 with the clique106 of Dutch traders at Albany, who hated him because he had supplanted107 them in the direction of Indian affairs; and in a violent letter to the Lords of Trade, he inveighs108 against their "licentious109 and abandoned proceedings," "villanous conduct," "scurrilous110 falsehoods," and "base and insolent111 behavior." [328] "I am considerable enough," he says, "to have enemies and to be envied;" [329] and he declares he has proof that Shirley told the Mohawks that he, Johnson, was an upstart of his creating, whom he had set up and could pull down. Again, he charges Shirley's agents with trying to "debauch112 the Indians from joining him;" while Shirley, on his side, retorts the same complaint against his accuser. [330] When, 328
V1 by the death of Braddock, Shirley became commander-in-chief, Johnson grew so restive113 at being subject to his instructions that he declined to hold the management of Indian affairs unless it was made independent of his rival. The dispute became mingled114 with the teapot-tempest of New York provincial36 politics. The Lieutenant-Governor, Delancey, a politician of restless ambition and consummate115 dexterity116, had taken umbrage117 at Shirley, of whose rising honors, not borne with remarkable118 humility119, he appears to have been jealous. Delancey had hitherto favored the Dutch faction120 in the Assembly, hostile to Johnson; but he now changed attitude, and joined hands with him against the object of their common dislike. The one was strong in the prestige of a loudly-trumpeted victory, and the other had means of influence over the Ministry121. Their coalition122 boded123 ill to Shirley, and he soon felt its effects. [331]
[328] Johnson to the Lords of Trade, 3 Sept. 1755.
[329] Johnson to the Lords of Trade, 17 Jan. 1756.
[330] John Shirley to Governor Morris, 12 Aug. 1755.
[331] On this affair, see various papers in N. Y. Col. Docs., VI., VII. Smith, Hist. New York, Part II., Chaps. IV. V. Review of Military Operations in North America. Both Smith and Livingston, the author of the Review, were personally cognizant of the course of the dispute.
The campaign was now closed,—a sufficiently124 active one, seeing that the two nations were nominally125 at peace. A disastrous126 rout127 on the Monongahela, failure at Niagara, a barren victory at Lake George, and three forts captured in Acadia, were the disappointing results on the part of England. Nor had her enemies cause to boast. The Indians, it is true, had won a battle for them: but they had suffered mortifying128 defeat from a raw 329
V1 militia; their general was a prisoner; and they had lost Acadia past hope.
The campaign was over; but not its effects. It remains129 to see what befell from the rout of Braddock and the unpardonable retreat of Dunbar from the frontier which it was his duty to defend. Dumas had replaced Contrec?ur in the command of Fort Duquesne; and his first care was to set on the Western tribes to attack the border settlements. His success was triumphant130. The Delawares and Shawanoes, old friends of the English, but for years past tending to alienation131 through neglect and ill-usage, now took the lead against them. Many of the Mingoes, or Five Nation Indians on the Ohio, also took up the hatchet132, as did various remoter tribes. The West rose like a nest of hornets, and swarmed133 in fury against the English frontier. Such was the consequence of the defeat of Braddock aided by the skilful134 devices of the French commander. "It is by means such as I have mentioned," says Dumas, "varied135 in every form to suit the occasion, that I have succeeded in ruining the three adjacent provinces, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, driving off the inhabitants, and totally destroying the settlements over a tract85 of country thirty leagues wide, reckoning from the line of Fort Cumberland. M. de Contrec?ur had not been gone a week before I had six or seven different war-parties in the field at once, always accompanied by Frenchmen. Thus far, we have lost only two officers and a few soldiers; but the 330
V1 Indian villages are full of prisoners of every age and sex. The enemy has lost far more since the battle than on the day of his defeat." [332]
[332] Dumas au Ministre, 24 Juillet, 1756.
Dumas, required by the orders of his superiors to wage a detestable warfare136 against helpless settlers and their families, did what he could to temper its horrors, and enjoined137 the officers who went with the Indians to spare no effort to prevent them from torturing prisoners. [333] The attempt should be set down to his honor; but it did not avail much. In the record of cruelties committed this year on the borders, we find repeated instances of children scalped alive. "They kill all they meet," writes a French priest; "and after having abused the women and maidens138, they slaughter or burn them." [334]
[333] Mémoires de Famille de l'Abbé Casgrain, cited in Le Foyer Canadien, III. 26, where an extract is given from an order of Dumas to Baby, a Canadian officer. Orders of Contrec?ur and Ligneris to the same effect are also given. A similar order, signed by Dumas, was found in the pocket of Douville, an officer killed by the English on the Frontier. Writings of Washington, II. 137, note.
[334] Rec. Claude Godefroy Cocquard, S. J., à son Frère, Mars (?), 1757.
