AMHERST. NIAGARA.
Amherst on Lake George ? Capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point ? Delays of Amherst ? Niagara Expedition ? La Corne attacks Oswego ? His Repulse1 ? Niagara besieged2 ? Aubry comes to its Relief ? Battle ? Rout3 of the French ? The Fort taken ? Isle-aux-Noix ? Amherst advances to attack it ? Storm ? The Enterprise abandoned ? Rogers attacks St. Francis ? Destroys the Town ? Sufferings of the Rangers4.
Pitt had directed that, while Quebec was attacked, an attempt should be made to penetrate6 into Canada by way of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Thus the two armies might unite in the heart of the colony, or, at least, a powerful diversion might be effected in behalf of Wolfe. At the same time Oswego was to be re-established, and the possession of Fort Duquesne, or Pittsburg, secured by reinforcements and supplies; while Amherst, the commander-in-chief, was further directed to pursue any other enterprise which in his opinion would weaken the enemy, without detriment7 to the main objects of the campaign. [723] He accordingly resolved to attempt the capture of Niagara. Brigadier Prideaux was charged with 236
V2 this stroke; Brigadier Stanwix was sent to conduct the operations for the relief of Pittsburg; and Amherst himself prepared to lead the grand central advance against Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and Montreal. [724]
[723] Pitt to Amherst, 23 Jan., 10 March, 1759.
[724] Amherst to Pitt, 19 June, 1759. Amherst to Stanwix, 6 May, 1759.
Towards the end of June he reached that valley by the head of Lake George which for five years past had been the annual mustering-place of armies. Here were now gathered about eleven thousand men, half regulars and half provincials10, [725] drilling every day, firing by platoons, firing at marks, practising man?uvres in the woods; going out on scouting11 parties, bathing parties, fishing parties; gathering12 wild herbs to serve for greens, cutting brushwood and meadow hay to make hospital beds. The sick were ordered on certain mornings to repair to the surgeon's tent, there, in prompt succession, to swallow such doses as he thought appropriate to their several ailments13; and it was further ordered that "every fair day they that can walk be paraded together and marched down to the lake to wash their hands and faces." Courts-martial were numerous; culprits were flogged at the head of each regiment14 in turn, and occasionally one was shot. A frequent employment was the cutting of spruce tops to make spruce beer. This innocent beverage15 was reputed sovereign against scurvy16; and such was the fame of its virtues17 that a copious18 supply of the West Indian molasses used in concocting19 it 237
V2 was thought indispensable to every army or garrison20 in the wilderness21. Throughout this campaign it is repeatedly mentioned in general orders, and the soldiers are promised that they shall have as much of it as they want at a halfpenny a quart. [726]
[725] Mante, 210.
[726] Orderly Book of Commissary Wilson in the Expedition against Ticonderoga, 1759. Journal of Samuel Warner, a Massachusetts Soldier, 1759. General and Regimental Orders, Army of Major-General Amherst, 1759. Diary of Sergeant22 Merriman, of Ruggles's Regiment, 1759. I owe to William L. Stone, Esq., the use of the last two curious documents.
The rear of the army was well protected from insult. Fortified23 posts were built at intervals24 of three or four miles along the road to Fort Edward, and especially at the station called Half-way Brook25; while, for the whole distance, a broad belt of wood on both sides was cut down and burned, to deprive a skulking26 enemy of cover. Amherst was never long in one place without building a fort there. He now began one, which proved wholly needless, on that flat rocky hill where the English made their intrenched camp during the siege of Fort William Henry. Only one bastion of it was ever finished, and this is still shown to tourists under the name of Fort George.
The army embarked27 on Saturday, the twenty-first of July. The Reverend Benjamin Pomeroy watched their departure in some concern, and wrote on Monday to Abigail, his wife: "I could wish for more appearance of dependence28 on God than was observable among them; yet I hope God will grant deliverance unto Israel by them." There was another military pageant29, another long procession of boats and banners, among the mountains 238
V2 and islands of Lake George. Night found them near the outlet30; and here they lay till morning, tossed unpleasantly on waves ruffled31 by a summer gale32. At daylight they landed, beat back a French detachment, and marched by the portage road to the saw-mill at the waterfall. There was little resistance. They occupied the heights, and then advanced to the famous line of intrenchment against which the army of Abercromby had hurled33 itself in vain. These works had been completely reconstructed, partly of earth, and partly of logs. Amherst's followers34 were less numerous than those of his predecessor35, while the French commander, Bourlamaque, had a force nearly equal to that of Montcalm in the summer before; yet he made no attempt to defend the intrenchment, and the English, encamping along its front, found it an excellent shelter from the cannon36 of the fort beyond.
