(Christmas 1533 to June 1534.)
The maid of Kent having been executed, her partisans1 rallied round another woman, who represented the Romish system in its highest features, as Elizabeth Barton had represented it in its more vulgar phase. After the nun2 came the queen.
=QUEEN CATHERINE'S FIRMNESS.=
Catherine had always claimed the honors due to the Queen of England, and her attendants yielded them to her. 'We made oath to her as queen,' they said, 'and the king cannot discharge our consciences.' Whenever Lord Mountjoy, royal commissioner3 to the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, called her 'princess,' she raised her head haughtily4 and said to him: 'You shall answer
{19}
for this before God.'[36] 'Ah!' exclaimed Mountjoy, fretted5 by the vexations of his office, 'I would a thousand times rather serve the king in the most dangerous cause!' Mary having also received an injunction to drop her title of princess, made answer: 'I shall believe no such order, unless I see his Majesty6's signature.' The most notable partisans of Roman catholicism, and even the ambassador of Charles V., paid the queen frequent visits. Henry became uneasy, and shortly before Christmas 1533 he took measures to remove her from her friends. Catherine opposed everything. Suffolk wrote to the king: 'I have never seen such an obstinate7 woman.' But there was a man quite as obstinate, and that was Henry.
His most cherished desires had not been satisfied: he had no son. Should he chance to die, he would leave two daughters, Mary and Elizabeth; the former supported by the partisans of the old times, the latter by those of the new. Civil war would probably decide to whom the crown should belong. It was necessary to prevent such a misfortune. The Lords and Commons, therefore, petitioned the king, no doubt at his instigation, that his marriage with Lady Catherine should be declared null, and her child illegitimate; that his marriage with Queen Anne should be recognized as valid8, and the children issuing from it alone entitled to succeed. All classes of people immediately took the statutory oath; even the monks9 bowed their heads. They said: 'Bound to render to our king Henry VIII. and to him alone after Jesus Christ,[37] fidelity10 and worship, we promise inviolable obedience11 to our said lord as well as to our most serene12 Queen Anne, his wife, and to their children; and we profess13 perpetual respect for the holy and chaste14 marriage which they have legitimately15
{20}
contracted.'[38] This forced testimony16, borne to Anne by the monastic orders, is one of the numerous monuments of the despotism of Henry VIII. and of the moral weakness of the monks.
But in this oath of allegiance the king had meditated17 a more important object—to banish18 the papacy from England. The monks bound themselves not only to recognize the prescribed order of succession, but further to substitute the primacy of the king for that of the pope. 'We affirm,' they said, 'that King Henry is the head of the Anglican Church, that the Roman bishop19, falsely styled pope and sovereign pontiff, has no more authority than any other bishop; and we promise to preach Christ simply and openly according to the rule of Scripture20 and of the orthodox and catholic doctors.' A sign, a word from the State was sufficient to make the papal army pass from the camp of Rome to the camp of the king.
The 'famous question,'[39] that of the Romish jurisdiction21, was also put before the two universities. On the 2nd May Cambridge declared, that 'all its doctors having carefully examined the Holy Scriptures22, had not discovered the primacy of the pope in them.' The clergy23 of the province of York, led by the archbishop Edward Lee, a churchman full of talent, activity, and vanity, stoutly24 resisted at first; but eventually the prelate wrote to the king on the 2nd June that 'according to the unanimous opinion of his clergy, the pope in conformity25 with the Holy Scriptures had no more authority in England than any other foreign ecclesiastic26.'[40] Henry, not content with the proclamations of his council and the declarations of parliament, required for his separation from Rome the suffrage27 of the Church; and the Church, probably
{21}
more from weakness than conviction, gave it. However, without reckoning the members of the clergy who, like the primate28, wanted no pope, there were many bishops29 who, at heart, were not sorry to be liberated30 from the perpetual encroachments of the Roman court.
