FALL OF QUEBEC.
After the Battle ? Canadians resist the Pursuit ? Arrival of Vaudreuil ? Scene in the Redoubt ? Panic ? Movements of the Victors ? Vaudreuil's Council of War ? Precipitate1 Retreat of the French Army ? Last Hours of Montcalm ? His Death and Burial ? Quebec abandoned to its Fate ? Despair of the Garrison2 ? Lévis joins the Army ? Attempts to relieve the Town ? Surrender ? The British occupy Quebec ? Slanders3 of Vaudreuil ? Reception in England of the News of Wolfe's Victory and Death ? Prediction of Jonathan Mayhew.
"Never was rout4 more complete than that of our army," says a French official. [784] It was the more so because Montcalm held no troops in reserve, but launched his whole force at once against the English. Nevertheless there was some resistance to the pursuit. It came chiefly from the Canadians, many of whom had not advanced with the regulars to the attack. Those on the right wing, instead of doing so, threw themselves into an extensive tract5 of bushes that lay in front of the English left; and from this cover they opened a fire, too distant for much effect, till the victors advanced in their turn, when the shot of the hidden marksmen told severely6 upon them. Two battalions7, therefore, deployed8 before the bushes, fired volleys into them, and drove their occupants out.
[784] Daine au Ministre, 9 Oct. 1759.
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V2 Again, those of the Canadians who, before the main battle began, attacked the English left from the brink9 of the plateau towards the St. Charles, withdrew when the rout took place, and ran along the edge of the declivity10 till, at the part of it called C?te Ste.-Geneviève, they came to a place where it was overgrown with thickets12. Into these they threw themselves; and were no sooner under cover than they faced about to fire upon the Highlanders, who presently came up. As many of these mountaineers, according to their old custom, threw down their muskets13 when they charged, and had no weapons but their broadswords, they tried in vain to dislodge the marksmen, and suffered greatly in the attempt. Other troops came to their aid, cleared the thickets, after stout14 resistance, and drove their occupants across the meadow to the bridge of boats. The conduct of the Canadians at the C?te Ste.-Geneviève went far to atone16 for the shortcomings of some of them on the battle-field.
A part of the fugitives18 escaped into the town by the gates of St. Louis and St. John, while the greater number fled along the front of the ramparts, rushed down the declivity to the suburb of St. Roch, and ran over the meadows to the bridge, protected by the cannon19 of the town and the two armed hulks in the river. The rout had but just begun when Vaudreuil crossed the bridge from the camp of Beauport. It was four hours since he first heard the alarm, and his quarters were not much more than two miles from the 301
V2 battle-field. He does not explain why he did not come sooner; it is certain that his coming was well timed to throw the blame on Montcalm in case of defeat, or to claim some of the honor for himself in case of victory. "Monsieur the Marquis of Montcalm," he says, "unfortunately made his attack before I had joined him." [785] His joining him could have done no good; for though he had at last brought with him the rest of the militia20 from the Beauport camp, they had come no farther than the bridge over the St. Charles, having, as he alleges21, been kept there by an unauthorized order from the chief of staff, Montreuil. [786] He declares that the regulars were in such a fright that he could not stop them; but that the Canadians listened to his voice, and that it was he who rallied them at the C?te Ste.-Geneviève. Of this the evidence is his own word. From other accounts it would appear that the Canadians rallied themselves. Vaudreuil lost no time in recrossing the bridge and joining the militia in the redoubt at the farther end, where a crowd of fugitives soon poured in after him.
[785] Vaudreuil au Ministre, 21 Sept. 1759.
[786] Ibid., 5 Oct. 1759.
The aide-de-camp Johnstone, mounted on horseback, had stopped for a moment in what is now the suburb of St. John to encourage some soldiers who were trying to save a cannon that had stuck fast in a marshy22 hollow; when, on spurring his horse to the higher ground, he saw within musket-shot a long line of British troops, who immediately 302
V2 fired upon him. The bullets whistled about his ears, tore his clothes, and wounded his horse; which, however, carried him along the edge of the declivity to a windmill, near which was a roadway to a bakehouse on the meadow below. He descended24, crossed the meadow, reached the bridge, and rode over it to the great redoubt or hornwork that guarded its head.
The place was full of troops and Canadians in a wild panic. "It is impossible," says Johnstone, "to imagine the disorder25 and confusion I found in the hornwork. Consternation26 was general. M. de Vaudreuil listened to everybody, and was always of the opinion of him who spoke27 last. On the appearance of the English troops on the plain by the bakehouse, Montguet and La Motte, two old captains in the regiment28 of Béarn, cried out with vehemence29 to M. de Vaudreuil 'that the hornwork would be taken in an instant by assault, sword in hand; that we all should be cut to pieces without quarter; and that nothing would save us but an immediate23 and general capitulation of Canada, giving it up to the English.'" [787] Yet the river was wide and deep, and the hornwork was protected on the water side by strong palisades, with cannon. Nevertheless there rose a general cry to cut the bridge of boats. By doing so more than half the army, who had not yet crossed, would have been sacrificed. The 303
V2 axemen were already at work, when they were stopped by some officers who had not lost their wits.