Washington was now in command of the Virginia regiment, consisting of a thousand men, raised afterwards to fifteen hundred. With these he was to protect a frontier of three hundred and fifty miles against more numerous enemies, who could choose their time and place of attack. His headquarters were at Winchester. His men were an ungovernable crew, enlisted139 chiefly on the turbulent border, and resenting every kind of discipline as levelling them with negroes; while the 331
V1 sympathizing House of Burgesses hesitated for months to pass any law for enforcing obedience140, lest it should trench141 on the liberties of free white men. The service was to the last degree unpopular. "If we talk of obliging men to serve their country," wrote London Carter, "we are sure to hear a fellow mumble142 over the words 'liberty' and 'property' a thousand times." [335] The people, too, were in mortal fear of a slave insurrection, and therefore dared not go far from home. [336] Meanwhile a panic reigned143 along the border. Captain Waggoner, passing a gap in the Blue Ridge144, could hardly make his way for the crowd of fugitives145. "Every day," writes Washington, "we have accounts of such cruelties and barbarities as are shocking to human nature. It is not possible to conceive the situation and danger of this miserable country. Such numbers of French and Indians are all around that no road is safe."
[335] Extract in Writings of Washington, II. 145, note.
[336] Letters of Dinwiddie, 1755.
These frontiers had always been at peace. No forts of refuge had thus far been built, and the scattered146 settlers had no choice but flight. Their first impulse was to put wife and children beyond reach of the tomahawk. As autumn advanced, the invading bands grew more and more audacious. Braddock had opened a road for them by which they could cross the mountains at their ease; and scouts from Fort Cumberland reported that this road was beaten by as many feet as when the English army passed last summer. Washington 332
V1 was beset147 with difficulties. Men and officers alike were unruly and mutinous148. He was at once blamed for their disorders149 and refused the means of repressing them. Envious150 detractors published slanders151 against him. A petty Maryland captain, who had once had a commission from the King, refused to obey his orders, and stirred up factions152 among his officers. Dinwiddie gave him cold support. The temper of the old Scotchman, crabbed154 at the best, had been soured by disappointment, vexation, weariness, and ill-health. He had, besides, a friend and countryman, Colonel Innes, whom, had he dared, he would gladly have put in Washington's place. He was full of zeal in the common cause, and wanted to direct the defence of the borders from his house at Williamsburg, two hundred miles distant. Washington never hesitated to obey; but he accompanied his obedience by a statement of his own convictions and his reasons for them, which, though couched in terms the most respectful, galled155 his irascible chief. The Governor acknowledged his merit; but bore him no love, and sometimes wrote to him in terms which must have tried his high temper to the utmost. Sometimes, though rarely, he gave words to his emotion.
"Your Honor," he wrote in April, "may see to what unhappy straits the distressed157 inhabitants and myself are reduced. I see inevitable destruction in so clear a light, that unless vigorous measures are taken by the Assembly, and speedy assistance sent from below, the poor inhabitants 333
V1 that are now in forts must unavoidably fall, while the remainder are flying before the barbarous foe158. In fine, the melancholy159 situation of the people; the little prospect160 of assistance; the gross and scandalous abuse cast upon the officers in general, which is reflecting upon me in particular for suffering misconduct of such extraordinary kinds; and the distant prospect, if any, of gaining honor and reputation in the service,—cause me to lament161 the hour that gave me a commission, and would induce me at any other time than this of imminent162 danger to resign, without one hesitating moment, a command from which I never expect to reap either honor or benefit, but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of incurring163 displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid to my account here.
"The supplicating164 tears of the women and moving petitions of the men melt me into such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." [337]
[337] Writings of Washington, II. 143.
In the turmoil165 around him, patriotism166 and public duty seemed all to be centred in the breast of one heroic youth. He was respected and generally beloved, but he did not kindle167 enthusiasm. His were the qualities of an unflagging courage, an all-enduring fortitude168, and a deep trust. He showed an astonishing maturing of character, and the kind of mastery over others which begins 334
V1 with mastery over self. At twenty-four he was the foremost man, and acknowledged as such, along the whole long line of the western border.
To feel the situation, the nature of these frontiers must be kept in mind. Along the skirts of the southern and middle colonies ran for six or seven hundred miles a loose, thin, dishevelled fringe of population, the half-barbarous pioneers of advancing civilization. Their rude dwellings170 were often miles apart. Buried in woods, the settler lived in an appalling171 loneliness. A low-browed cabin of logs, with moss172 stuffed in the chinks to keep out the wind, roof covered with sheets of bark, chimney of sticks and clay, and square holes closed by a shutter174 in place of windows; an unkempt matron, lean with hard work, and a brood of children with bare heads and tattered175 garments eked176 out by deerskin,—such was the home of the pioneer in the remoter and wilder districts. The scene around bore witness to his labors177. It was the repulsive178 transition from savagery179 to civilization, from the forest to the farm. The victims of his axe lay strewn about the dismal180 "clearing" in a chaos181 of prostrate182 trunks, tangled183 boughs, and withered184 leaves, waiting for the fire that was to be the next agent in the process of improvement; while around, voiceless and grim, stood the living forest, gazing on the desolation, and biding185 its own day of doom186. The owner of the cabin was miles away, hunting in the woods for the wild turkey and venison which were the chief food of himself and his 335
V1 family till the soil could be tamed into the bearing of crops.
