FORT FRONTENAC.
The Routed Army ? Indignation at Abercromby ? John Cleaveland and his Brother Chaplains ? Regulars and Provincials2 ? Provincial1 Surgeons ? French Raids ? Rogers defeats Marin ? Adventures of Putnam ? Expedition of Bradstreet ? Capture of Fort Frontenac.
The rashness of Abercromby before the fight was matched by his poltroonery4 after it. Such was his terror that on the evening of his defeat he sent an order to Colonel Cummings, commanding at Fort William Henry, to send all the sick and wounded and all the heavy artillery5 to New York without delay. [639] He himself followed so closely upon this disgraceful missive that Cummings had no time to obey it.
[639] Cunningham, aide-de-camp of Abercromby, to Cummings, 8 July, 1758.
The defeated and humbled6 troops proceeded to reoccupy the ground they had left a few days before in the flush of confidence and pride; and young Colonel Williams, of Massachusetts, lost no time in sending the miserable7 story to his uncle Israel. His letter, which is dated "Lake George (sorrowful situation), July ye 11th," ends thus: "I have told facts; you may put the epithets8 upon them. In one word, what with fatigue9, want of 115
V2 sleep, exercise of mind, and leaving the place we went to capture, the best part of the army is unhinged. I have told enough to make you sick, if the relation acts on you as the facts have on me."
In the routed army was the sturdy John Cleaveland, minister of Ipswich, and now chaplain of Bagley's Massachusetts regiment10, who regarded the retreat with a disgust that was shared by many others. "This day," he writes in his Diary, at the head of Lake George, two days after the battle, "wherever I went I found people, officers and soldiers, astonished that we left the French ground, and commenting on the strange conduct in coming off." From this time forth11 the provincials called their commander Mrs. Nabbycromby. [640] He thought of nothing but fortifying12 himself. "Towards evening," continues the chaplain, "the General, with his Rehoboam counsellors, came over to line out a fort on the rocky hill where our breastwork was last year. Now we begin to think strongly that the grand expedition against Canada is laid aside, and a foundation made totally to impoverish13 our country." The whole army was soon intrenched. The chaplain of Bagley's, with his brother Ebenezer, chaplain of another regiment, one day walked round the camp and carefully inspected it. The tour proved satisfactory to the militant14 divines, and John Cleaveland reported to his wife: "We have built an extraordinary good 116
V2 breastwork, sufficient to defend ourselves against twenty thousand of the enemy, though at present we have not above a third part of that number fit for duty." Many of the troops had been sent to the Mohawk, and others to the Hudson.
[640] Trumbull, Hist. Connecticut, II. 392. "Nabby" (Abigail) was then a common female name in New England.
In the regiment of which Cleaveland was chaplain there was a young surgeon from Danvers, Dr. Caleb Rea, who also kept a copious15 diary, and, being of a serious turn, listened with edification to the prayers and exhortations17 to which the yeoman soldiery were daily summoned. In his zeal18, he made an inquest among them for singers, and chose the most melodious19 to form a regimental choir20, "the better to carry on the daily service of singing psalms21;" insomuch that the New England camp was vocal22 with rustic23 harmony, sincere, if somewhat nasal. These seemly observances were not inconsistent with a certain amount of disorder24 among the more turbulent spirits, who, removed from the repressive influence of tight-laced village communities, sometimes indulged in conduct which grieved the conscientious25 surgeon. The rural New England of that time, with its narrowness, its prejudices, its oddities, its combative26 energy, and rugged27, unconquerable strength, is among the things of the past, or lingers in remote corners where the whistle of the locomotive is never heard. It has spread itself in swarming28 millions over half a continent, changing with changing conditions; and even the part of it that clings to the ancestral hive has transformed and continues to transform itself.
117
V2 The provincials were happy in their chaplains, among whom there reigned29 a marvellous harmony, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and Congregationalists meeting twice a week to hold prayer-meetings together. "A rare instance indeed," says Dr. Rea, "and perhaps scarce ever was an army blessed with such a set of chaplains before." On one occasion, just before the fatal expedition, nine of them, after prayers and breakfast, went together to call upon the General. "He treated us very kindly," says the chaplain of Bagley's, "and told us that he hoped we would teach the people to do their duty and be courageous30; and told us a story of a chaplain in Germany, where he was, who just before the action told the soldiers he had not time to say much, and therefore should only say: 'Be courageous; for no cowards go to heaven.' The General treated us to a bowl of punch and a bottle of wine, and then we took our leave of him." [641]
[641] For the use of the Diary of Chaplain Cleaveland, as well as of his letters to his wife, I am indebted to the kindness of Miss Abby E. Cleaveland, his descendant.