Amherst brought up his artillery37 and began approaches in form, when, on the night of the twenty-third, it was found that Bourlamaque had retired38 down Lake Champlain, leaving four hundred men under Hebecourt to defend the place as long as possible. This was in obedience39 to an order from Vaudreuil, requiring him on the approach of the English to abandon both Ticonderoga and Crown Point, retreat to the outlet of Lake Champlain, take post at Isle-aux-Noix, and there defend himself to the last extremity40; [727] a course 239
V2 unquestionably the best that could have been taken, since obstinacy41 in holding Ticonderoga might have involved the surrender of Bourlamaque's whole force, while Isle-aux-Noix offered rare advantages for defence.
[727] Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Nov. 1759. Instructions pour M. de Bourlamaque, 20 Mai, 1759, signé Vaudreuil. Montcalm à Bourlamaque, 4 Juin, 1759.
The fort fired briskly; a cannon-shot killed Colonel Townshend, and a few soldiers were killed and wounded by grape and bursting shells; when, at dusk on the evening of the twenty-sixth, an unusual movement was seen among the garrison, and, about ten o'clock, three deserters came in great excitement to the English camp. They reported that Hebecourt and his soldiers were escaping in their boats, and that a match was burning in the magazine to blow Ticonderoga to atoms. Amherst offered a hundred guineas to any one of them who would point out the match, that it might be cut; but they shrank from the perilous42 venture. All was silent till eleven o'clock, when a broad, fierce glare burst on the night, and a roaring explosion shook the promontory43; then came a few breathless moments, and then the fragments of Fort Ticonderoga fell with clatter44 and splash on the water and the land. It was but one bastion, however, that had been thus hurled skyward. The rest of the fort was little hurt, though the barracks and other combustible45 parts were set on fire, and by the light the French flag was seen still waving on the rampart. [728] A sergeant of the light infantry46, 240
V2 braving the risk of other explosions, went and brought it off. Thus did this redoubted stronghold of France fall at last into English hands, as in all likelihood it would have done a year sooner, if Amherst had commanded in Abercromby's place; for, with the deliberation that marked all his proceedings47, he would have sat down before Montcalm's wooden wall and knocked it to splinters with his cannon.
[728] Journal of Colonel Amherst (brother of General Amherst). Vaudreuil au Ministre, 8 Nov. 1759. Amherst to Prideaux, 28 July, 1759. Amherst to Pitt, 27 July, 1759. Mante, 213. Knox, I., 397-403. Vaudreuil à Bourlamaque, 19 Juin, 1759.
He now set about repairing the damaged works and making ready to advance on Crown Point; when on the first of August his scouts48 told him that the enemy had abandoned this place also, and retreated northward49 down the lake. [729] Well pleased, he took possession of the deserted50 fort, and, in the animation51 of success, thought for a moment of keeping the promise he had given to Pitt "to make an irruption into Canada with the utmost vigor52 and despatch53." [730] Wolfe, his brother in arms and his friend, was battling with the impossible under the rocks of Quebec, and every motive54, public and private, impelled55 Amherst to push to his relief, not counting costs, or balancing risks too nicely. He was ready enough to spur on others, for he wrote to Gage56: "We must all be alert and active day and night; if we all do our parts the French must fall;" [731] but, far from doing his, he set the army to building a new fort at Crown Point, telling them that it would "give plenty, 241
V2 peace, and quiet to His Majesty's subjects for ages to come." [732] Then he began three small additional forts, as outworks to the first, sent two parties to explore the sources of the Hudson; one party to explore Otter57 Creek58; another to explore South Bay, which was already well known; another to make a road across what is now the State of Vermont, from Crown Point to Charlestown, or "Number Four," on the Connecticut; and another to widen and improve the old French road between Crown Point and Ticonderoga. His industry was untiring; a great deal of useful work was done: but the essential task of making a diversion to aid the army of Wolfe was needlessly postponed59.
[729] Amherst to Pitt, 5 Aug. 1759.
[730] Ibid., 19 June, 1759.
[731] Amherst to Gage, 1 Aug. 1759.
[732] General Orders, 13 Aug. 1759.
It is true that some delay was inevitable60. The French had four armed vessels61 on the lake, and this made it necessary to provide an equal or superior force to protect the troops on their way to Isle-aux-Noix. Captain Loring, the English naval62 commander, was therefore ordered to build a brigantine; and, this being thought insufficient63, he was directed to add a kind of floating battery, moved by sweeps. Three weeks later, in consequence of farther information concerning the force of the French vessels, Amherst ordered an armed sloop64 to be put on the stocks; and this involved a long delay. The saw-mill at Ticonderoga was to furnish planks65 for the intended navy; but, being overtasked in sawing timber for the new works at Crown Point, it was continually breaking down. Hence much time was lost, and autumn was 242
V2 well advanced before Loring could launch his vessels. [733]
[733] Amherst to Pitt, 22 Oct. 1759. This letter, which is in the form of a journal, covers twenty-one folio pages.