Towards night he returned; and as he issued from the forest shadows he saw a column of blue smoke rising quietly in the still evening air. He ran to the spot; and there, among the smouldering logs of his dwelling169, lay, scalped and mangled187, the dead bodies of wife and children. A war-party had passed that way. Breathless, palpitating, his brain on fire, he rushed through the thickening night to carry the alarm to his nearest neighbor, three miles distant.
Such was the character and the fate of many incipient188 settlements of the utmost border. Farther east, they had a different aspect. Here, small farms with well-built log-houses, cattle, crops of wheat and Indian corn, were strung at intervals189 along some woody valley of the lower Alleghanies: yesterday a scene of hardy190 toil191; to-day swept with destruction from end to end. There was no warning; no time for concert, perhaps none for flight. Sudden as the leaping panther, a pack of human wolves burst out of the forest, did their work, and vanished.
If the country had been an open one, like the plains beyond the Mississippi, the situation would have been less frightful192; but the forest was everywhere, rolled over hill and valley in billows of interminable green,—a leafy maze193, a mystery of shade, a universal hiding-place, where murder might lurk194 unseen at its victim's side, and Nature seemed formed to nurse the mind with wild and 336
V1 dark imaginings. The detail of blood is set down in the untutored words of those who saw and felt it. But there was a suffering that had no record,—the mortal fear of women and children in the solitude195 of their wilderness homes, haunted, waking and sleeping, with nightmares of horror that were but the forecast of an imminent reality. The country had in past years been so peaceful, and the Indians so friendly, that many of the settlers, especially on the Pennsylvanian border, had no arms, and were doubly in need of help from the Government. In Virginia they had it, such as it was. In Pennsylvania they had for months none whatever; and the Assembly turned a deaf ear to their cries.
Far to the east, sheltered from danger, lay staid and prosperous Philadelphia, the home of order and thrift197. It took its stamp from the Quakers, its original and dominant198 population, set apart from the other colonists199 not only in character and creed200, but in the outward symbols of a peculiar201 dress and a daily sacrifice of grammar on the altar of religion. The even tenor202 of their lives counteracted203 the effects of climate, and they are said to have been perceptibly more rotund in feature and person than their neighbors. Yet, broad and humanizing as was their faith, they were capable of extreme bitterness towards opponents, clung tenaciously204 to power, and were jealous for the ascendency of their sect205, which had begun to show signs of wavering. On other sects206 they looked askance; and regarded the 337
V1 Presbyterians in particular with a dislike which in moments of crisis rose to detestation. [338] They held it sin to fight, and above all to fight against Indians.
[338] See a crowd of party pamphlets, Quaker against Presbyterian, which appeared at Philadelphia in 1764, abusively acrimonious207 on both sides.
Here was one cause of military paralysis208. It was reinforced by another. The old standing209 quarrel between governor and assembly had grown more violent than ever; and this as a direct consequence of the public distress156, which above all things demanded harmony. The dispute turned this time on a single issue,—that of the taxation210 of the proprietary211 estates. The estates in question consisted of vast tracts212 of wild land, yielding no income, and at present to a great extent worthless, being overrun by the enemy. [339] The Quaker Assembly had refused to protect them; and on one occasion had rejected an offer of the proprietaries213 to join them in paying the cost of their defence. [340] But though they would not defend the land, they insisted on taxing it; and farther insisted that the taxes upon it should be laid by the provincial assessors. By a law of the province, these assessors were chosen by popular vote; and in consenting to this law, the proprietaries had expressly provided that their estates 338
V1 should be exempted214 from all taxes to be laid by officials in whose appointment they had no voice.[341] Thomas and Richard Penn, the present proprietaries, had debarred their deputy, the Governor, both by the terms of his commission and by special instruction, from consenting to such taxation, and had laid him under heavy bonds to secure his obedience. Thus there was another side to the question than that of the Assembly; though our American writers have been slow to acknowledge it.
[340] The proprietaries offered to contribute to the cost of building and maintaining a fort on the spot where the French soon after built Fort Duquesne. This plan, vigorously executed, would have saved the province from a deluge216 of miseries217. One of the reasons assigned by the Assembly for rejecting it was that it would irritate the enemy. See supra, p. 60.
[341] A Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania for the year 1755.