When Cleaveland and the more gifted among his brethren preached of a Sunday, officers and men of the regulars, no less than the provincials, came to listen; yet that pious16 Sabbatarian, Dr. Rea, saw much to afflict31 his conscience. "Sad, sad it is to see how the Sabbath is profaned32 in the camp," above all by "the horrid33 custom of swearing, more especially among the regulars; and I can't but charge our defeat on this sin."
It would have been well had the harmony that prevailed among the chaplains found its counterpart 118
V2 among the men of the sword; but between the British regular officers and those of the provinces there was anything but an equal brotherhood34. It is true that Pitt, in the spirit of conciliation35 which he always showed towards the colonies, had procured36 a change in the regulations concerning the relative rank of British and provincial officers, thus putting them in a position much nearer equality; but this, while appeasing37 the provincials, seems to have annoyed the others. Till the campaign was nearly over, not a single provincial colonel had been asked to join in a council of war; and, complains Cleaveland, "they know no more of what is to be done than a sergeant38, till the orders come out." Of the British officers, the greater part had seen but little active service. Most of them were men of family, exceedingly prejudiced and insular39, whose knowledge of the world was limited to certain classes of their own countrymen, and who looked down on all others, whether domestic or foreign. Towards the provincials their attitude was one of tranquil40 superiority, though its tranquillity41 was occasionally disturbed by what they regarded as absurd pretension42 on the part of the colony officers. One of them gave vent3 to his feelings in an article in the London Chronicle, in which he advanced the very reasonable proposition that "a farmer is not to be taken from the plough and made an officer in a day;" and he was answered wrathfully, at great length, in the Boston Evening Post, by a writer signing himself "A New England Man." The 119
V2 provincial officers, on the other hand, and especially those of New England, being no less narrow and prejudiced, filled with a sensitive pride and a jealous local patriotism43, and bred up in a lofty appreciation44 of the merits and importance of their country, regarded British superciliousness45 with a resentment46 which their strong love for England could not overcome. This feeling was far from being confined to the officers. A provincial regiment stationed at Half-Moon, on the Hudson, thought itself affronted47 by Captain Cruikshank, a regular officer; and the men were so incensed48 that nearly half of them went off in a body. The deportment of British officers in the Seven Years War no doubt had some part in hastening on the Revolution.
What with levelling Montcalm's siege works, planting palisades, and grubbing up stumps49 in their bungling50 and laborious51 way, the regulars found abundant occupation. Discipline was stiff and peremptory52. The wooden horse and the whipping-post were conspicuous53 objects in the camp, and often in use. Caleb Rea, being tender-hearted, never went to see the lash54 laid on; for, as he quaintly55 observes, "the cries were satisfactory to me, without the sight of the strokes." He and the rest of the doctors found active exercise for such skill as they had, since fever and dysentery were making scarcely less havoc56 than the bullets at Ticonderoga. This came from the bad state of the camps and unwholesome food. The provincial surgeons seem to have been very little 120
V2 impressed with the importance of sanitary57 regulations, and to have thought it their business not to prevent disease, but only to cure it. The one grand essential in their eyes was a well-stocked medicine-chest, rich in exhaustless stores of rhubarb, ipecacuanha, and calomel. Even this sometimes failed. Colonel Williams reports "the sick destitute58 of everything proper for them; medicine-chest empty; nothing but their dirty blankets for beds; Dr. Ashley dead, Dr. Wright gone home, low enough; Bille worn off his legs,—such is our case. I have near a hundred sick. Lost a sergeant and a private last night." [642] Chaplain Cleaveland himself, though strong of frame, did not escape; but he found solace59 in his trouble from the congenial society of a brother chaplain, Mr. Emerson, of New Hampshire, "a right-down hearty60 Christian61 minister, of savory62 conversation," who came to see him in his tent, breakfasted with him, and joined him in prayer. Being somewhat better, he one day thought to recreate himself with the apostolic occupation of fishing. The sport was poor; the fish bit slowly; and as he lay in his boat, still languid with his malady63, he had leisure to reflect on the contrasted works of Providence64 and man,—the bright lake basking65 amid its mountains, a dream of wilderness66 beauty, and the swarms67 of harsh humanity on the shore beside him, with their passions, discords68, and miseries69. But it was with the strong meat of Calvinistic theology, and not with reveries like these, 121
V2 that he was accustomed to nourish his military flock.