Meanwhile news had come from Prideaux and the Niagara expedition. That officer had been ordered to ascend66 the Mohawk with five thousand regulars and provincials, leave a strong garrison at Fort Stanwix, on the Great Carrying Place, establish posts at both ends of Lake Oneida, descend67 the Onondaga to Oswego, leave nearly half his force there under Colonel Haldimand, and proceed with the rest to attack Niagara. [734] These orders he accomplished68. Haldimand remained to reoccupy the spot that Montcalm had made desolate69 three years before; and, while preparing to build a fort, he barricaded70 his camp with pork and flour barrels, lest the enemy should make a dash upon him from their station at the head of the St. Lawrence Rapids. Such an attack was probable; for if the French could seize Oswego, the return of Prideaux from Niagara would be cut off, and when his small stock of provisions had failed, he would be reduced to extremity. Saint-Luc de la Corne left the head of the Rapids early in July with a thousand French and Canadians and a body of Indians, who soon made their appearance among the stumps71 and bushes that surrounded the camp at Oswego. The priest Piquet was of the party; and five deserters declared that he solemnly blessed them, and told them to give the English no quarter. [735] Some 243
V2 valuable time was lost in bestowing72 the benediction73; yet Haldimand's men were taken by surprise. Many of them were dispersed74 in the woods, cutting timber for the intended fort; and it might have gone hard with them had not some of La Corne's Canadians become alarmed and rushed back to their boats, oversetting Father Piquet on the way. [736] These being rallied, the whole party ensconced itself in a tract75 of felled trees so far from the English that their fire did little harm. They continued it about two hours, and resumed it the next morning; when, three cannon being brought to bear on them, they took to their boats and disappeared, having lost about thirty killed and wounded, including two officers and La Corne himself, who was shot in the thigh76. The English loss was slight.
[734] Instructions of Amherst to Prideaux, 17 May, 1759. Prideaux to Haldimand, 30 June, 1759.
[735] Journal of Colonel Amherst.
[736] Pouchot, II. 130. Compare Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760; N. Y. Col. Docs., VII. 395; and Letter from Oswego, in Boston Evening Post, No. 1,248.
Prideaux safely reached Niagara, and laid siege to it. It was a strong fort, lately rebuilt in regular form by an excellent officer, Captain Pouchot, of the battalion77 of Béarn, who commanded it. It stood where the present fort stands, in the angle formed by the junction78 of the River Niagara with Lake Ontario, and was held by about six hundred men, well supplied with provisions and munitions79 of war. [737] Higher up the river, a mile and a half above the cataract80, there was another fort, called Little Niagara, built of wood, and commanded by 244
V2 the half-breed officer, Joncaire-Chabert, who with his brother, Joncaire-Clauzonne, and a numerous clan81 of Indian relatives, had so long thwarted82 the efforts of Johnson to engage the Five Nations in the English cause. But recent English successes had had their effect. Joncaire's influence was waning83, and Johnson was now in Prideaux's camp with nine hundred Five Nation warriors84 pledged to fight the French. Joncaire, finding his fort untenable, burned it, and came with his garrison and his Indian friends to reinforce Niagara. [738]
[737] Pouchot says 515, besides 60 men from Little Niagara; Vaudreuil gives a total of 589.
[738] Pouchot, II. 52, 59. Procès de Bigot, Cadet, et autres, Mémoire pour Daniel de Joncaire-Chabert.
Pouchot had another resource, on which he confidently relied. In obedience to an order from Vaudreuil, the French population of the Illinois, Detroit, and other distant posts, joined with troops of Western Indians, had come down the Lakes to recover Pittsburg, undo85 the work of Forbes, and restore French ascendency on the Ohio. Pittsburg had been in imminent86 danger; nor was it yet safe, though General Stanwix was sparing no effort to succor87 it. [739] These mixed bands of white men and red, bushrangers and savages88, were now gathered, partly at Le B?uf and Venango, but chiefly at Presquisle, under command of Aubry, Ligneris, Marin, and other partisan89 chiefs, the best in Canada. No sooner did Pouchot learn that the English were coming to attack him than he sent a messenger to summon them all to his aid. [740]
[739] Letters of Colonel Hugh Mercer, commanding at Pittsburg, January-June, 1759. Letters of Stanwix, May-July, 1759. Letter from Pittsburg, in Boston News Letter, No. 3,023. Narrative90 of John Ormsby.