[787] Confirmed by Journal tenu à l'Armée, etc. "Divers30 officiers des troupes31 de terre n'hésitèrent point à dire32, tout15 haut en présence du soldat, qu'il ne nous restoit d'autre ressource que celle de capituler promptement pour toute la colonie," etc.
"M. de Vaudreuil," pursues Johnstone, "was closeted in a house in the inside of the hornwork with the Intendant and some other persons. I suspected they were busy drafting the articles for a general capitulation, and I entered the house, where I had only time to see the Intendant, with a pen in his hand, writing upon a sheet of paper, when M. de Vaudreuil told me I had no business there. Having answered him that what he had said was true, I retired33 immediately, in wrath34 to see them intent on giving up so scandalously a dependency for the preservation35 of which so much blood and treasure had been expended36." On going out he met Lieutenant37-colonels Dalquier and Poulariez, whom he begged to prevent the apprehended38 disgrace; and, in fact, if Vaudreuil really meant to capitulate for the colony, he was presently dissuaded39 by firmer spirits than his own.
Johnstone, whose horse could carry him no farther, set out on foot for Beauport, and, in his own words, "continued sorrowfully jogging on, with a very heavy heart for the loss of my dear friend M. de Montcalm, sinking with weariness, and lost in reflection upon the changes which Providence40 had brought about in the space of three or four hours."
Great indeed were these changes. Montcalm was dying; his second in command, the Brigadier Senezergues, was mortally wounded; the army, routed and demoralized, was virtually without a 304
V2 head; and the colony, yesterday cheered as on the eve of deliverance, was plunged41 into sudden despair. "Ah, what a cruel day!" cries Bougainville; "how fatal to all that was dearest to us! My heart is torn in its most tender parts. We shall be fortunate if the approach of winter saves the country from total ruin." [788]
[788] Bougainville à Bourlamaque, 18 Sept. 1759.
The victors were fortifying42 themselves on the field of battle. Like the French, they had lost two generals; for Monckton, second in rank, was disabled by a musket-shot, and the command had fallen upon Townshend at the moment when the enemy were in full flight. He had recalled the pursuers, and formed them again in line of battle, knowing that another foe43 was at hand. Bougainville, in fact, appeared at noon from Cap-Rouge with about two thousand men; but withdrew on seeing double that force prepared to receive him. He had not heard till eight o'clock that the English were on the Plains of Abraham; and the delay of his arrival was no doubt due to his endeavors to collect as many as possible of his detachments posted along the St. Lawrence for many miles towards Jacques-Cartier.
Before midnight the English had made good progress in their redoubts and intrenchments, had brought cannon up the heights to defend them, planted a battery on the C?te Ste.-Geneviève, descended into the meadows of the St. Charles, and taken possession of the General Hospital, with its crowds of sick and wounded. Their 305
V2 victory had cost them six hundred and sixty-four of all ranks, killed, wounded, and missing. The French loss is placed by Vaudreuil at about six hundred and forty, and by the English official reports at about fifteen hundred. Measured by the numbers engaged, the battle of Quebec was but a heavy skirmish; measured by results, it was one of the great battles of the world.
Vaudreuil went from the hornwork to his quarters on the Beauport road and called a council of war. It was a tumultuous scene. A letter was despatched to Quebec to ask advice of Montcalm. The dying General sent a brief message to the effect that there was a threefold choice,—to fight again, retreat to Jacques-Cartier, or give up the colony. There was much in favor of fighting. When Bougainville had gathered all his force from the river above, he would have three thousand men; and these, joined to the garrison of Quebec, the sailors at the batteries, and the militia and artillerymen of the Beauport camp, would form a body of fresh soldiers more than equal to the English then on the Plains of Abraham. Add to these the defeated troops, and the victors would be greatly outnumbered. [789] Bigot gave his voice for 306
V2 fighting. Vaudreuil expressed himself to the same effect; but he says that all the officers were against him. "In vain I remarked to these gentlemen that we were superior to the enemy, and should beat them if we managed well. I could not at all change their opinion, and my love for the service and for the colony made me subscribe46 to the views of the council. In fact, if I had attacked the English against the advice of all the principal officers, their ill-will would have exposed me to the risk of losing the battle and the colony also." [790]
[789] Bigot, as well as Vaudreuil, sets Bougainville's force at three thousand. "En réunissant le corps47 M. de Bougainville, les bataillons de Montréal [laissés au camp de Beauport] et la garnison de la ville, il nous restoit encore près de 5,000 hommes de troupes fra?ches." Journal tenu à l'Armée. Vaudreuil says that there were fifteen hundred men in garrison at Quebec who did not take part in the battle. If this is correct, the number of fresh troops after it was not five thousand, but more than six thousand; to whom the defeated force is to be added, making, after deducting48 killed and wounded, some ten thousand in all.
[790] Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759.