Benjamin Franklin was leader in the Assembly and shared its views. The feudal3 proprietorship218 of the Penn family was odious219 to his democratic nature. It was, in truth, a pestilent anomaly, repugnant to the genius of the people; and the disposition220 and character of the present proprietaries did not tend to render it less vexatious. Yet there were considerations which might have tempered the impatient hatred221 with which the colonists regarded it. The first proprietary, William Penn, had used his feudal rights in the interest of a broad liberalism; and through them had established the popular institutions and universal tolerance222 which made Pennsylvania the most democratic province in America, and nursed the spirit of liberty which now revolted against his heirs. The one absorbing passion of Pennsylvania was resistance to their deputy, the Governor. The badge of feudalism, though light, was insufferably irritating; and the sons of William Penn were moreover detested223 339
V1 by the Quakers as renegades from the faith of their father. Thus the immediate224 political conflict engrossed225 mind and heart; and in the rancor226 of their quarrel with the proprietaries, the Assembly forgot the French and Indians.
In Philadelphia and the eastern districts the Quakers could ply98 their trades, tend their shops, till their farms, and discourse227 at their ease on the wickedness of war. The midland counties, too, were for the most part tolerably safe. They were occupied mainly by crude German peasants, who nearly equalled in number all the rest of the population, and who, gathered at the centre of the province, formed a mass politically indigestible. Translated from servitude to the most ample liberty, they hated the thought of military service, which reminded them of former oppression, cared little whether they lived under France or England, and, thinking themselves out of danger, had no mind to be taxed for the defence of others. But while the great body of the Germans were sheltered from harm, those of them who lived farther westward were not so fortunate. Here, mixed with Scotch153 Irish Presbyterians and Celtic Irish Catholics, they formed a rough border population, the discordant228 elements of which could rarely unite for common action; yet, though confused and disjointed, they were a living rampart to the rest of the colony. Against them raged the furies of Indian war; and, maddened with distress and terror, they cried aloud for help.
340
V1 Petition after petition came from the borders for arms and ammunition229, and for a militia law to enable the people to organize and defend themselves. The Quakers resisted. "They have taken uncommon230 pains," writes Governor Morris to Shirley, "to prevent the people from taking up arms." [342] Braddock's defeat, they declared, was a just judgment231 on him and his soldiers for molesting232 the French in their settlements on the Ohio. [343] A bill was passed by the Assembly for raising fifty thousand pounds for the King's use by a tax which included the proprietary lands. The Governor, constrained233 by his instructions and his bonds, rejected it. "I can only say," he told them, "that I will readily pass a bill for striking any sum in paper money the present exigency234 may require, provided funds are established for sinking the same in five years." Messages long and acrimonious were exchanged between the parties. The Assembly, had they chosen, could easily have raised money enough by methods not involving the point in dispute; but they thought they saw in the crisis a means of forcing the Governor to yield. The Quakers had an alternative motive235: if the Governor gave way, it was a political victory; if he stood fast, their non-resistance principles would triumph, and in this triumph their ascendency as a sect would be confirmed. The debate grew every day more bitter and unmannerly. The Governor could not yield; the Assembly would not. There 341
V1 was a complete deadlock236. The Assembly requested the Governor "not to make himself the hateful instrument of reducing a free people to the abject237 state of vassalage238." [344] As the raising of money and the control of its expenditure239 was in their hands; as he could not prorogue240 or dissolve them, and as they could adjourn241 on their own motion to such time as pleased them; as they paid his support, and could withhold242 it if he offended them,—which they did in the present case,—it seemed no easy task for him to reduce them to vassalage. "What must we do," pursued the Assembly, "to please this kind governor, who takes so much pains to render us obnoxious to our sovereign and odious to our fellow-subjects? If we only tell him that the difficulties he meets with are not owing to the causes he names,—which indeed have no existence,—but to his own want of skill and abilities for his station, he takes it extremely amiss, and says 'we forget all decency243 to those in authority.' We are apt to think there is likewise some decency due to the Assembly as a part of the government; and though we have not, like the Governor, had a courtly education, but are plain men, and must be very imperfect in our politeness, yet we think we have no chance of improving by his example." [345] Again, in another Message, the Assembly, with a thrust at Morris himself, tell him that colonial governors have often been "transient persons, of broken fortunes, greedy of money, destitute244 of all 342
V1 concern for those they govern, often their enemies, and endeavoring not only to oppress, but to defame them." [346] In such unseemly fashion was the battle waged. Morris, who was himself a provincial, showed more temper and dignity; though there was not too much on either side. "The Assembly," he wrote to Shirley, "seem determined245 to take advantage of the country's distress to get the whole power of government into their own hands." And the Assembly proclaimed on their part that the Governor was taking advantage of the country's distress to reduce the province to "Egyptian bondage246."
[342] Morris to Shirley, 16 Aug. 1755.