[740] Pouchot, II. 46.
245
V2 The siege was begun in form, though the English engineers were so incompetent91 that the trenches92, as first laid out, were scoured93 by the fire of the place, and had to be made anew. [741] At last the batteries opened fire. A shell from a coehorn burst prematurely94, just as it left the mouth of the piece, and a fragment striking Prideaux on the head, killed him instantly. Johnson took command in his place, and made up in energy what he lacked in skill. In two or three weeks the fort was in extremity. The rampart was breached95, more than a hundred of the garrison were killed or disabled, and the rest were exhausted96 with want of sleep. Pouchot watched anxiously for the promised succors97; and on the morning of the twenty-fourth of July a distant firing told him that they were at hand.
[741] Rutherford to Haldimand, 14 July, 1759. Prideaux was extremely disgusted. Prideaux to Haldimand, 13 July, 1759. Allan Macleane, of the Highlanders, calls the engineers "fools and blockheads, G—d d—n them." Macleane to Haldimand, 21 July, 1759.
Aubry and Ligneris, with their motley following, had left Presquisle a few days before, to the number, according to Vaudreuil, of eleven hundred French and two hundred Indians. [742] Among them was a body of colony troops; but the Frenchmen of the party were chiefly traders and bushrangers from the West, connecting links between civilization and savagery98; some of them indeed were mere99 246
V2 white Indians, imbued100 with the ideas and morals of the wigwam, wearing hunting-shirts of smoked deer-skin embroidered101 with quills102 of the Canada porcupine103, painting their faces black and red, tying eagle feathers in their long hair, or plastering it on their temples with a compound of vermilion and glue. They were excellent woodsmen, skilful104 hunters, and perhaps the best bushfighters in all Canada.
[742] "Il n'y avoit que 1,100 Fran?ois et 200 sauvages." Vaudreuil au Ministre, 30 Oct. 1759. Johnson says "1,200 men, with a number of Indians." Johnson to Amherst, 25 July, 1759. Portneuf, commanding at Presquisle, wrote to Pouchot that there were 1,600 French and 1,200 Indians. Pouchot, II. 94. A letter from Aubry to Pouchot put the whole at 2,500, half of them Indians. Historical Magazine, V., Second Series, 199.
When Pouchot heard the firing, he went with a wounded artillery officer to the bastion next the river; and as the forest had been cut away for a great distance, they could see more than a mile and a half along the shore. There, by glimpses among trees and bushes, they descried105 bodies of men, now advancing, and now retreating; Indians in rapid movement, and the smoke of guns, the sound of which reached their ears in heavy volleys, or a sharp and angry rattle106. Meanwhile the English cannon had ceased their fire, and the silent trenches seemed deserted, as if their occupants were gone to meet the advancing foe107. There was a call in the fort for volunteers to sally and destroy the works; but no sooner did they show themselves along the covered way than the seemingly abandoned trenches were thronged108 with men and bayonets, and the attempt was given up. The distant firing lasted half an hour, then ceased, and Pouchot remained in suspense109; till, at two in the afternoon, a friendly Onondaga, who had passed unnoticed through the English lines, came to him with the announcement that the French 247
V2 and their allies had been routed and cut to pieces. Pouchot would not believe him.
Nevertheless his tale was true. Johnson, besides his Indians, had with him about twenty-three hundred men, whom he was forced to divide into three separate bodies,—one to guard the bateaux, one to guard the trenches, and one to fight Aubry and his band. This last body consisted of the provincial9 light infantry and the pickets110, two companies of grenadiers, and a hundred and fifty men of the forty-sixth regiment, all under command of Colonel Massey. [743] They took post behind an abattis at a place called La Belle111 Famille, and the Five Nation warriors placed themselves on their flanks. These savages had shown signs of disaffection; and when the enemy approached, they opened a parley112 with the French Indians, which, however, soon ended, and both sides raised the war-whoop. The fight was brisk for a while; but at last Aubry's men broke away in a panic. The French officers seem to have made desperate efforts to retrieve113 the day, for nearly all of them were killed or captured; while their followers, after heavy loss, fled to their canoes and boats above the cataract, hastened back to Lake Erie, burned Presquisle, Le B?uf, and Venango, and, joined by the garrisons114 of those forts, retreated to Detroit, leaving the whole region of the upper Ohio in undisputed possession of the English.
[743] Johnson to Amherst, 25 July, 1759. Knox, II. 135. Captain Delancey to———, 25 July, 1759. This writer commanded the light infantry in the fight.