It was said at the time that the officers voted for retreat because they thought Vaudreuil unfit to command an army, and, still more, to fight a battle. [791] There was no need, however, to fight at once. The object of the English was to take Quebec, and that of Vaudreuil should have been to keep it. By a march of a few miles he could have joined Bougainville; and by then intrenching himself at or near Ste.-Foy he would have placed a greatly superior force in the English rear, where his position might have been made impregnable. Here he might be easily furnished with provisions, and from hence he could readily throw men and supplies into Quebec, which the English were too few to invest. He could harass49 the besiegers, or attack them, should opportunity offer, and either raise the siege or so protract50 it that they would be forced by approaching winter to sail homeward, robbed of the fruit of their victory.
[791] Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760.
307
V2 At least he might have taken a night for reflection. He was safe behind the St. Charles. The English, spent by fighting, toil51, and want of sleep, were in no condition to disturb him. A part of his own men were in deadly need of rest; the night would have brought refreshment52, and the morning might have brought wise counsel. Vaudreuil would not wait, and orders were given at once for retreat. [792] It began at nine o'clock that evening. Quebec was abandoned to its fate. The cannon were left in the lines of Beauport, the tents in the encampments, and provisions enough in the storehouses to supply the army for a week. "The loss of the Marquis de Montcalm," says a French officer then on the spot, "robbed his successors of their senses, and they thought of nothing but flight; such was their fear that the enemy would attack the intrenchments the next day. The army abandoned the camp in such disorder that the like was never known." [793] "It was not a retreat," says Johnstone, who was himself a part of it, "but an abominable53 flight, with such disorder and confusion that, had the English known it, three hundred men sent after us would have been sufficient to cut all our army to pieces. The soldiers were all mixed, scattered54, dispersed55, and running as hard as they could, as if the English army were at their heels." They passed Charlesbourg, Lorette, and St. Augustin, till, on the fifteenth, they found rest on the impregnable hill 308
V2 of Jacques-Cartier, by the brink of the St. Lawrence, thirty miles from danger.
[792] Livre d'Ordres, Ordre du 13 Sept. 1759.
[793] Foligny, Journal mémoratif.
In the night of humiliation56 when Vaudreuil abandoned Quebec, Montcalm was breathing his last within its walls. When he was brought wounded from the field, he was placed in the house of the Surgeon Arnoux, who was then with Bourlamaque at Isle-aux-Noix, but whose younger brother, also a surgeon, examined the wound and pronounced it mortal. "I am glad of it," Montcalm said quietly; and then asked how long he had to live. "Twelve hours, more or less," was the reply. "So much the better," he returned. "I am happy that I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." He is reported to have said that since he had lost the battle it consoled him to have been defeated by so brave an enemy; and some of his last words were in praise of his successor, Lévis, for whose talents and fitness for command he expressed high esteem57. When Vaudreuil sent to ask his opinion, he gave it; but when Ramesay, commandant of the garrison, came to receive his orders, he replied: "I will neither give orders nor interfere58 any further. I have much business that must be attended to, of greater moment than your ruined garrison and this wretched country. My time is very short; therefore pray leave me. I wish you all comfort, and to be happily extricated59 from your present perplexities." Nevertheless he thought to the last of those who had been under his command, and sent the following note to Brigadier Townshend: 309
V2 "Monsieur, the humanity of the English sets my mind at peace concerning the fate of the French prisoners and the Canadians. Feel towards them as they have caused me to feel. Do not let them perceive that they have changed masters. Be their protector as I have been their father." [794]
[794] I am indebted to Abbé Bois for a copy of this note. The last words of Montcalm, as above, are reported partly by Johnstone, and partly by Knox.
Bishop60 Pontbriand, himself fast sinking with mortal disease, attended his death-bed and administered the last sacraments. He died peacefully at four o'clock on the morning of the fourteenth. He was in his forty-eighth year.
In the confusion of the time no workman could be found to make a coffin61, and an old servant of the Ursulines, known as Bonhomme Michel, gathered a few boards and nailed them together so as to form a rough box. In it was laid the body of the dead soldier; and late in the evening of the same day he was carried to his rest. There was no tolling62 of bells or firing of cannon. The officers of the garrison followed the bier, and some of the populace, including women and children, joined the procession as it moved in dreary63 silence along the dusky street, shattered with cannon-ball and bomb, to the chapel64 of the Ursuline convent. Here a shell, bursting under the floor, had made a cavity which had been hollowed into a grave. Three priests of the Cathedral, several nuns65, Ramesay with his officers, and a throng66 of towns-people were present at the rite67. After the service 310
V2 and the chant, the body was lowered into the grave by the light of torches; and then, says the chronicle, "the tears and sobs69 burst forth70. It seemed as if the last hope of the colony were buried with the remains71 of the General." [795] In truth, the funeral of Montcalm was the funeral of New France. [796]
[795] Ursulines de Québec, III. 10.
[796] See Appendix J.
