TERCE
In which Severinus speaks to William of a strange book, and William speaks to the envoys1 of a strange concept of temporal government.
The quarrel was still raging when one of the novices2 guarding the door came in, passing through that confu?sion like someone walking across a field lashed3 by hail. He approached William, to whisper that Severinus wanted urgently to speak to him. We went out into the narthex, which was crowded with curious monks5 trying, through the shouts and noise, to catch something of what was going on inside. In the first rank we saw Aymaro of Alessandria, who welcomed us with his usual conde?scending sneer6 of commiseration7 at the foolishness of the universe. “To be sure, since the rise of the mendi?cant8 orders Christianity has become more virtuous10,” he said.
William brushed him aside with a certain roughness and headed for Severinus, awaiting us in a corner. He was distressed11 and wanted to speak to us in private, but it was impossible to find a calm spot in that confusion. We thought to go outside, but Michael of Cesena looked out through the doorway12 of the chapter hall, bidding William to come back in, because, he said, the quarrel was being settled and the series of speeches should be resumed.
William, torn between two bags of hay, urged Severinus to speak, and the herbalist did his best to keep others from overhearing.
“Berengar certainly came to the infirmary before he went to the balneary,” he said.
“How do you know?” Some monks approached, their curiosity aroused by our confabulation. Severinus’s voice sank still lower, as he looked around.
“You told me that that man ... must have had some?thing with him. ... Well, I found something in my laboratory, among the other books ... a book that is not mine, a strange book. ...”
“That must be it,” William said triumphantly14. “Bring it to me at once.”
“I can’t,” Severinus said. “I’ll explain to you later. I have discovered ... I believe I have discovered some?thing interesting. ... You must come, I have to show you the book ... cautiously. ...” He broke off. We real?ized that, silently as was his custom, Jorge had appeared as if by magic at our side. His hands were extended before him, as if, not used to moving in that place, he were trying to sense his direction. A normal person would not have been able to comprehend Severinus’s whispers, but we had learned some time before that forge’s hearing, like that of all blind men, was especially sharp.
Still, the old man seemed to have heard nothing. He moved, in fact, in the direction away from us, touched one of the monks, and asked him something. The monk4 took him gently by the arm and led him outside. At that moment Michael reappeared, again summoning William, and my master made a decision. “Please,” he said to Severinus, “go back at once to the place from whence you came. Lock yourself inside and wait for me. You”—he said to me—“follow Jorge. Even if he did hear something, I don’t believe he will have himself led to the infirmary. In any case, you will tell me where he goes.”
As he started to go back into the hall, he noticed (as I also noticed) Aymaro pushing his way through the jostling crowd in order to follow Jorge outside. Here William acted unwisely, because now in a loud voice, from one end of the narthex to the other, he said to Severinus, who was at the outer threshold, “Make sure those papers are safe. ... Don’t go back to ... where they came from!” Just as I was preparing to follow Jorge, I saw the cellarer leaning against the iamb of the outside door; he had heard William’s warnings and was looking from my master to the herbalist, his face tense with fear. He saw Severinus going out and followed him. On the threshold, I was afraid of losing sight of Jorge, who was about to be swallowed up by the fog, but the other two, heading in the opposite direction, were also on the verge15 of vanishing into the brume. I calculated rapidly what I should do. I had been or?dered to follow the blind man, but because it was feared he was going toward the infirmary. Instead, his guide was taking him in another direction: he was crossing the cloister16, heading for the church or the Aedificium. The cellarer, on the contrary, was surely following the herbalist, and William was worried about what could happen in the laboratory. So I started following the two men, wondering, among other things, where Aymaro had gone, unless he had come out for reasons quite removed from ours.
Keeping a reasonable distance, I did not lose sight of the cellarer, who was slowing his pace because he had realized I was following him. He couldn’t be sure the shadow at his heels was mine, as I couldn’t be sure the shadow whose heels I followed belonged to him; but as I had no doubts about him, he had none about me.
Forcing him to keep an eye on me, I prevented him from dogging Severinus too closely. And so when the door of the infirmary appeared in the mist it was closed. Severinus had already gone inside, heaven be thanked. The cellarer turned once again to look at me,, while I stood motionless as a tree of the garden; then he seemed to come to a decision and he moved toward the kitchen. I felt I had fulfilled my mission, so I decided17 to go back and report. Perhaps I made a mistake: if I had remained on guard, many other misfortunes would have been averted18. But this I know now; I did not know it then.