248
V2 At four o'clock on the day of the battle, after a furious cannonade on both sides, a trumpet115 sounded from the trenches, and an officer approached the fort with a summons to surrender. He brought also a paper containing the names of the captive French officers, though some of them were spelled in a way that defied recognition. Pouchot, feigning116 incredulity, sent an officer of his own to the English camp, who soon saw unanswerable proof of the disaster; for here, under a shelter of leaves and boughs117 near the tent of Johnson, sat Ligneris, severely118 wounded, with Aubry, Villiers, Montigny, Marin, and their companions in misfortune,—in all, sixteen officers, four cadets, and a surgeon. [744]
[744] Johnson gives the names in his private Diary, printed in Stone, Life of Johnson, II. 394. Compare Pouchot, II. 105, 106. Letter from Niagara, in Boston Evening Post, No. 1,250. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 30 Oct. 1759.
Pouchot had now no choice but surrender. By the terms of the capitulation, the garrison were to be sent prisoners to New York, though honors of war were granted them in acknowledgment of their courageous119 conduct. There was a special stipulation120 that they should be protected from the Indians, of whom they stood in the greatest terror, lest the massacre121 of Fort William Henry should be avenged122 upon them. Johnson restrained his dangerous allies, and, though the fort was pillaged123, no blood was shed.
The capture of Niagara was an important stroke. Thenceforth Detroit, Michillimackinac, the Illinois, and all the other French interior posts, were severed124 249
V2 from Canada, and left in helpless isolation125; but Amherst was not yet satisfied. On hearing of Prideaux's death he sent Brigadier Gage to supersede126 Johnson and take command on Lake Ontario, directing him to descend the St. Lawrence, attack the French posts at the head of the rapids, and hold them if possible for the winter. The attempt was difficult; for the French force on the St. Lawrence was now greater than that which Gage could bring against it, after providing for the safety of Oswego and Niagara. Nor was he by nature prone127 to dashing and doubtful enterprise. He reported that the movement was impossible, much to the disappointment of Amherst, who seemed to expect from subordinates an activity greater than his own. [744]
[745] Amherst to Gage, 28 July, 1 Aug., 14 Aug., 11 Sept. 1759. Diary of Sir William Johnson, in Stone, Life of Johnson, II. 394-429.
He, meanwhile, was working at his fort at Crown Point, while the season crept away, and Bourlamaque lay ready to receive him at Isle-aux-Noix. "I wait his coming with impatience," writes the French commander, "though I doubt if he will venture to attack a post where we are intrenched to the teeth, and armed with a hundred pieces of cannon." [746] Bourlamaque now had with him thirty-five hundred men, in a position of great strength. Isle-aux-Noix, planted in mid-channel of the Richelieu soon after it issues from Lake Champlain, had been diligently128 fortified since the spring. On each side of it was an arm of the river, closed against 250
V2 an enemy with chevaux-de-frise. To attack it in front in the face of its formidable artillery would be a hazardous129 attempt, and the task of reducing it was likely to be a long one. The French force in these parts had lately received accessions. After the fall of Niagara the danger seemed so great, both in the direction of Lake Ontario and that of Lake Champlain, that Lévis had been sent up from Quebec with eight hundred men to command the whole department of Montreal. [747] A body of troops and militia130 was encamped opposite that town, ready to march towards either quarter, as need might be, while the abundant crops of the neighboring parishes were harvested by armed bands, ready at a word to drop the sickle131 for the gun.
[746] Bourlamaque à (Bernetz?), 22 Sept. 1759.
[747] Montcalm à Bourlamaque, 9 Ao?t, 1759. Rigaud à Bourlamaque, 14 Ao?t, 1759. Lévis à Bourlamaque, 25 Ao?t, 1759.
Thus the promised advance of Amherst into Canada would be not without its difficulties, even when his navy, too tardily132 begun, should be ready to act its part. But if he showed no haste in succoring133 Wolfe, he at least made some attempts to communicate with him. Early in August he wrote him a letter, which Ensign Hutchins, of the rangers, carried to him in about a month by the long and circuitous134 route of the Kennebec, and which, after telling the news of the campaign, ended thus: "You may depend on my doing all I can for effectually reducing Canada. Now is the time!" [748] Amherst soon after tried another expedient135, 251
V2 and sent Captains Kennedy and Hamilton with a flag of truce136 and a message of peace to the Abenakis of St. Francis, who, he thought, won over by these advances, might permit the two officers to pass unmolested to Quebec. But the Abenakis seized them and carried them prisoners to Montreal; on which Amherst sent Major Robert Rogers and a band of rangers to destroy their town. [749]
[748] Amherst to Wolfe, 7 Aug. 1759.
[749] Amherst to Pitt, 22 Oct. 1759. Rogers, Journals, 144.