It was no time for grief. The demands of the hour were too exigent and stern. When, on the morning after the battle, the people of Quebec saw the tents standing72 in the camp of Beauport, they thought the army still there to defend them. [797] Ramesay knew that the hope was vain. On the evening before, Vaudreuil had sent two hasty notes to tell him of his flight. "The position of the enemy," wrote the Governor, "becomes stronger every instant; and this, with other reasons, obliges me to retreat." "I have received all your letters. As I set out this moment, I pray you not to write again. You shall hear from me to-morrow. I wish you good evening." With these notes came the following order: "M. de Ramesay is not to wait till the enemy carries the town by assault. As soon as provisions fail, he will raise the white flag." This order was accompanied by a memorandum73 of terms which Ramesay was to ask of the victors. [798]
[797] Mémoire du Sieur de Ramesay.
[798] Mémoire pour servir d'Instruction à M. de Ramesay, 13 Sept. 1759. Appended, with the foregoing notes, to the Mémoire de Ramesay.
"What a blow for me," says the unfortunate commandant, "to find myself abandoned so soon 311
V2 by the army, which alone could defend the town!" His garrison consisted of between one and two hundred troops of the line, some four or five hundred colony troops, a considerable number of sailors, and the local militia. [799] These last were in a state of despair. The inhabitants who, during the siege, had sought refuge in the suburb of St. Roch, had returned after the battle, and there were now twenty-six hundred women and children, with about a housand invalids74 and other non-combatants to be supported, though the provisions in the town, even at half rations75, would hardly last a week. Ramesay had not been informed that a good supply was left in the camps of Beauport; and when he heard at last that it was there, and sent out parties to get it, they found that the Indians and the famished76 country people had carried it off.
[799] The English returns give a total of 615 French regulars in the place besides sailors and militia.
"Despondency," he says again, "was complete; discouragement extreme and universal. Murmurs77 and complaints against the army that had abandoned us rose to a general outcry. I could not prevent the merchants, all of whom were officers of the town militia, from meeting at the house of M. Daine, the mayor. There they declared for capitulating, and presented me a petition to that effect, signed by M. Daine and all the principal citizens."
V2 reducing the rations still more, and holding out to the last. All the others gave their voices for capitulation. [800] Ramesay might have yielded without dishonor; but he still held out till an event fraught78 with new hope took place at Jacques-Cartier.
This event was the arrival of Lévis. On the afternoon of the battle Vaudreuil took one rational step; he sent a courier to Montreal to summon that able officer to his aid. [801] Lévis set out at once, reached Jacques-Cartier, and found his worst fears realized. "The great number of fugitives that I began to meet at Three Rivers prepared me for the disorder in which I found the army. I never in my life knew the like of it. They left everything behind in the camp at Beauport; tents, baggage, and kettles."
[801] Lévis à Bourlamaque, 15 Sept. 1759. Lévis, Guerre du Canada.
He spoke his mind freely; loudly blamed the retreat, and urged Vaudreuil to march back with all speed to whence he came. [802] The Governor, stiff at ordinary times, but pliant79 at a crisis, welcomed the firmer mind that decided80 for him, consented that the troops should return, and wrote afterwards in his despatch44 to the Minister: "I was much charmed to find M. de Lévis disposed to march with the army towards Quebec." [803]
[802] Bigot au Ministre, 15 Oct. 1759. Malartic à Bourlamaque, 28 Sept. 1759.
[803] "Je fus bien charmé," etc. Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct. 1759.
Lévis, on his part, wrote: "The condition in which I found the army, bereft81 of everything, did 313
V2 not discourage me, because M. de Vaudreuil told me that Quebec was not taken, and that he had left there a sufficiently82 numerous garrison; I therefore resolved, in order to repair the fault that had been committed, to engage M. de Vaudreuil to march the army back to the relief of the place. I represented to him that this was the only way to prevent the complete defection of the Canadians and Indians; that our knowledge of the country would enable us to approach very near the enemy, whom we knew to be intrenching themselves on the heights of Quebec and constructing batteries to breach83 the walls; that if we found their army ill posted, we could attack them, or, at any rate, could prolong the siege by throwing men and supplies into the town; and that if we could not save it, we could evacuate84 and burn it, so that the enemy could not possibly winter there." [804]
[804] Lévis au Ministre, 10 Nov. 1759.
Lévis quickly made his presence felt in the military chaos85 about him. Bigot bestirred himself with his usual vigor86 to collect provisions; and before the next morning all was ready. [805] Bougainville had taken no part in the retreat, but sturdily held his ground at Cap-Rouge while the fugitive17 mob swept by him. A hundred of the mounted Canadians who formed part of his command were now sent to Quebec, each with a bag of biscuit across his saddle. They were to circle round to the Beauport side, where there was no enemy, and whence they could cross the 314
V2 St. Charles in canoes to the town. Bougainville followed close with a larger supply. Vaudreuil sent Ramesay a message, revoking87 his order to surrender if threatened with assault, telling him to hold out to the last, and assuring him that the whole army was coming to his relief. Lévis hastened to be gone; but first he found time to write a few lines to Bourlamaque. "We have had a very great loss, for we have lost M. de Montcalm. I regret him as my general and my friend. I found our army here. It is now on the march to retrieve88 our fortunes. I can trust you to hold your position; as I have not M. de Montcalm's talents, I look to you to second me and advise me. Put a good face on it. Hide this business as long as you can. I am mounting my horse this moment. Write me all the news." [806]
[805] Livre d'Ordres, Ordre du 17-18 Sept. 1759.