=RESISTANCE AGAINST INVASION.=
A rumor31 from the continent suddenly disquieted32 the king among all his easy triumphs; a more formidable enemy than those monks and bishops was rising against him. It was reported that the emperor was not only recruiting soldiers in Flanders, but was forwarding considerable numbers from Bohemia, Germany, Italy, and Spain for the invasion of England.[41] Francis I. could not permit this kingdom, so close to his own, to be occupied by the armies of Charles V. his constant enemy; he determined33 therefore to have an interview with Henry, and to that intent sent over the Seigneur De la Guiche, his chamberlain and counsellor.[42] Henry replied that it would be difficult to leave England just at a time when pope and emperor spoke34 of invading him; the more so as he must leave his 'most dearly beloved queen' (Anne Boleyn) and his young daughter, the Princess Elizabeth; as well as another daughter and her mother, the aunt of Charles V., whose partisans were conspiring35 against him. 'Ask my good brother the king,' said Henry to De la Guiche, 'to collect a fleet of ships, galleys36, and barks to prevent the emperor's landing. And in case that prince should invade either France or England, let us agree that the one who is not called upon to defend his own kingdom shall march into
{22}
Charles's territories.' However, Henry consented to go as far as Calais.[43]
There was another invasion which, in Henry's eyes, was much more to be dreaded37. That king—a greater king perhaps than is ordinarily supposed—maintained that no prince, whether his name was Charles or Clement38, had any business to meddle39 with his kingdom. The act of the 23rd March, by which the pope had condemned40 him, had terminated his long endurance: Clement VII. had declared war against him and Henry VIII. accepted it. A man, though he be ordinarily the slave of his passions, has sometimes impulses which belong to great characters. Henry determined to finish with the pope as the pope had finished with him. He will declare himself master in his own island; dauntlessly he will brave Rome and the imperial power ready to assail41 him. Erelong the fire which consumed him appeared to kindle42 his subjects. The political party, at the head of which were Suffolk and Gardiner, was ready to give up the papacy, even while maintaining the dogmas of catholicism. The evangelical party desired to go farther, and drive the catholic doctrines43 out of England. These two hostile sections united their forces against the common enemy.
At the head of the evangelicals, who were eventually to prevail under the son of Henry VIII., were two men of great intelligence, destined44 to be powerful instruments in the enfranchisement45 of England. Cranmer, the ecclesiastical leader of the party, gave way too easily to the royal pressure; but being a moderate theologian, a conscientious46 Christian47, a skilful48 administrator49, and indefatigable50 worker, he carefully studied the Scriptures, the Fathers, and even the Schoolmen; he took note of their sayings, and strengthened by their opinions, continued the work of the Reformation with calmness and perseverance51. Beside him stood Cromwell, the lay
{23}
leader of protestant feeling. Gifted in certain respects with a generous character, he loved to benefit those who had helped him in adversity; but too attentive52 to his own interests, he profited by the Reformation to increase his riches and honors. Inferior to Cranmer in moral qualities, he had a surer and a wider glance than the primate; he saw clearly the end for which he must strive and the means necessary to be employed, and combined much activity with his talents. These leaders were strongly supported. A certain number of ministers and lay members of the Church desired an evangelical reform in England. Latimer, a popular orator53, was the tribune commissioned to scatter54 through the nation the principles whose triumph Cranmer and Cromwell sought. He preached throughout the whole extent of the province of Canterbury; but if his bold language enlightened the well-disposed, it irritated the priests and monks. His great reputation led to his being invited to preach before the king and queen. Cranmer, fearing his incisive55 language and sarcastic56 tone, begged him to say nothing in the pulpit that would indicate any soreness about his late disgrace. 'In your sermon let not any sparkle or suspicion of grudge57 appear to remain in you.[44] If you attack with the Word of God any sin or superstition58, do it without passion.' Latimer preached, and Anne Boleyn was so charmed by his evangelical simplicity59, Christian eloquence60, and apostolic zeal61, that she made him her chaplain. Latimer takes his place by the side of Cranmer among the reformers of the English Church.