[343] Morris to Sir Thomas Robinson, 28 Aug. 1755.
[344] Colonial Records of Pa., VI. 584.
[345] Message of the Assembly to the Governor, 29 Sept. 1755 (written by Franklin), in Colonial Records of Pa., VI. 631, 632.
[346] Writings of Franklin, III. 447. The Assembly at first suppressed this paper, but afterwards printed it.
Petitions poured in from the miserable frontiersmen. "How long will those in power, by their quarrels, suffer us to be massacred?" demanded William Trent, the Indian trader. "Two and forty bodies have been buried on Patterson's Creek; and since they have killed more, and keep on killing247." [347] Early in October news came that a hundred persons had been murdered near Fort Cumberland. Repeated tidings followed of murders on the Susquehanna; then it was announced that the war-parties had crossed that stream, and were at their work on the eastern side. Letter after letter came from the sufferers, bringing such complaints as this: "We are in as bad circumstances as ever any poor Christians248 were ever in; for the cries of widowers249, widows, fatherless and motherless children, are enough to pierce the most hardest of 343
V1 hearts. Likewise it's a very sorrowful spectacle to see those that escaped with their lives with not a mouthful to eat, or bed to lie on, or clothes to cover their nakedness, or keep them warm, but all they had consumed into ashes. These deplorable circumstances cry aloud for your Honor's most wise consideration; for it is really very shocking for the husband to see the wife of his bosom250 her head cut off, and the children's blood drunk like water, by these bloody251 and cruel savages252." [348]
[347] Trent to James Burd, 4 Oct. 1755.
Morris was greatly troubled. "The conduct of the Assembly," he wrote to Shirley, "is to me shocking beyond parallel." "The inhabitants are abandoning their plantations254, and we are in a dreadful situation," wrote John Harris from the east bank of the Susquehanna. On the next day he wrote again: "The Indians are cutting us off every day, and I had a certain account of about fifteen hundred Indians, besides French, being on their march against us and Virginia, and now close on our borders, their scouts scalping our families on our frontiers daily." The report was soon confirmed; and accounts came that the settlements in the valley called the Great Cove173 had been completely destroyed. All this was laid before the Assembly. They declared the accounts exaggerated, but confessed that outrages255 had been committed; hinted that the fault was with the proprietaries; and asked the Governor to explain why the Delawares and Shawanoes had become unfriendly. "If they have suffered wrongs," 344
V1 said the Quakers, "we are resolved to do all in our power to redress256 them, rather than entail257 upon ourselves and our posterity258 the calamities259 of a cruel Indian war." The Indian records were searched, and several days spent in unsuccessful efforts to prove fraud in a late land-purchase.
Post after post still brought news of slaughter. The upper part of Cumberland County was laid waste. Edward Biddle wrote from Reading: "The drum is beating and bells ringing, and all the people under arms. This night we expect an attack. The people exclaim against the Quakers." "We seem to be given up into the hands of a merciless enemy," wrote John Elder from Paxton. And he declares that more than forty persons have been killed in that neighborhood, besides numbers carried off. Meanwhile the Governor and Assembly went on fencing with words and exchanging legal subtleties260; while, with every cry of distress that rose from the west, each hoped that the other would yield.
On the eighth of November the Assembly laid before Morris for his concurrence261 a bill for emitting bills of credit to the amount of sixty thousand pounds, to be sunk in four years by a tax including the proprietary estates. [349] "I shall not," he replied, "enter into a dispute whether the proprietaries ought to be taxed or not. It is sufficient for me that they have given me no power in that case; and I cannot think it consistent either with my duty or safety to exceed the powers of my 345
V1 commission, much less to do what that commission expressly prohibits." [350] He stretched his authority, however, so far as to propose a sort of compromise by which the question should be referred to the King; but they refused it; and the quarrel and the murders went on as before. "We have taken," said the Assembly, "every step in our power, consistent with the just rights of the freemen of Pennsylvania, for the relief of the poor distressed inhabitants; and we have reason to believe that they themselves would not wish us to go farther. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety." [351] Then the borderers deserved neither; for, rather than be butchered, they would have let the proprietary lands lie untaxed for another year. "You have in all," said the Governor, "proposed to me five money bills, three of them rejected because contrary to royal instructions; the other two on account of the unjust method proposed for taxing the proprietary estate. If you are disposed to relieve your country, you have many other ways of granting money to which I shall have no objection. I shall put one proof more both of your sincerity262 and mine in our professions of regard for the public, by offering to agree to any bill in the present exigency which it is consistent with my duty to pass; lest, before our present disputes can be brought to an issue, we 346
V1 should neither have a privilege to dispute about, nor a country to dispute in." [352] They stood fast; and with an obstinacy264 for which the Quakers were chiefly answerable, insisted that they would give nothing, except by a bill taxing real estate, and including that of the proprietaries.