[806] Lévis a Bourlamaque, 18 Sept. 1759.
The army marched that morning, the eighteenth. In the evening it reached St. Augustin; and here it was stopped by the chilling news that Quebec had surrendered.
Utter confusion had reigned89 in the disheartened garrison. Men deserted90 hourly, some to the country, and some to the English camp; while Townshend pushed his trenches91 nearer and nearer to the walls, in spite of the cannonade with which Fiedmont and his artillerymen tried to check them. On the evening of the seventeenth, the English ships of war moved towards the Lower Town, and a column of troops was seen approaching over the meadows of the St. Charles, as if to storm the Palace Gate. 315
V2 The drums beat the alarm; but the militia refused to fight. Their officers came to Ramesay in a body; declared that they had no mind to sustain an assault; that they knew he had orders against it; that they would carry their guns back to the arsenal92; that they were no longer soldiers, but citizens; that if the army had not abandoned them they would fight with as much spirit as ever; but that they would not get themselves killed to no purpose. The town-major, Joannès, in a rage, beat two of them with the flat of his sword.
The white flag was raised; Joannès pulled it down, thinking, or pretending to think, that it was raised without authority; but Ramesay presently ordered him to go to the English camp and get what terms he could. He went, through driving rain, to the quarters of Townshend, and, in hope of the promised succor93, spun94 out the negotiation95 to the utmost, pretended that he had no power to yield certain points demanded, and was at last sent back to confer with Ramesay, under a promise from the English commander that, if Quebec were not given up before eleven o'clock, he would take it by storm. On this Ramesay signed the articles, and Joannès carried them back within the time prescribed. Scarcely had he left the town, when the Canadian horsemen appeared with their sacks of biscuit and a renewed assurance that help was near; but it was too late. Ramesay had surrendered, and would not break his word. He dreaded97 an assault, which he knew he could not withstand, and he but half believed in the 316
V2 promised succor. "How could I trust it?" he asks. "The army had not dared to face the enemy before he had fortified98 himself; and could I hope that it would come to attack him in an intrenched camp, defended by a formidable artillery?" Whatever may be thought of his conduct, it was to Vaudreuil, and not to him, that the loss of Quebec was due.
The conditions granted were favorable, for Townshend knew the danger of his position, and was glad to have Quebec on any terms. The troops and sailors of the garrison were to march out of the place with the honors of war, and to be carried to France. The inhabitants were to have protection in person and property, and free exercise of religion. [807]
[807] Articles de Capitulation, 18 Sept. 1759.
In the afternoon a company of artillerymen with a field-piece entered the town, and marched to the place of arms, followed by a body of infantry99. Detachments took post at all the gates. The British flag was raised on the heights near the top of Mountain Street, and the capital of New France passed into the hands of its hereditary100 foes101. The question remained, should they keep, or destroy it? It was resolved to keep it at every risk. The marines, the grenadiers from Louisbourg, and some of the rangers103 were to reimbark in the fleet; while the ten battalions, with the artillery and one company of rangers, were to remain behind, bide104 the Canadian winter, and defend the ruins of Quebec against the efforts of 317
V2 Lévis. Monckton, the oldest brigadier, was disabled by his wound, and could not stay; while Townshend returned home, to parade his laurels105 and claim more than his share of the honors of victory. [808] The command, therefore, rested with Murray.
[808] Letter to an Honourable106 Brigadier-General [Townshend], printed in 1760. A Refutation soon after appeared, angry, but not conclusive107. Other replies will be found in the Imperial Magazine for 1760.
The troops were not idle. Levelling their own field-works, repairing the defences of the town, storing provisions sent ashore108 from the fleet, making fascines, and cutting firewood, busied them through the autumn days bright with sunshine, or dark and chill with premonition of the bitter months to come. Admiral Saunders put off his departure longer than he had once thought possible; and it was past the middle of October when he fired a parting salute109, and sailed down the river with his fleet. In it was the ship "Royal William," carrying the embalmed110 remains of Wolfe.