=THE PAPAL AUTHORITY ABOLISHED.=
The evangelical and the political parties being thus agreed to support the prince, Henry determined to strike the decisive blow. On the 9th June, 1534, about three months after he had been condemned at Rome, he signed at Westminster the proclamation 'for the abolishing of the usurped62 power of the pope.'[45] The
{24}
king declared: 'That having been acknowledged next after God, supreme63 head of the Church of England, he abolished the authority of the bishop of Rome throughout his realm, and commanded all bishops to preach and have preached, every Sunday and holy day, the sweet and sincere Word of the Lord; to teach that the jurisdiction of the Church belongs to him alone, and to blot64 out of all canons, liturgies65, and other works the name of the bishop of Rome and his pompous66 titles, so that his name and memory be never more remembered in the kingdom of England, except to his contumely and reproach.[46] By so doing you will advance the honor of God Almighty67, manifest the imperial majesty of your sovereign lord, and procure68 for the people unity69, tranquillity70, and prosperity.'
=THE CHURCH, A STATE-DEPARTMENT.=
Would these orders be executed? If there remained in any university, convent, parish, or even in any wretched presbytery, a breviary in which the name of the pope was written; if on the altar of any poor country church a missal was found with these four letters unerased—it was a crime. If every weed be not plucked up, thought the king's counsellors, the garden will soon be entirely71 overrun. The obstinacy72 of the clergy, their stratagems73, their pious74 frauds were a mystery to nobody. Henry was persuaded, and his counsellors still more so, that the bishops would make no opposition75; they resolved therefore to direct the sheriffs to see that the king's orders were strictly76 carried out. 'We command you,' said that prince, 'under pain of our high indignation, to put aside all human respect, to place God's glory solely77 before you, and, at the risk of exposing yourselves to the greatest perils78, to make and order diligent79 search to be made.[47] Inform yourselves whether
{25}
in every part of your county the bishop executes our commands without veil or dissimulation80. And in case you should observe that he neglects some portion, or carries out our orders coldly, or presents this measure in a bad light, we command you strictly to inform us and our council with all haste.
'If you hesitate or falter81 in the commission we give you, rest assured that being a prince who loves justice, we will punish you with such severity that all our subjects will take care for the future not to disobey our commands.'
Everybody could see that Henry was in earnest, and immediately after this energetic proclamation, those who were backward hastened to make their submission82. The dean and chapter of St. Paul's made their protest against the pope on the 20th June. On the 27th the University of Oxford83, in an act where they described the king as 'that most wise Solomon,' declared unanimously that it was contrary to the Word of God to acknowledge any superiority whatsoever84 in the bishop of Rome. A great number of churches and monasteries85 set their seals to similar declarations.[48]
Such was the first pastoral of the prince who claimed now to govern the Church. He seemed desirous of making it a mere86 department of the State. Henry allowed the bishops to remain, but he employed the functionaries87 of police and justice to overlook their episcopate; and that office was imposed upon them in such terms that they must necessarily look sharp after the transgressors. First and foremost the king wanted his own way in his family, in the State, and in the Church. The latter was to him as a ship which he had just captured: the captain was driven out, but for fear lest he should return, he threw overboard all who he thought might betray him. With haughty88 head and naked
{26}
sword Henry VIII. entered the new realm which he had conquered. He was far from resembling Him whom the prophets had announced: Behold89 thy king cometh unto thee, meek90 and lowly.
=FORM THE CHURCH SHOULD TAKE.=
The power in the Church having been taken from the pope, to whom should it have been committed?