[642] Colonel William Williams to Colonel Israel Williams, 4 Sept. 1758.
While at one end of the lake the force of Abercromby was diminished by detachments and disease, that of Montcalm at the other was so increased by reinforcements that a forward movement on his part seemed possible. He contented70 himself, however, with strengthening the fort, reconstructing the lines that he had defended so well, and sending out frequent war-parties by way of Wood Creek71 and South Bay, to harass72 Abercromby's communications with Fort Edward. These parties, some of which consisted of several hundred men, were generally more or less successful; and one of them, under La Corne, surprised and destroyed a large wagon73 train escorted by forty soldiers. When Abercromby heard of it, he ordered Rogers, with a strong detachment of provincials, light infantry74, and rangers75, to go down the lake in boats, cross the mountains to the narrow waters of Lake Champlain, and cut off the enemy. But though Rogers set out at two in the morning, the French retreated so fast that he arrived too late. As he was on his way back, he was met by a messenger from the General with orders to intercept76 other French parties reported to be hovering77 about Fort Edward. On this he retraced78 his steps, marched through the forest to where Whitehall now stands, and thence made his way up Wood Creek to old Fort Anne, a relic79 of former wars, abandoned and falling to decay. Here, on the neglected "clearing" that surrounded the ruin, 122
V2 his followers80 encamped. They counted seven hundred in all, and consisted of about eighty rangers, a body of Connecticut men under Major Putnam, and a small regular force, chiefly light infantry, under Captain Dalzell, the brave officer who was afterwards killed by Pontiac's warriors81 at Detroit.
Up to this time Rogers had observed his usual caution, commanding silence on the march, and forbidding fires at night; but, seeing no signs of an enemy, he forgot himself; and on the following morning, the eighth of August, he and Lieutenant82 Irwin, of the light infantry, amused themselves by firing at a mark on a wager83. The shots reached the ears of four hundred and fifty French and Indians under the famous partisan84 Marin, who at once took steps to reconnoitre and ambuscade his rash enemy. For nearly a mile from the old fort the forest had formerly85 been cut down and burned; and Nature had now begun to reassert herself, covering the open tract86 with a dense87 growth of bushes and saplings almost impervious88 to anything but a wild-cat, had it not been traversed by a narrow Indian path. Along this path the men were forced to march in single file. At about seven o'clock, when the two marksmen had decided89 their bet, and before the heavy dew of the night was dried upon the bushes, the party slung90 their packs and set out. Putnam was in the front with his Connecticut men; Dalzell followed with the regulars; and Rogers, with his rangers, brought up the rear of the long and slender line. Putnam himself led the way, shouldering through the bushes, gun in 123
V2 hand; and just as the bluff91 yeoman emerged from them to enter the forest-growth beyond, the air was rent with yells, the thickets92 before him were filled with Indians, and one of them, a Caughnawaga chief, sprang upon him, hatchet93 in hand. He had time to cock his gun and snap it at the breast of his assailant; but it missed fire, and he was instantly seized and dragged back into the forest, as were also a lieutenant named Tracy and three private men. Then the firing began. The French and Indians, lying across the path in a semicircle, had the advantage of position and surprise. The Connecticut men fell back among the bushes in disorder; but soon rallied, and held the enemy in check while Dalzell and Rogers—the latter of whom was nearly a mile behind—were struggling through briers and thickets to their aid. So close was the brushwood that it was full half an hour before they could get their followers ranged in some kind of order in front of the enemy; and even then each man was forced to fight for himself as best he could. Humphreys, the biographer of Putnam, blames Rogers severely94 for not coming at once to the aid of the Connecticut men; but two of their captains declare that he came with all possible speed; while a regular officer present highly praised him to Abercromby for cool and officer-like conduct. [643] As a man his deserts were small; as a bushfighter he was beyond reproach.