Montcalm lay in his soldier's grave before the humble111 altar of the Ursulines, never more to see the home for which he yearned112, the wife, mother, and children whom he loved, the olive-trees and chestnut-groves of his beloved Candiac. He slept in peace among triumphant113 enemies, who respected his memory, though they hardly knew his resting-place. It was left for a fellow-countryman—a colleague and a brother-in-arms—to belittle114 his achievements and blacken his name. The jealous 318
V2 spite of Vaudreuil pursued him even in death. Leaving Lévis to command at Jacques-Cartier, whither the army had again withdrawn115, the Governor retired to Montreal, whence he wrote a series of despatches to justify116 himself at the expense of others, and above all of the slain117 general, against whom his accusations118 were never so bitter as now, when the lips were cold that could have answered them. First, he threw on Ramesay all the blame of the surrender of Quebec. Then he addressed himself to his chief task, the defamation119 of his unconscious rival. "The letter that you wrote in cipher120, on the tenth of February, to Monsieur the Marquis of Montcalm and me, in common, [809] flattered his self-love to such a degree that, far from seeking conciliation121, he did nothing but try to persuade the public that his authority surpassed mine. From the moment of Monsieur de Montcalm's arrival in this colony, down to that of his death, he did not cease to sacrifice everything to his boundless122 ambition. He sowed dissension among the troops, tolerated the most indecent talk against the government, attached to himself the most disreputable persons, used means to corrupt123 the most virtuous124, and, when he could not succeed, became their cruel enemy. He wanted to be Governor-General. He privately125 flattered with favors and promises of patronage126 every officer of the colony troops who adopted his ideas. He spared no pains to gain over the people of whatever calling, and persuade 319
V2 them of his attachment127; while, either by himself or by means of the troops of the line, he made them bear the most frightful128 yoke129 (le joug le plus affreux). He defamed honest people, encouraged insubordination, and closed his eyes to the rapine of his soldiers."
[809] See ante, p. 167.
This letter was written to Vaudreuil's official superior and confidant, the Minister of the Marine102 and Colonies. In another letter, written about the same time to the Minister of War, who held similar relations to his rival, he declares that he "greatly regretted Monsieur de Montcalm." [810]
[810] Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Guerre, 1 Nov. 1759.
His charges are strange ones from a man who was by turns the patron, advocate, and tool of the official villains130 who cheated the King and plundered131 the people. Bigot, Cadet, and the rest of the harpies that preyed132 on Canada looked to Vaudreuil for support, and found it. It was but three or four weeks since he had written to the Court in high eulogy133 of Bigot and effusive134 praise of Cadet, coupled with the request that a patent of nobility should be given to that notorious public thief. [811] The corruptions135 which disgraced his government were rife136, not only in the civil administration, but also among the officers of the colony troops, over whom he had complete control. They did not, as has been seen already, extend to the officers of the line, who were outside the circle of peculation137. It was these who were the habitual138 associates of Montcalm; and when Vaudreuil 320
V2 charges him with "attaching to himself the most disreputable persons, and using means to corrupt the most virtuous," the true interpretation139 of his words is that the former were disreputable because they disliked him (the Governor), and the latter virtuous because they were his partisans140.
[811] See ante, p. 31.
Vaudreuil continues thus: "I am in despair, Monseigneur, to be under the necessity of painting you such a portrait after death of Monsieur the Marquis of Montcalm. Though it contains the exact truth, I would have deferred141 it if his personal hatred142 to me were alone to be considered; but I feel too deeply the loss of the colony to hide from you the cause of it. I can assure you that if I had been the sole master, Quebec would still belong to the King, and that nothing is so disadvantageous in a colony as a division of authority and the mingling143 of troops of the line with marine [colony] troops. Thoroughly144 knowing Monsieur de Montcalm, I did not doubt in the least that unless I condescended145 to all his wishes, he would succeed in ruining Canada and wrecking146 all my plans."
He then charges the dead man with losing the battle of Quebec by attacking before he, the Governor, arrived to take command; and this, he says, was due to Montcalm's absolute determination to exercise independent authority, without caring whether the colony was saved or lost. "I cannot hide from you, Monseigneur, that if he had had his way in past years Oswego and Fort George [William Henry] would never have been attacked or 321
V2 taken; and he owed the success at Ticonderoga to the orders I had given him." [812] Montcalm, on the other hand, declared at the time that Vaudreuil had ordered him not to risk a battle, and that it was only through his disobedience that Ticonderoga was saved.
[812] Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine, 30 Oct. 1759.
Ten days later Vaudreuil wrote again: "I have already had the honor, by my letter written in cipher on the thirteenth of last month, to give you a sketch147 of the character of Monsieur the Marquis of Montcalm; but I have just been informed of a stroke so black that I think, Monseigneur, that I should fail in my duty to you if I did not tell you of it." He goes on to say that, a little before his death, and "no doubt in fear of the fate that befell him," Montcalm placed in the hands of Father Roubaud, missionary148 at St. Francis, two packets of papers containing remarks on the administration of the colony, and especially on the manner in which the military posts were furnished with supplies; that these observations were accompanied by certificates; and that they involved charges against him, the Governor, of complicity in peculation. Roubaud, he continues, was to send these papers to France; "but now, Monseigneur, that you are informed about them, I feel no anxiety, and I am sure that the King will receive no impression from them without acquainting himself with their truth or falsity."