I went back into the chapter hall. That busybody, it seemed to me, did not represent a great danger. I approached William again and briefly19 gave him my report. He nodded his approval, then motioned me to be silent. The confusion was now abating20.. The legates on both sides were exchanging the kiss of peace. The Bishop21 of Alborea praised the faith of the Minorites. Jerome exalted22 the charity of the preachers, all expressed the hope of a church no longer racked by internal conflicts. Some praised the strength of one group, some the temperance of another; all invoked23 justice and counseled prudence24. Never have I seen so many men so sincerely concerned with the triumph of the cardinal25 and theological virtues26.
But now Bertrand del Poggetto was inviting27 William to expound28 the theses of the imperial theologians. William rose, reluctantly: he was realizing that the meeting was of no utility, and in any case he was in a hurry to leave, for the mysterious book was now more urgent for him, than the results of the meeting. But it was clear he could not evade29 his duty.
He began speaking then, with many “eh”s and “oh”s, perhaps more than usual and more than proper, as if to make it clear he was absolutely unsure about the things he was going to say, and he opened by affirming that he understood perfectly30 the viewpoint of those who had spoken before him, and for that matter what others called the “doctrine” of the imperial theologians was no more than some scattered32 observations that did not claim to be established articles of faith.
He said, further, that, given the immense goodness that God had displayed in creating the race of His sons, loving them all without distinction, recalling those pages of Genesis in which there was yet no mention of priests and kings, considering also that the Lord had given to Adam and to his descendants power over the things of this earth, provided they obeyed the divine laws, we might infer that the Lord also was not averse33 to the idea that in earthly things the people should be legisla?tor and effective first cause of the law. By the term “people,” he said, it would be best to signify all citizens, but since among citizens children must be included, as well as idiots, malefactors, and women, perhaps it would be possible to arrive reasonably at a definition of the people as the better part of the citizens, though he himself at the moment did not consider it opportune34 to assert who actually belonged to that part.
He cleared his throat, apologized to his listeners, remarking that the atmosphere was certainly very damp, and suggested that the way in which the people could express its will might be an elective general assembly. He said that to him it seemed sensible for such an assembly to be empowered to interpret, change, or suspend the law, because if the law is made by one man alone, he could do harm through ignorance or malice35, and William added that it was unnecessary to remind those present of numerous recent instances. I noticed that the listeners, rather puzzled by his previous words, could only assent36 to these last ones, because each was obviously thinking of a different person, and each considered very bad the person of whom he was thinking.
Well, then, William continued, if one man can make laws badly, will not many men be better? Naturally, he underlined, he was speaking of earthly laws, regarding the management of civil things. God had told Adam not to eat of the tree of good and evil, and that was divine law; but then He had authorized37, or, rather, encouraged, Adam to give things names, and on that score He had allowed His terrestrial subject free rein38. In fact, though some in our times say that nomina sunt consequentia rerum, the book of Genesis is actually quite explicit39 on this point: God brought all the animals unto Adam to see what he would call them: and whatso?ever Adam called every living creature, that was the name thereof. And though surely the first man had been clever enough to call, in his Adamic language, every thing and animal according to its nature, never?theless he was exercising a kind of sovereign right in imagining the name that in his opinion best corresponded to that nature. Because, in fact, it is now known that men impose different names to designate concepts, though only the concepts, signs of things, are the same for all. So that surely the word “nomen” comes from “nomos,” that is to say “law,” since nomina are given by men ad placitum, in other words by free and collective accord.
The listeners did not dare contest this learned demonstration40.