It was the eleventh of October before the miniature navy of Captain Loring—the floating battery, the brig, and the sloop that had been begun three weeks too late—was ready for service. They sailed at once to look for the enemy. The four French vessels made no resistance. One of them succeeded in reaching Isle-aux-Noix; one was run aground; and two were sunk by their crews, who escaped to the shore. Amherst, meanwhile, leaving the provincials to work at the fort, embarked with the regulars in bateaux, and proceeded on his northern way till, on the evening of the twelfth, a head-wind began to blow, and, rising to a storm, drove him for shelter into Ligonier Bay, on the west side of the lake. [750] On the thirteenth, it blew a gale. The lake raged like an angry sea, and the frail137 bateaux, fit only for smooth water, could not have lived a moment. Through all the next night the gale continued, with floods of driving rain. "I hope it will soon change," wrote Amherst on the fifteenth, "for I 252
V2 have no time to lose." He was right. He had waited till the season of autumnal storms, when nature was more dangerous than man. On the sixteenth there was frost, and the wind did not abate138. On the next morning it shifted to the south, but soon turned back with violence to the north, and the ruffled lake put on a look of winter, "which determined139 me," says the General, "not to lose time by striving to get to the Isle-aux-Noix, where I should arrive too late to force the enemy from their post, but to return to Crown Point and complete the works there." This he did, and spent the remnant of the season in the congenial task of finishing the fort, of which the massive remains140 still bear witness to his industry.
[750] Orderly Book of Commissary Wilson.
When Lévis heard that the English army had fallen back, he wrote, well pleased, to Bourlamaque: "I don't know how General Amherst will excuse himself to his Court, but I am very glad he let us alone, because the Canadians are so backward that you could count on nobody but the regulars." [751]
[751] Lévis à Bourlamaque, 1 Nov. 1759.
Concerning this year's operations on the Lakes, it may be observed that the result was not what the French feared, or what the British colonists141 had cause to hope. If, at the end of winter, Amherst had begun, as he might have done, the building of armed vessels at the head of the navigable waters of Lake Champlain, where Whitehall now stands, he would have had a navy ready to his hand before August, and would have been able to follow the 253
V2 retreating French without delay, and attack them at Isle-aux-Noix before they had finished their fortifications. And if, at the same time, he had directed Prideaux, instead of attacking Niagara, to co-operate with him by descending142 the St. Lawrence towards Montreal, the prospect143 was good that the two armies would have united at the place, and ended the campaign by the reduction of all Canada. In this case Niagara and all the western posts would have fallen without a blow.
Major Robert Rogers, sent in September to punish the Abenakis of St. Francis, had addressed himself to the task with his usual vigor. These Indians had been settled for about three quarters of a century on the River St. Francis, a few miles above its junction with the St. Lawrence. They were nominal144 Christians145, and had been under the control of their missionaries146 for three generations; but though zealous147 and sometimes fanatical in their devotion to the forms of Romanism, they remained thorough savages in dress, habits, and character. They were the scourge148 of the New England borders, where they surprised and burned farmhouses149 and small hamlets, killed men, women, and children without distinction, carried others prisoners to their village, subjected them to the torture of "running the gantlet," and compelled them to witness dances of triumph around the scalps of parents, children, and friends.
Amherst's instructions to Rogers contained the following: "Remember the barbarities that have been committed by the enemy's Indian scoundrels. 254
V2 Take your revenge, but don't forget that, though those dastardly villains150 have promiscuously151 murdered women and children of all ages, it is my order that no women or children be killed or hurt."
Rogers and his men set out in whaleboats, and, eluding152 the French armed vessels, then in full activity, came, on the tenth day, to Missisquoi Bay, at the north end of Lake Champlain. Here he hid his boats, leaving two friendly Indians to watch them from a distance, and inform him should the enemy discover them. He then began his march for St. Francis, when, on the evening of the second day, the two Indians overtook him with the startling news that a party of about four hundred French had found the boats, and that half of them were on his tracks in hot pursuit. It was certain that the alarm would soon be given, and other parties sent to cut him off. He took the bold resolution of outmarching his pursuers, pushing straight for St. Francis, striking it before succors could arrive, and then returning by Lake Memphremagog and the Connecticut. Accordingly he despatched Lieutenant153 McMullen by a circuitous route back to Crown Point, with a request to Amherst that provisions should be sent up the Connecticut to meet him on the way down. Then he set his course for the Indian town, and for nine days more toiled154 through the forest with desperate energy. Much of the way was through dense155 spruce swamps, with no dry resting-place at night. At length the party reached the River St. Francis, fifteen miles above the town, and, hooking their 255
V2 arms together for mutual156 support, forded it with extreme difficulty. Towards evening, Rogers climbed a tree, and descried the town three miles distant. Accidents, fatigue157, and illness had reduced his followers to a hundred and forty-two officers and men. He left them to rest for a time, and, taking with him Lieutenant Turner and Ensign Avery, went to reconnoitre the place; left his two companions, entered it disguised in an Indian dress, and saw the unconscious savages yelling and signing in the full enjoyment158 of a grand dance. At two o'clock in the morning he rejoined his party, and at three led them to the attack, formed them in a semicircle, and burst in upon the town half an hour before sunrise. Many of the warriors were absent, and the rest were asleep. Some were killed in their beds, and some shot down in trying to escape. "About seven o'clock in the morning," he says, "the affair was completely over, in which time we had killed at least two hundred Indians and taken twenty of their women and children prisoners, fifteen of whom I let go their own way, and five I brought with me, namely, two Indian boys and three Indian girls. I likewise retook five English captives."