Vaudreuil's anxiety was natural; and so was the action of Montcalm in making known to the Court 322
V2 the outrageous149 abuses that threatened the King's service with ruin. His doing so was necessary, both for his own justification150 and for the public good; and afterwards, when Vaudreuil and others were brought to trial at Paris, and when one of the counsel for the defence charged the late general with slanderously151 accusing his clients, the Court ordered the charge to be struck from the record. [813] The papers the existence of which, if they did exist, so terrified Vaudreuil, have thus far escaped research. But the correspondence of the two rivals with the chiefs of the departments on which they severally depended is in large measure preserved; and while that of the Governor is filled with defamation of Montcalm and praise of himself, that of the General is neither egotistic nor abusive. The faults of Montcalm have sufficiently appeared. They were those of an impetuous, excitable, and impatient nature, by no means free from either ambition or vanity; but they were never inconsistent with the character of a man of honor. His impulsive152 utterances153, reported by retainers and sycophants155, kept Vaudreuil in a state of chronic68 rage; and, void as he was of all magnanimity, gnawed156 with undying jealousy157, and mortally in dread96 of being compromised by the knaveries158 to which he had lent his countenance159, he could not contain himself within the bounds of decency160 or sense. In another letter he had the baseness to say that Montcalm met his death in trying to escape from the English.
[813] Procès de Bigot, Cadet, et autres.
323
V2 Among the Governor's charges are some which cannot be flatly denied. When he accuses his rival of haste and precipitation in attacking the English army, he touches a fair subject of criticism; but, as a whole, he is as false in his detraction161 of Montcalm as in his praises of Bigot and Cadet.
The letter which Wolfe sent to Pitt a few days before his death, written in what may be called a spirit of resolute162 despair, and representing success as almost hopeless, filled England with a dejection that found utterance154 in loud grumblings against the Ministry163. Horace Walpole wrote the bad news to his friend Mann, ambassador at Florence: "Two days ago came letters from Wolfe, despairing as much as heroes can despair. Quebec is well victualled, Amherst is not arrived, and fifteen thousand men are encamped to defend it. We have lost many men by the enemy, and some by our friends; that is, we now call our nine thousand only seven thousand. How this little army will get away from a much larger, and in this season, in that country, I don't guess: yes, I do."
Hardly were these lines written when tidings came that Montcalm was defeated, Quebec taken, and Wolfe killed. A flood of mixed emotions swept over England. Even Walpole grew half serious as he sent a packet of newspapers to his friend the ambassador. "You may now give yourself what airs you please. An ambassador is the only man in the world whom bullying164 becomes. All precedents165 are on your side: Persians, Greeks, Romans, always insulted their neighbors when they took 324
V2 Quebec. Think how pert the French would have been on such an occasion! What a scene! An army in the night dragging itself up a precipice166 by stumps167 of trees to assault a town and attack an enemy strongly intrenched and double in numbers! The King is overwhelmed with addresses on our victories; he will have enough to paper his palace." [814]
[814] Letters of Horace Walpole, III. 254, 257 (ed. Cunningham, 1857).
When, in soberer mood, he wrote the annals of his time, and turned, not for the better, from the epistolary style to the historical, he thus described the impression made on the English public by the touching168 and inspiring story of Wolfe's heroism169 and death: "The incidents of dramatic fiction could not be conducted with more address to lead an audience from despondency to sudden exaltation than accident prepared to excite the passions of a whole people. They despaired, they triumphed, and they wept; for Wolfe had fallen in the hour of victory. Joy, curiosity, astonishment170, was painted on every countenance. The more they inquired, the more their admiration171 rose. Not an incident but was heroic and affecting." [815] England blazed with bonfires. In one spot alone all was dark and silent; for here a widowed mother mourned for a loving and devoted172 son, and the people forbore to profane173 her grief with the clamor of their rejoicings.
New England had still more cause of joy than Old, and she filled the land with jubilation175. The 325
V2 pulpits resounded176 with sermons of thanksgiving, some of which were worthy177 of the occasion that called them forth. Among the rest, Jonathan Mayhew, a young but justly celebrated178 minister of Boston, pictured with enthusiasm the future greatness of the British-American colonies, with the continent thrown open before them, and foretold179 that, "with the continued blessing180 of Heaven, they will become, in another century or two, a mighty181 empire;" adding in cautious parenthesis182, "I do not mean an independent one." He read Wolfe's victory aright, and divined its far-reaching consequence.
Note.—The authorities of this chapter are, in the main, the same as those of the preceding, with some additions, the principal of which is the Mémoire du Sieur de Ramezay, Chevalier de l'Ordre royal et militaire de St.-Louis, cy-devant Lieutenant pour le Roy commandant à Québec, au sujet de la Reddition de cette Ville, qui a été suivie de la Capitulation du 18 7bre, 1759 (Archives de la Marine). To this document are appended a number of important "pièces justificatives." These, with the Mémoire, have been printed by the Quebec Historical Society. The letters of Vaudreuil cited in this chapter are chiefly from the Archives Nationales.