Whereby, William concluded, is it clear that legisla?tion over the things of this earth, and therefore over the things of the cities and kingdoms, has nothing to do with the custody41 and administration of the divine word, an unalienable privilege of the ecclesiastical hierarchy42. Unhappy indeed, William said, are the infidels, who have no similar authority to interpret for them the divine word (and all felt sorry for the infidels). But does this perhaps entitle us to say that the infidels do not have the tendency to make laws and administer their affairs through governments, kings, emperors, or sultans, caliphs, or however you chose to call them? And could it be denied that many Roman emperors?—Trajan, for instance—had exercised their temporal pow?er with wisdom? And who gave the pagans and the infidels this natural capacity to legislate43 and live in political communities? Was it perhaps their false divinities, who necessarily do not exist (or do not exist necessarily, however you understand the negation44 of this modality)? Certainly not. It could only have been conferred by the God of hosts, the God of Israel, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. ... Wondrous45 proof of the divine good?ness that conferred the capacity for judging political things also on those who deny the authority of the Roman Pontiff and do not profess46 the same sacred, sweet, and terrible mysteries of the Christian9 people! But what finer demonstration than this of the fact that temporal rule and secular47 jurisdiction48 have nothing to do with the church and with the law of Jesus Christ and were ordained49 by God beyond all ecclesiastical confir?mation and even before our holy religion was founded?
He coughed again, but this time he was not alone. Many of those present were wriggling50 on their benches and clearing their throats. I saw the cardinal run his tongue over his lips and make a gesture, anxious but polite, to urge William to get to the point. And William now grappled with what seemed to all, even to those who did not share them, the perhaps unpleasant conclu?sions of his incontrovertible reasoning. William said that his deductions51 seemed to him supported by the very example of Christ, who did not come into this world to command, but to be subject to the conditions he found in the world, at least as far as the laws of Caesar were concerned. He did not want the apostles to have command and dominion52, and therefore it seemed a wise thing that the successors of the apostles should be relieved of any worldly or coercive power. If the pope, the bishops53, and the priests were not subject to the worldly and coercive power of the prince, the authority of the prince would be challenged, and thus, with it, an order would be challenged that, as had been demonstrated previously54, had been decreed by God. To be sure, some delicate cases must be considered—William said—like those of the heretics, on whose heresy55 only the church, custodian56 of the truth, can pronounce, though only the secular arm can act. When the church identifies some heretics she must surely point them out to the prince, who must rightly be informed of the conditions of his citizens. But what should the prince do with a heretic? Condemn57 him in the name of that divine truth of which he is not the custodian? The prince can and must condemn the heretic if his action harms the community, that is, if the heretic, in declar?ing his heresy, kills or impedes58 those who do not share it. But at that point the power of the prince ends, because no one on this earth can be forced through torture to follow the precepts59 of the Gospel: otherwise what would become of that free will on the exercising of which each of us will be judged in the next world? The church can and must warn the heretic that he is abandoning the community of the faithful, but she cannot judge him on earth and force him against his will. If Christ had wanted his priests to obtain coercive power, he would have laid down specific precepts as Moses did in the ancient law. He did not do it; there?fore13 he did not wish it. Or does someone want to suggest the idea that he did wish it but lacked the time or the ability to say so in three years of preaching? But it was right that he should not wish it, because if he had wished it, then the pope would be able to impose his will on the king, and Christianity would no longer be a law of freedom, but one of intolerable slavery.
All this, William added with a cheerful expression, is no limitation of the powers of the supreme60 Pontiff, but, rather, an exaltation of his mission: because the servant of the servants of God is on this earth to serve and not to be served. And, finally, it would be odd, to say the least, if the Pope had jurisdiction over the things of the Roman Empire’ but not over the other kingdoms of the earth. As everyone knows, what the Pope says on di?vine questions is as valid61 for the subjects of the King of France as it is for those of the King of England, but it must be valid also for the subjects of the Great Khan or the Sultan of the infidels, who are called infidels pre?cisely because they are not faithful to this beautiful truth. And so if the Pope were to assume he had temporal jurisdiction—as pope—only over the affairs of the empire, that might justify62 the suspicion that, identi?fying temporal jurisdiction with the spiritual, by that same token he would have no spiritual jurisdiction over not only the Saracens or the Tartars, but also over the French and the English—which would be a criminal blasphemy63. And this was the reason, my master concluded, why it seemed right to him to suggest that the church of Avignon was injuring all mankind by asserting the right to approve or suspend him who had been elected emperor of the Romans. The Pope does not have greater rights over the empire than over other kingdoms, and since neither the King of France nor the Sultan is subject to the Pope’s approval, there seems to be no good reason why the Emperor of the Germans and Italians should be subject to it. Such subjection is not a matter of divine right, because Scripture64 does not speak of it. Nor is it sanctioned by the rights of peoples, for the reasons already expounded65. As for the connection with the dispute about poverty, William added, his own humble66 opinions, developed in the form of conversa?tional suggestions by him and by some others such as Marsilius of Padua and John of Jandun, led to the following conclusions: if the Franciscans wanted to re?main poor, the Pope could not and should not oppose such a virtuous wish. To be sure, if the hypothesis of Christ’s poverty were to be proved, this would not only help the Minorites but also strengthen the idea that Jesus had not wished any earthly jurisdiction. But that morning he, William, had heard very wise people assert that it could not be proved that Christ had been poor. Whence it seemed to him more fitting to reverse the demonstration. Since nobody had asserted, or could assert, that Jesus had sought any earthly jurisdiction for himself or for his disciples67, this detachment of Jesus from temporal things seemed sufficient evidence to suggest the belief, without sinning, that Jesus, on the contrary, preferred poverty.