Scripture calls the Christian people a holy nation, a royal priesthood;[49] words which show that, after God, the authority belongs to them. And, in fact, the first act of the Church, the election of an apostle in the place of Judas, was performed by the brethren assembled in one place.[50] When it became necessary to appoint deacons, the twelve apostles once more summoned 'the multitude of the disciples91.'[51] And later still, the evangelists, the delegates of the flocks, were selected by the voice of the churches.[52]
It is a principle of reason, that authority, where a corporate92 body is concerned, resides in the totality of its members. This principle of reason is also that of the Word of God.
When the Church became more numerous it was called upon to delegate (at least partially) a power that it could no longer exercise wholly of itself. In the apostolic age the Christians93, called to form this delegation94, adopted the forms with which they were familiar. After the pattern of the council of elders, which existed in the Jewish synagogues, and of the assembly of decurions, which exercised municipal functions in the cities of the pagans,[53] the Christian Church had in every town a council, composed of men of irreproachable95 life, vigilant96, prudent97, apt to teach,[54] but distinct from those who were called doctors, evangelists, or ministers of the Word.[55] Still the Christians never entertained the idea
{27}
of giving themselves a universal chief, after the image of the emperor. Jesus Christ and his Word were amply sufficient. It was not until many centuries later that this anti-Christian institution appeared in history.
The authority, which in England had been taken away from the pope, should return in accordance with scriptural principles to the members of the Church; and if, following the example of the primitive98 Christians, they had adopted the forms existing in their own country in the sixteenth century, they would have placed as directors of the Church—Christ remaining their sole king—one or two houses or assemblies, authorized99 to provide for the ecclesiastical administration, the maintenance of a pure faith, and the spiritual prosperity of that vast body. These assemblies would have been composed, as in the primitive times, of a majority of Christian laymen100, with the addition of ministers; and both would have been elected by believers whose faith was in conformity with that of the Church.[56]
But was there at that time in England a sufficient number of enlightened Christians to become members of these assemblies, and even to hold the elections which were to appoint them? It is doubtful. They were not to be found even in Germany. 'I have nobody to put in them,' said Luther; 'but if the thing becomes feasible, I shall not be wanting in my duty.'[57] This form of government not being possible in England then, according to the Reformer's expression, two other forms offered themselves. If the first were adopted, the authority would be remitted101 to the clergy; but that would have been to perpetuate102 the doctrines and rites103 of popery and to lead back infallibly to the domination of Rome. The most dangerous government for the Church is the government of priests: they commonly rob it of liberty, spontaneousness, evangelical faith, and life.
{28}
There remained no alternative then but to confide104 the supreme authority in the Church to the State; and this is what was generally done in the sixteenth century. But men of the greatest experience in these matters have agreed that the government of the religious society by the civil power can only be a temporary expedient105, and have universally proclaimed the great principle, 'that the essence of all society is to be governed by itself.'[58] To deny this axiom would be utterly106 contrary not only to liberty, but, further still, contrary to justice.
We must not forget when we speak of the relations between Church and State, that there are three different systems:—the government of the Church by the State; the union of the Church, governing itself, with the State; and their complete separation. There is no reason for pronouncing here upon the relative value of the two last systems.
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1
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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fretted
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| 焦躁的，附有弦马的，腐蚀的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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legitimately
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| ad.合法地；正当地，合理地 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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primate
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| n.灵长类（目）动物，首席主教；adj.首要的 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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disquieted
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| v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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51
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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52
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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53
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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54
scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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55
incisive
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| adj.敏锐的，机敏的，锋利的，切入的 | |
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sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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57
grudge
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| n.不满，怨恨，妒嫉；vt.勉强给，不情愿做 | |
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58
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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59
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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62
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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65
liturgies
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| n.礼拜仪式( liturgy的名词复数 )；（英国国教的）祈祷书 | |
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pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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70
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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73
stratagems
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| n.诡计，计谋( stratagem的名词复数 )；花招 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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83
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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85
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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88
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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irreproachable
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| adj.不可指责的，无过失的 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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101
remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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102
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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103
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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104
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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105
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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106
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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