English scalps in hundreds were dangling159 from poles over the doors of the houses. [752] The town was pillaged and burned, not excepting the church, where ornaments160 of some value were found. On 256
V2 the side of the rangers, Captain Ogden and six men were wounded, and a Mohegan Indian from Stockbridge was killed. Rogers was told by his prisoners that a party of three hundred French and Indians was encamped on the river below, and that another party of two hundred and fifteen was not far distant. They had been sent to cut off the retreat of the invaders161, but were doubtful as to their designs till after the blow was struck. There was no time to lose. The rangers made all haste southward, up the St. Francis, subsisting162 on corn from the Indian town; till, near the eastern borders of Lake Memphremagog, the supply failed, and they separated into small parties, the better to sustain life by hunting. The enemy followed close, attacked Ensign Avery's party, and captured five of them; then fell upon a band of about twenty, under Lieutenants163 Dunbar and Turner, and killed or captured nearly all. The other bands eluded164 their pursuers, turned southeastward, reached the Connecticut, some here, some there, and, giddy with fatigue and hunger, toiled wearily down the wild and lonely stream to the appointed rendezvous165 at the mouth of the Amonoosuc.
[752] Rogers says "about six hundred." Other accounts say six or seven hundred. The late Abbé Maurault, missionary166 of the St. Francis Indians, and their historian, adopts the latter statement, though it is probably exaggerated.
This was the place to which Rogers had requested that provisions might be sent; and the hope of finding them there had been the breath of life to the famished167 wayfarers168. To their horror, the place was a solitude169. There were fires still burning, but those who made them were gone. Amherst had sent Lieutenant Stephen up 257
V2 the river from Charlestown with an abundant supply of food; but finding nobody at the Amonoosuc, he had waited there two days, and then returned, carrying the provisions back with him; for which outrageous170 conduct he was expelled from the service. "It is hardly possible," says Rogers, "to describe our grief and consternation171." Some gave themselves up to despair. Few but their indomitable chief had strength to go father. There was scarcely any game, and the barren wilderness yielded no sustenance172 but a few lily bulbs and the tubers of the climbing plant called in New England the ground-nut. Leaving his party to these miserable173 resources, and promising174 to send them relief within ten days, Rogers made a raft of dry pine logs, and drifted on it down the stream, with Captain Ogden, a ranger5, and one of the captive Indian boys. They were stopped on the second day by rapids, and gained the shore with difficulty. At the foot of the rapids, while Ogden and the ranger went in search of squirrels, Rogers set himself to making another raft; and, having no strength to use the axe175, he burned down the trees, which he then divided into logs by the same process. Five days after leaving his party he reached the first English settlement, Charlestown, or "Number Four," and immediately sent a canoe with provisions to the relief of the sufferers, following himself with other canoes two days later. Most of the men were saved, though some died miserably176 of famine and exhaustion177. Of the few who had been captured, 258
V2 we are told by French contemporary that they "became victims of the fury of the Indian women," from whose clutches the Canadians tried in vain to save them. [753]
[753] événements de la guerre en Canada, 1759, 1760. Compare N. Y, Colonial Docs., X. 1042.
Note.—On the day after he reached "Number Four," Rogers wrote a report of his expedition to Amherst. This letter is printed in his Journals, in which he gives also a supplementary178 account, containing further particulars. The New Hampshire Gazette, Boston Evening Post, and other newspapers of the time recount the story in detail. Hoyt (Indian Wars, 302) repeats it, with a few additions drawn179 from the recollections of survivors180, long after. There is another account, very short and unsatisfactory, by Thompson Maxwell, who says that he was of the party, which is doubtful. Mante (223) gives horrible details of the sufferings of the rangers. An old chief of the St. Francis Indians, said to be one of those who pursued Rogers after the town was burned, many years ago told Mr. Jesse Pennoyer, a government land surveyor, that Rogers laid an ambush181 for the pursuers, and defeated them with great loss. This, the story says, took place near the present town of Sherbrooke; and minute details are given, with high praise of the skill and conduct of the famous partisan. If such an incident really took place, it is scarcely possible that Rogers would not have made some mention of it. On the other hand, it is equally incredible that the Indians would have invented the tale of their own defeat. I am indebted for Pennoyer's puzzling narrative to the kindness of R. A. Ramsay, Esq., of Montreal. It was printed, in 1869, in the History of the Eastern Townships, by Mrs. C. M. Day. All things considered, it is probably groundless.