William had spoken in such a meek68 tone, he had expressed his certainties in such a hesitant way, that none of those present was able to stand up, and rebut69. This does not mean that all were convinced of what he had said. The Avignonese were now writhing70, frowning, and muttering comments among themselves, and even the abbot seemed unfavorably impressed by those words, as if he were thinking this was not the relationship he had desired between his order and the empire. And as for the Minorites, Michael of Cesena was puzzled, Jerome aghast, Ubertino pensive71.
The silence was broken by Cardinal del Poggetto, still smiling and relaxed as he politely asked William wheth?er he would go to Avignon to say these same thins to the lord Pope. William asked the opinion of the cardinal, who said that the Pope had heard many debatable opinions uttered during his life and was a most loving father toward all his sons, but surely these propositions would grieve him very much.
Bernard Gui, who until then had not opened his mouth, now spoke31 up: “I would be very happy if Brother William, so skilled and eloquent72 in expounding73 his own ideas, were to submit them to the judgment74 of the Pontiff. ...”
“You have convinced me, my lord Bernard,” William said. “I will not come.” Then, addressing the cardinal, in an apologetic tone: “You know, this fluxion that is affecting my chest dissuades75 me from undertaking76 such a long journey in this season. ...”
“Then why did you speak at such length?” the cardi?nal asked.
“To bear witness to the truth,” William said humbly77. “The truth shall make us free.”
“Ah, no!” Jean de Baune exploded at this point. “Here we are not talking about the truth that makes us free, but about excessive freedom that wants to set itself up as truth!”
“That is also possible,” William admitted sweetly.
My intuition suddenly warned me that another tem?pest of hearts and tongues was about to burst, far more furious than, the earlier one. But nothing happened. While de Baune was still speaking, the captain of the archers78 entered and went to whisper something into Bernard’s ear. Bernard rose abruptly79 and held up his hand to speak.
“Brothers,” he said, “it is possible this profitable discussion may be resumed, but for the moment an event of tremendous gravity obliges us to suspend our session, with the abbot’s permission. Something has happened there. ...” He pointed80 vaguely81 outside, then strode through the hall and went out. Many followed him, William among the first, and I with him.
My master looked at me and said, “I fear something has happened to Severinus.”
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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novices
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| n.新手( novice的名词复数 )；初学修士（或修女）；（修会等的）初学生；尚未赢过大赛的赛马 | |
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lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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doorway
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| n.门口，(喻)入门；门路，途径 | |
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fore
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| adv.在前面；adj.先前的；在前部的；n.前部 | |
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triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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abating
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| 减少( abate的现在分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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expound
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| v.详述；解释；阐述 | |
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evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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rein
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| n.疆绳，统治，支配；vt.以僵绳控制，统治 | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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negation
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| n.否定；否认 | |
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wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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50
wriggling
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| v.扭动，蠕动，蜿蜒行进( wriggle的现在分词 )；（使身体某一部位）扭动；耍滑不做，逃避（应做的事等）；蠕蠕 | |
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deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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custodian
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| n.保管人，监护人；公共建筑看守 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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impedes
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的第三人称单数 ) | |
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precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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68
meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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rebut
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| v.辩驳，驳回 | |
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writhing
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| （因极度痛苦而）扭动或翻滚( writhe的现在分词 ) | |
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pensive
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| a.沉思的,哀思的,忧沉的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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expounding
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的现在分词 ) | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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dissuades
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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