If Montcalm, as Vaudreuil says, really intrusted papers to the care of the Jesuit missionary Roubaud, he was not fortunate in his choice of a depositary. After the war Roubaud renounced183 his Order, adjured184 his faith, and went over to the English. He gave various and contradictory185 accounts of the documents said to be in his hands. On one occasion he declared that Montcalm's effects left with him at his mission of St. Francis had been burned to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy (see Verreau, Report on Canadian Archives, 1874, p. 183). Again, he says that he had placed in the hands of the King of England certain letters of Montcalm (see Mr. Roubaud's Deplorable Case, humbly186 submitted to Lord North's Consideration, in Historical Magazine, Second Series, VIII. 283). Yet again, he speaks of these same letters as "pretended" (Verreau, as above). He complains that some of them had been published, without his consent, "by a Lord belonging to His Majesty's household" (Mr. Roubaud's Deplorable Case).
The allusion187 here is evidently to a pamphlet printed in London, in 1777, in French and English, and entitled, Lettres de Monsieur le Marquis de Montcalm, Gouverneur-Général en Canada, à Messieurs de Berryer et de 326
V2 la Molé, écrites dans les Années 1757, 1758, et 1759, avec une Version Angloise. They profess188 to be observations by Montcalm on the English colonies, their political character, their trade, and their tendency to independence. They bear the strongest marks of being fabricated to suit the times, the colonies being then in revolt. The principal letter is one addressed to Molé, and bearing date Quebec, Aug. 24, 1759. It foretells189 the loss of her colonies as a consequence to England of her probable conquest of Canada. I laid before the Massachusetts Historical Society my reasons for believing this letter, like the rest, an imposture190 (see the Proceedings191 of that Society for 1869-1870, pp. 112-128). To these reasons it may be added that at the date assigned to the letter all correspondence was stopped between Canada and France. From the arrival of the English fleet, at the end of spring, till its departure, late in autumn, communication was completely cut off. It was not till towards the end of November, when the river was clear of English ships, that the naval192 commander Kanon ran by the batteries of Quebec and carried to France the first news from Canada. Some of the letters thus sent were dated a month before, and had waited in Canada till Kanon's departure.
Abbé Verreau—a high authority on questions of Canadian history—tells me a comparison of the handwriting has convinced him that these pretended letters of Montcalm are the work of Roubaud.
On the burial of Montcalm, see Appendix J.
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precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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slanders
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| 诽谤，诋毁( slander的名词复数 ) | |
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rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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declivity
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| n.下坡，倾斜面 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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alleges
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的第三人称单数 ) | |
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marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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troupes
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| n. （演出的）一团, 一班 vi. 巡回演出 | |
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dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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41
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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42
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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43
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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44
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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45
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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46
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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48
deducting
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的现在分词 ) | |
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harass
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| vt.使烦恼，折磨，骚扰 | |
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50
protract
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| v.延长，拖长 | |
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51
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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52
refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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53
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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54
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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55
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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56
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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57
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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58
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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59
extricated
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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61
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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62
tolling
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| [财]来料加工 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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65
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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68
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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69
sobs
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| 啜泣（声），呜咽（声）( sob的名词复数 ) | |
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70
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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71
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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72
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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80
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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81
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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82
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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83
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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84
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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85
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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86
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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87
revoking
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| v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的现在分词 ) | |
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88
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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89
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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90
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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91
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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92
arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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93
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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94
spun
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| v.纺，杜撰，急转身 | |
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95
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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96
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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97
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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98
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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99
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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100
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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101
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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102
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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103
rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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104
bide
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| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
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105
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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106
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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107
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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108
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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109
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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110
embalmed
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| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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111
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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112
yearned
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| 渴望，切盼，向往( yearn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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114
belittle
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| v.轻视，小看，贬低 | |
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115
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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116
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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117
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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118
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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119
defamation
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| n.诽谤；中伤 | |
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120
cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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121
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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122
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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123
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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124
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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125
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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126
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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127
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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128
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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129
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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130
villains
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| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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131
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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133
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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134
effusive
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| adj.热情洋溢的；感情(过多)流露的 | |
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135
corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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136
rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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137
peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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138
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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139
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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140
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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141
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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142
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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143
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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144
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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145
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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146
wrecking
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| 破坏 | |
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147
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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148
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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149
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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150
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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151
slanderously
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| 造谣中伤地，诽谤地 | |
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152
impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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153
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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154
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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155
sycophants
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| n.谄媚者，拍马屁者( sycophant的名词复数 ) | |
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156
gnawed
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| 咬( gnaw的过去式和过去分词 )； （长时间） 折磨某人； （使）苦恼； （长时间）危害某事物 | |
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157
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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158
knaveries
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| n.流氓行为( knavery的名词复数 ) | |
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159
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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160
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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161
detraction
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| n.减损；诽谤 | |
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162
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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163
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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164
bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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165
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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166
precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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167
stumps
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| （被砍下的树的）树桩( stump的名词复数 )； 残肢； （板球三柱门的）柱； 残余部分 | |
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168
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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169
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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170
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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171
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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172
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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173
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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174
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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175
jubilation
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| n.欢庆，喜悦 | |
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176
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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177
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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178
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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179
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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181
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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182
parenthesis
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| n.圆括号，插入语，插曲，间歇，停歇 | |
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183
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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184
adjured
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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185
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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186
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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187
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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188
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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189
foretells
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的第三人称单数 ) | |
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190
imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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191
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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192
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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