[349] Colonial Records of Pa., VI. 682.
[350] Message of the Governor to the Assembly, 8 Nov. 1755, in Colonial Records of Pa., VI. 684.
[351] Message of the Assembly to the Governor, 11 Nov. Ibid., VI. 692. The words are Franklin's.
[352] Message of the Governor to the Assembly, 22 Nov. 1755, in Colonial Records of Pa., VI. 714.
But now the Assembly began to feel the ground shaking under their feet. A paper, called a "Representation," signed by some of the chief citizens, was sent to the House, calling for measures of defence. "You will forgive us, gentlemen," such was its language, "if we assume characters somewhat higher than that of humble265 suitors praying for the defence of our lives and properties as a matter of grace or favor on your side. You will permit us to make a positive and immediate demand of it." [353] This drove the Quakers mad. Preachers, male and female, harangued266 in the streets, denouncing the iniquity267 of war. Three of the sect from England, two women and a man, invited their brethren of the Assembly to a private house, and fervently268 exhorted269 them to stand firm. Some of the principal Quakers joined in an address to the House, in which they declared that any action on its part "inconsistent with the peaceable testimony270 we profess263 and have borne to the world appears to us in its consequences to be destructive of our religious liberties." [354] And they protested that they would rather "suffer" 347
V1 than pay taxes for such ends. Consistency271, even in folly272, has in it something respectable; but the Quakers were not consistent. A few years after, when heated with party-passion and excited by reports of an irruption of incensed273 Presbyterian borderers, some of the pacific sectaries armed for battle; and the streets of Philadelphia beheld274 the curious conjunction of musket and broad-brimmed hat. [355]
[353] Pennsylvania Archives, II. 485.
[354] Ibid., II. 487.
[355] See Conspiracy275 of Pontiac, II. 143, 152.
The mayor, aldermen, and common council next addressed the Assembly, adjuring276 them, "in the most solemn manner, before God and in the name of all our fellow-citizens," to provide for defending the lives and property of the people. [356] A deputation from a band of Indians on the Susquehanna, still friendly to the province, came to ask whether the English meant to fight or not; for, said their speaker, "if they will not stand by us, we will join the French." News came that the settlement of Tulpehocken, only sixty miles distant, had been destroyed; and then that the Moravian settlement of Gnadenhütten was burned, and nearly all its inmates277 massacred. Colonel William Moore wrote to the Governor that two thousand men were coming from Chester County to compel him and the Assembly to defend the province; and Conrad Weiser wrote that more were coming from Berks on the same errand. Old friends of the Assembly began to cry out against them. Even the Germans, hitherto their 348
V1 fast allies, were roused from their attitude of passivity, and four hundred of them came in procession to demand measures of war. A band of frontiersmen presently arrived, bringing in a wagon278 the bodies of friends and relatives lately murdered, displaying them at the doors of the Assembly, cursing the Quakers, and threatening vengeance279. [357]
[356] A Remonstrance280, etc., in Colonial Records of Pa., VI. 734.
[357] Mante, 47; Entick, I. 377.
Finding some concession281 necessary, the House at length passed a militia law,—probably the most futile282 ever enacted283. It specially196 exempted the Quakers, and constrained nobody; but declared it lawful284, for such as chose, to form themselves into companies and elect officers by ballot285. The company officers thus elected might, if they saw fit, elect, also by ballot, colonels, lieutenant-colonels, and majors. These last might then, in conjunction with the Governor, frame articles of war; to which, however, no officer or man was to be subjected unless, after three days' consideration, he subscribed286 them in presence of a justice of the peace, and declared his willingness to be bound by them. [358]
[358] This remarkable bill, drawn287 by Franklin, was meant for political rather than military effect. It was thought that Morris would refuse to pass it, and could therefore be accused of preventing the province from defending itself; but he avoided the snare288 by signing it.
This mockery could not appease289 the people; the Assembly must raise money for men, arms, forts, and all the detested appliances of war. Defeat absolute and ignominious290 seemed hanging over the House, when an incident occurred which 349
V1 gave them a decent pretext291 for retreat. The Governor informed them that he had just received a letter from the proprietaries, giving to the province five thousand pounds sterling292 to aid in its defence, on condition that the money should be accepted as a free gift, and not as their proportion of any tax that was or might be laid by the Assembly. They had not learned the deplorable state of the country, and had sent the money in view of the defeat of Braddock and its probable consequences. The Assembly hereupon yielded, struck out from the bill before them the clause taxing the proprietary estates, and, thus amended293, presented it to the Governor, who by his signature made it a law. [359]
[359] Minutes of Council, 27 Nov. 1755.