Vaudreuil describes the destruction of the village in a letter to the Minister dated October 26, and says that Rogers had a hundred and fifty men; that St. Francis was burned to ashes; that the head chief and others were killed; that he (Vaudreuil), hearing of the march of the rangers, sent the most active of the Canadians to oppose them, and that Longueuil sent all the Canadians and Indians he could muster8 to pursue them on their retreat; that forty-six rangers were killed, and ten captured; that he thinks all the rest will starve to death; and, finally, that the affair is very unfortunate.
I once, when a college student, followed on foot the route of Rogers from Lake Memphremagog to the Connecticut.
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1
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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ranger
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| n.国家公园管理员，护林员；骑兵巡逻队员 | |
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penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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ailments
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| 疾病（尤指慢性病），不适( ailment的名词复数 ) | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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15
beverage
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| n.(水，酒等之外的)饮料 | |
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16
scurvy
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| adj.下流的，卑鄙的，无礼的；n.坏血病 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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concocting
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的现在分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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20
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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21
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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23
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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25
brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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26
skulking
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| v.潜伏，偷偷摸摸地走动，鬼鬼祟祟地活动( skulk的现在分词 ) | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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30
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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31
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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32
gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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33
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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37
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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38
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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39
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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40
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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42
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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43
promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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44
clatter
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| v./n.(使)发出连续而清脆的撞击声 | |
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45
combustible
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| a. 易燃的,可燃的; n. 易燃物,可燃物 | |
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46
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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47
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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48
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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49
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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50
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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51
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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52
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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53
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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54
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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55
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
gage
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| n.标准尺寸，规格；量规，量表 [=gauge] | |
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57
otter
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| n.水獭 | |
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58
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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59
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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60
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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61
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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62
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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63
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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64
sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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65
planks
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| （厚）木板( plank的名词复数 )； 政纲条目，政策要点 | |
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66
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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67
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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68
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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69
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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70
barricaded
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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71
stumps
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| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
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72
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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73
benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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74
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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75
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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76
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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77
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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78
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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79
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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80
cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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81
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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82
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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83
waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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84
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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85
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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86
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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87
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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89
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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90
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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91
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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92
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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93
scoured
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| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
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94
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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95
breached
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| 攻破( breach的现在分词 )； 破坏，违反 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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97
succors
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| n.救助，帮助（尤指需要时）( succor的名词复数 )v.给予帮助( succor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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99
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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100
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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101
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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102
quills
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| n.（刺猬或豪猪的）刺( quill的名词复数 )；羽毛管；翮；纡管 | |
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103
porcupine
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| n.豪猪， 箭猪 | |
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104
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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105
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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106
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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107
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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108
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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110
pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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111
belle
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| n.靓女 | |
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112
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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113
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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114
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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115
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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116
feigning
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| 假装，伪装( feign的现在分词 )； 捏造（借口、理由等） | |
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117
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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118
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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119
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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120
stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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121
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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122
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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123
pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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125
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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126
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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127
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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128
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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129
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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130
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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131
sickle
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| n.镰刀 | |
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132
tardily
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| adv.缓慢 | |
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133
succoring
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| v.给予帮助( succor的现在分词 ) | |
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134
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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135
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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136
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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137
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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138
abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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139
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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140
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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141
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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142
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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143
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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144
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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145
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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146
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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147
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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148
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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149
farmhouses
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| n.农舍，农场的主要住房( farmhouse的名词复数 ) | |
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150
villains
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| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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151
promiscuously
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| adv.杂乱地，混杂地 | |
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152
eluding
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的现在分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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153
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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154
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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155
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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156
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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157
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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158
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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159
dangling
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| 悬吊着( dangle的现在分词 )； 摆动不定； 用某事物诱惑…； 吊胃口 | |
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160
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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161
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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162
subsisting
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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163
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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164
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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165
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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166
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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167
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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168
wayfarers
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| n.旅人，（尤指）徒步旅行者( wayfarer的名词复数 ) | |
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169
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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170
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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171
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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172
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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173
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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174
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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175
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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176
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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177
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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178
supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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179
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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180
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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181
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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