[643] Letter from the Camp at Lake George, 5 Sept. 1758, signed by Captains Maynard and Giddings, and printed in the Boston Weekly Advertiser. "Rogers deserves much to be commended." Abercromby to Pitt, 19 Aug. 1758.
124
V2 Another officer recounts from hearsay95 the remarkable96 conduct of an Indian, who sprang into the midst of the English and killed two of them with his hatchet; then mounted on a log and defied them all. One of the regulars tried to knock him down with the butt97 of his musket98; but though the blow made him bleed, he did not fall, and would have killed his assailant if Rogers had not shot him dead. [644] The firing lasted about two hours. At length some of the Canadians gave way, and the rest of the French and Indians followed. [645] They broke into small parties to elude99 pursuit, and reuniting towards evening, made their bivouac on a spot surrounded by impervious swamps.
[645] Doreil au Ministre, 31 Ao?t, 1757.
Rogers remained on the field and buried all his own dead, forty-nine in number. Then he resumed his march to Fort Edward, carrying the wounded on litters of branches till the next day, when he met a detachment coming with wagons101 to his relief. A party sent out soon after for the purpose reported that they had found and buried more than a hundred French and Indians. From this time forward the war-parties from Ticonderoga greatly relented in their activity.
The adventures of the captured Putnam were sufficiently102 remarkable. The Indians, after dragging him to the rear, lashed103 him fast to a tree so that he could not move a limb, and a young savage104 amused himself by throwing a hatchet at 125
V2 his head, striking it into the wood as close as possible to the mark without hitting it. A French petty officer then thrust the muzzle105 of his gun violently against the prisoner's body, pretended to fire it at him, and at last struck him in the face with the butt; after which dastardly proceeding106 he left him. The French and Indians being forced after a time to fall back, Putnam found himself between the combatants and exposed to bullets from both sides; but the enemy, partially107 recovering the ground they had lost, unbound him, and led him to a safe distance from the fight. When the retreat began, the Indians hurried him along with them, stripped of coat, waistcoat, shoes, and stockings, his back burdened with as many packs of the wounded as could be piled upon it, and his wrists bound so tightly together that the pain became intense. In his torment108 he begged them to kill him; on which a French officer who was near persuaded them to untie109 his hands and take off some of the packs, and the chief who had captured him gave him a pair of moccasons to protect his lacerated feet. When they encamped at night, they prepared to burn him alive, stripped him naked, tied him to a tree, and gathered dry wood to pile about him. A sudden shower of rain interrupted their pastime; but when it was over they began again, and surrounded him with a circle of brushwood which they set on fire. As they were yelling and dancing their delight at the contortions110 with which he tried to avoid the rising flames, Marin, 126
V2 hearing what was going forward, broke through the crowd, and with a courageous humanity not too common among Canadian officers, dashed aside the burning brush, untied111 the prisoner, and angrily upbraided112 his tormentors. He then restored him to the chief who had captured him, and whose right of property in his prize the others had failed to respect. The Caughnawaga treated him at first with kindness; but, with the help of his tribesmen, took effectual means to prevent his escape, by laying him on his back, stretching his arms and legs in the form of a St. Andrew's cross, and binding113 the wrists and ankles fast to the stems of young trees. This was a mode of securing prisoners in vogue114 among Indians from immemorial time; but, not satisfied with it, they placed brushwood upon his body, and then laid across it the long slender stems of saplings, on the ends of which several warriors lay down to sleep, so that the slightest movement on his part would rouse them. Thus he passed a night of misery115, which did not prevent him from thinking of the ludicrous figure he made in the hands of the tawny116 Philistines117.
On the next night, after a painful march, he reached Ticonderoga, where he was questioned by Montcalm, and afterwards sent to Montreal in charge of a French officer, who showed him the utmost kindness. On arriving, wofully tattered118, bruised119, scorched120, and torn, he found a friend in Colonel Schuyler, himself a prisoner on parole, who helped him in his need, and through whose 127
V2 good offices the future major-general of the Continental121 Army was included in the next exchange of prisoners. [646]
[646] On Putnam's adventures, Humphreys, 57 (1818). He had the story from Putnam himself, and seems to give it with substantial correctness, though his account of the battle is at several points erroneous. The "Molang" of his account is Marin. On the battle, besides authorities already cited, Recollections of Thomson Maxwell, a soldier present (Essex Institute, VII. 97). Rogers, Journals, 117. Letter from camp in Boston Gazette, no. 117. Another in New Hampshire Gazette, no. 104. Gentleman's Magazine, 1758, p. 498. Malartic, Journal du Régiment de Béarn. Lévis, Journal de la Guerre en Canada. The French notices of the affair are few and brief. They admit a defeat, but exaggerate the force and the losses of the English, and underrate their own. Malartic, however, says that Marin set out with four hundred men, and was soon after joined by an additional number of Indians; which nearly answers to the best English accounts.