The House had failed to carry its point. The result disappointed Franklin, and doubly disappointed the Quakers. His maxim294 was: Beat the Governor first, and then beat the enemy; theirs: Beat the Governor, and let the enemy alone. The measures that followed, directed in part by Franklin himself, held the Indians in check, and mitigated295 the distress of the western counties; yet there was no safety for them throughout the two or three years when France was cheering on her hell-hounds against this tormented296 frontier.
As in Pennsylvania, so in most of the other colonies there was conflict between assemblies and governors, to the unspeakable detriment297 of the public service. In New York, though here no obnoxious proprietary stood between the people 350
V1 and the Crown, the strife298 was long and severe. The point at issue was an important one,—whether the Assembly should continue their practice of granting yearly supplies to the Governor, or should establish a permanent fund for the ordinary expenses of government,—thus placing him beyond their control. The result was a victory for the Assembly.
Month after month the great continent lay wrapped in snow. Far along the edge of the western wilderness men kept watch and ward11 in lonely blockhouses, or scoured299 the forest on the track of prowling war-parties. The provincials in garrison300 at forts Edward, William Henry, and Oswego dragged out the dreary301 winter; while bands of New England rangers302, muffled303 against the piercing cold, caps of fur on their heads, hatchets304 in their belts, and guns in the mittened305 hands, glided306 on skates along the gleaming ice-floor of Lake George, to spy out the secrets of Ticonderoga, or seize some careless sentry307 to tell them tidings of the foe. Thus the petty war went on; but the big war was frozen into torpor308, ready, like a hibernating309 bear, to wake again with the birds, the bees, and the flowers. [360]
[360] On Pennsylvanian disputes,—A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania (London, 1755). A Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania (London, 1756). These are pamphlets on the Governor's side, by William Smith, D.D., Provost of the College of Pennsylvania. An Answer to an invidious Pamphlet, intituled a Brief State, etc. (London, 1755). Anonymous310. A True and Impartial311 State of the Province of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1759). Anonymous. The last two works attack the first two with great vehemence312. The True and Impartial State is an able presentation of the case of the Assembly, omitting, however, essential facts. 351
V1 But the most elaborate work on the subject is the Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania, inspired and partly written by Franklin. It is hotly partisan313, and sometimes sophistical and unfair. Articles on the quarrel will also be found in the provincial newspapers, especially the New York Mercury, and in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1755 and 1756. But it is impossible to get any clear and just view of it without wading314 through the interminable documents concerning it in the Colonial Records of Pennsylvania and the Pennsylvania Archives.
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1
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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middle-aged
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| adj.中年的 | |
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grassy
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| adj.盖满草的；长满草的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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tinkling
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| n.丁当作响声 | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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blues
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| n.抑郁，沮丧；布鲁斯音乐 | |
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provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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wigs
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| n.假发，法官帽( wig的名词复数 ) | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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sledges
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| n.雪橇，雪车( sledge的名词复数 )v.乘雪橇( sledge的第三人称单数 )；用雪橇运载 | |
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tortuous
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| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
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53
oozed
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| v.（浓液等）慢慢地冒出，渗出( ooze的过去式和过去分词 )；使（液体）缓缓流出；（浓液）渗出，慢慢流出 | |
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marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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trickling
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| n.油画底色含油太多而成泡沫状突起v.滴( trickle的现在分词 )；淌；使)慢慢走；缓慢移动 | |
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blanched
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| v.使变白( blanch的过去式 )；使（植物）不见阳光而变白；酸洗（金属）使有光泽；用沸水烫（杏仁等）以便去皮 | |
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strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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lank
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| adj.瘦削的；稀疏的 | |
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60
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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61
bristling
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| a.竖立的 | |
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62
barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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63
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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64
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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65
oar
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| n.桨，橹，划手；v.划行 | |
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66
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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67
eddies
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| （水、烟等的）漩涡，涡流( eddy的名词复数 ) | |
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68
ambushed
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| v.埋伏( ambush的过去式和过去分词 )；埋伏着 | |
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69
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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70
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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71
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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72
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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73
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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74
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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75
vivacious
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| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
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76
jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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77
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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78
blots
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| 污渍( blot的名词复数 )； 墨水渍； 错事； 污点 | |
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79
sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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80
schooner
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| n.纵帆船 | |
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81
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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82
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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83
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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84
flux
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| n.流动；不断的改变 | |
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85
tract
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|
| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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86
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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87
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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88
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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89
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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90
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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91
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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92
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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93
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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94
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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95
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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96
persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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97
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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98
ply
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| v.(搬运工等)等候顾客，弯曲 | |
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99
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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100
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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101
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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102
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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103
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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104
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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105
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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106
clique
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| n.朋党派系，小集团 | |
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107
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
inveighs
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的第三人称单数 ) | |
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109
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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110
scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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111
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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112
debauch
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| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
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113
restive
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| adj.不安宁的，不安静的 | |
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114
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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115
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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116
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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117
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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118
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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119
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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120
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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121
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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122
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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123
boded
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的过去式和过去分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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124
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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125
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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126
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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127
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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128
mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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129
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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130
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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131
alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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132
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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133
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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134
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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135
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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136
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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137
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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139
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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140
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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141
trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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142
mumble
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| n./v.喃喃而语，咕哝 | |
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143
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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144
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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145
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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146
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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147
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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148
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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149
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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150
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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151
slanders
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| 诽谤，诋毁( slander的名词复数 ) | |
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152
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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153
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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154
crabbed
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|
| adj.脾气坏的；易怒的；（指字迹）难辨认的；（字迹等）难辨认的v.捕蟹( crab的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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155
galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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156
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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157
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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158
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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159
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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160
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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161
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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162
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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163
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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164
supplicating
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| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的现在分词 ) | |
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165
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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166
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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167
kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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168
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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169
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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170
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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171
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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172
moss
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| n.苔，藓，地衣 | |
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173
cove
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| n.小海湾，小峡谷 | |
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174
shutter
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| n.百叶窗；(照相机)快门；关闭装置 | |
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175
tattered
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| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
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176
eked
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| v.（靠节省用量）使…的供应持久( eke的过去式和过去分词 )；节约使用；竭力维持生计；勉强度日 | |
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177
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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178
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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179
savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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180
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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181
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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182
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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183
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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184
withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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185
biding
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|
| v.等待，停留( bide的现在分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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186
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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187
mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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188
incipient
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| adj.起初的，发端的，初期的 | |
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189
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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190
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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191
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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192
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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193
maze
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| n.迷宫，八阵图，混乱，迷惑 | |
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194
lurk
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| n.潜伏，潜行；v.潜藏，潜伏，埋伏 | |
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195
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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196
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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197
thrift
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| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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198
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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199
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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200
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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201
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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202
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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203
counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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204
tenaciously
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| 坚持地 | |
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205
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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206
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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207
acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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208
paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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209
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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210
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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211
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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212
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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213
proprietaries
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| n.所有人( proprietary的名词复数 )；专卖药品；独家制造（及销售）的产品 | |
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214
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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216
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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217
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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218
proprietorship
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| n.所有（权）；所有权 | |
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219
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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220
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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221
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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222
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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223
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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224
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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225
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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226
rancor
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| n.深仇，积怨 | |
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227
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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228
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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229
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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230
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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231
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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232
molesting
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| v.骚扰( molest的现在分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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233
constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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234
exigency
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| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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235
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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236
deadlock
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| n.僵局，僵持 | |
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237
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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238
vassalage
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| n.家臣身份，隶属 | |
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239
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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240
prorogue
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| v.使（会议）休会 | |
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241
adjourn
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| v.（使）休会，（使）休庭 | |
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242
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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243
decency
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|
| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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244
destitute
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|
| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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245
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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246
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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247
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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248
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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249
widowers
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| n.鳏夫( widower的名词复数 ) | |
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250
bosom
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|
| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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251
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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252
savages
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|
| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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253
hoops
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| n.箍( hoop的名词复数 )；（篮球）篮圈；（旧时儿童玩的）大环子；（两端埋在地里的）小铁弓 | |
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254
plantations
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|
| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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255
outrages
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|
| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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256
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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257
entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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258
posterity
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|
| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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259
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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260
subtleties
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|
| 细微( subtlety的名词复数 )； 精细； 巧妙； 细微的差别等 | |
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261
concurrence
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|
| n.同意；并发 | |
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262
sincerity
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|
| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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263
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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264
obstinacy
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|
| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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265
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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266
harangued
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|
| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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267
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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268
fervently
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|
| adv.热烈地，热情地，强烈地 | |
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269
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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270
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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271
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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272
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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273
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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274
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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275
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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276
adjuring
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|
| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的现在分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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277
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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278
wagon
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| n.四轮马车，手推车，面包车；无盖运货列车 | |
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279
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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280
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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281
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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282
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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283
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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284
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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285
ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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286
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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287
drawn
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|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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288
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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289
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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290
ignominious
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|
| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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291
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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292
sterling
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|
| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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293
Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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294
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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295
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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296
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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297
detriment
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|
| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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298
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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299
scoured
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| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
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300
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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301
dreary
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|
| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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302
rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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303
muffled
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|
| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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304
hatchets
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|
| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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305
mittened
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| v.（使）变得潮湿，变得湿润( moisten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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306
glided
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|
| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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307
sentry
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| n.哨兵，警卫 | |
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308
torpor
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| n.迟钝；麻木；（动物的）冬眠 | |
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309
hibernating
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| （某些动物）冬眠，蛰伏( hibernate的现在分词 ) | |
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310
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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311
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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312
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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313
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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314
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
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