The petty victory over Marin was followed by a more substantial success. Early in September Abercromby's melancholy122 camp was cheered with the tidings that the important French post of Fort Frontenac, which controlled Lake Ontario, which had baffled Shirley in his attempt against Niagara, and given Montcalm the means of conquering Oswego, had fallen into British hands. "This is a glorious piece of news, and may God have all the glory of the same!" writes Chaplain Cleaveland in his Diary. Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet had planned the stroke long before, and proposed it first to Loudon, and then to Abercromby. Loudon accepted it; but his successor received it coldly, though Lord Howe was warm in its favor. At length, under the pressure of a council of war, Abercromby consented that the attempt should be made, and gave Bradstreet three thousand men, nearly all provincials. With these he made his 128
V2 way, up the Mohawk and down the Onondaga, to the lonely and dismal123 spot where Oswego had once stood. By dint124 of much persuasion125 a few Oneidas joined him; though, like most of the Five Nations, they had been nearly lost to the English through the effects of the defeat at Ticonderoga. On the twenty-second of August his fleet of whaleboats and bateaux pushed out on Lake Ontario; and, three days after, landed near the French fort. On the night of the twenty-sixth Bradstreet made a lodgment within less than two hundred yards of it; and early in the morning De Noyan, the commandant, surrendered himself and his followers, numbering a hundred and ten soldiers and laborers126, prisoners of war. With them were taken nine armed vessels127, carrying from eight to eighteen guns, and forming the whole French naval128 force on Lake Ontario. The crews escaped. An enormous quantity of provisions, naval stores, munitions129, and Indian goods intended for the supply of the western posts fell into the hands of the English, who kept what they could carry off, and burned the rest. In the fort were found sixty cannon130 and sixteen mortars131, which the victors used to batter132 down the walls; and then, reserving a few of the best, knocked off the trunnions of the others. The Oneidas were bent133 on scalping some of the prisoners. Bradstreet forbade it. They begged that he would do as the French did,—turn his back and shut his eyes; but he forced them to abstain134 from all violence, and consoled them by a lion's share of the plunder135. In accordance 129
V2 with the orders of Abercromby, the fort was dismantled136, and all the buildings in or around it burned, as were also the vessels, except the two largest, which were reserved to carry off some of the captured goods. Then, with boats deeply laden137, the detachment returned to Oswego; where, after unloading and burning the two vessels, they proceeded towards Albany, leaving a thousand of their number at the new fort which Brigadier Stanwix was building at the Great Carrying Place of the Mohawk.
Next to Louisbourg, this was the heaviest blow that the French had yet received. Their command of Lake Ontario was gone. New France was cut in two; and unless the severed138 parts could speedily reunite, all the posts of the interior would be in imminent139 jeopardy140. If Bradstreet had been followed by another body of men to reoccupy and rebuild Oswego, thus recovering a harbor on Lake Ontario, all the captured French vessels could have been brought thither141, and the command of this inland sea assured at once. Even as it was, the advantages were immense. A host of savage warriors, thus far inclined to France or wavering between the two belligerents142, stood henceforth neutral, or gave themselves to England; while Fort Duquesne, deprived of the supplies on which it depended, could make but faint resistance to its advancing enemy.
Amherst, with five regiments143 from Louisbourg, came, early in October, to join Abercromby at Lake George, and the two commanders discussed 130
V2 the question of again attacking Ticonderoga. Both thought the season too late. A fortnight after, a deserter brought news that Montcalm was breaking up his camp. Abercromby followed his example. The opposing armies filed off each to its winter quarters, and only a few scouting144 parties kept alive the embers of war on the waters and mountains of Lake George.
Meanwhile Brigadier Forbes was climbing the Alleghanies, hewing145 his way through the forests of western Pennsylvania, and toiling146 inch by inch towards his goal of Fort Duquesne. [647]
[647] On the capture of Fort Frontenac, Bradstreet to Abercromby, 31 Aug. 1758. Impartial147 Account of Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet's Expedition, by a Volunteer in the Expedition (London, 1759). Letter from a New York officer to his colonel, in Boston Gazette, no. 182. Several letters from persons in the expedition, in Boston Evening Post, no. 1,203, New Hampshire Gazette, no. 104, and Boston News Letter, no. 2,932. Abercromby to Pitt, 25 Nov. 1758. Lieutenant Macauley to Horatio Gates, 30 Aug. 1758. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 30 Oct. 1758. Pouchot, I. 162. Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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poltroonery
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| n.怯懦，胆小 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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impoverish
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| vt.使穷困，使贫困 | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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zeal
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melodious
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| adj.旋律美妙的，调子优美的，音乐性的 | |
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choir
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| n.唱诗班，唱诗班的席位，合唱团，舞蹈团；v.合唱 | |
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psalms
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vocal
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| adj.直言不讳的；嗓音的；n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
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rustic
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disorder
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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combative
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rugged
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swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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courageous
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afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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profaned
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| v.不敬( profane的过去式和过去分词 )；亵渎，玷污 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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34
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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35
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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36
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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37
appeasing
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的现在分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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38
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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39
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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40
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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41
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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42
pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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43
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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44
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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45
superciliousness
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| n.高傲，傲慢 | |
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46
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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47
affronted
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| adj.被侮辱的，被冒犯的v.勇敢地面对( affront的过去式和过去分词 )；相遇 | |
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48
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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49
stumps
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| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
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50
bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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51
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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52
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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53
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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54
lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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55
quaintly
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| adv.古怪离奇地 | |
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56
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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57
sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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58
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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59
solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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60
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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61
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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62
savory
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| adj.风味极佳的，可口的，味香的 | |
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63
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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64
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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65
basking
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| v.晒太阳，取暖( bask的现在分词 )；对…感到乐趣；因他人的功绩而出名；仰仗…的余泽 | |
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66
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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67
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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68
discords
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| 不和（discord的复数形式） | |
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69
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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70
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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71
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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72
harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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73
wagon
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| n.四轮马车，手推车，面包车；无盖运货列车 | |
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74
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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75
rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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76
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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77
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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78
retraced
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| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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79
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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80
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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81
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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82
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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83
wager
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| n.赌注；vt.押注，打赌 | |
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84
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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85
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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86
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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87
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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88
impervious
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| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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89
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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90
slung
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| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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91
bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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92
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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93
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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94
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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95
hearsay
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| n.谣传，风闻 | |
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96
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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97
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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98
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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99
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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100
bouquet
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| n.花束，酒香 | |
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101
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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102
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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103
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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104
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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105
muzzle
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| n.鼻口部；口套；枪(炮)口；vt.使缄默 | |
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106
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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107
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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108
torment
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| n.折磨；令人痛苦的东西(人)；vt.折磨；纠缠 | |
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109
untie
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| vt.解开，松开；解放 | |
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110
contortions
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| n.扭歪，弯曲；扭曲，弄歪，歪曲( contortion的名词复数 ) | |
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111
untied
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| 松开，解开( untie的过去式和过去分词 )； 解除，使自由； 解决 | |
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112
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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114
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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115
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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116
tawny
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| adj.茶色的，黄褐色的；n.黄褐色 | |
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117
philistines
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| n.市侩，庸人( philistine的名词复数 )；庸夫俗子 | |
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118
tattered
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| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
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119
bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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120
scorched
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| 烧焦，烤焦( scorch的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（植物）枯萎，把…晒枯； 高速行驶； 枯焦 | |
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121
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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122
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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123
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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124
dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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125
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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126
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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127
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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128
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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129
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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130
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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131
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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132
batter
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| v.接连重击；磨损；n.牛奶面糊；击球员 | |
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133
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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134
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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135
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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136
dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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137
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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138
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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139
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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140
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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141
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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142
belligerents
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| n.交战的一方（指国家、集团或个人）( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
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143
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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144
scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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145
hewing
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的现在分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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146
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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147
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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