(Spring, 1536.)
Duke Hercules of Este had remarked that certain changes had taken place since the arrival of the Frenchman. Calvin's discussion with François the chaplain could not be kept secret. Borgia's grandson knew that the pope, under the pretence1 of heresy2, might deprive him of his states; already his father, Duke Alphonso, through being on bad terms with Rome, had passed many years in exile. The Inquisition had a tribunal at Ferrara, and what was going on at court was more than enough to alarm it. A report had been made to the pope; Charles V. had been informed; and Paul III. proposed a treaty to the duke, in which there was a secret article stipulating3 the removal of all the French then at Ferrara; but there was one among them for whom a severer fate was reserved. The duke, retracting4 the indulgence he had conceded to his wife, declared
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that he was resolved to put an end to the schismatic intrigues5 of which the court was the theatre; that the count and countess of Marennes, Soubise, the other gentleman, and even Marot, must quit his states; 'and as for M. d'Espeville,' he added, 'know, madam, that if he is discovered, he will forthwith be dragged to punishment on account of religion.'[809]
=TRIALS OF RENEE.=
This order was like a thunderstroke to Renée. Called to leave the land of her ancestors, she had created a little France at Ferrara; and now, all who gave her any comfort in her exile were about to be torn from her. Rome would deprive her of that pious6 and learned teacher who had given her such good counsel; perhaps he would expiate7 on an Italian scaffold the crime of having proclaimed the Gospel. All the lords and ladies of the court, and even the satirical Marot, were to leave Ferrara. Leon Jamet seems to have been the only Frenchman permitted to stay; the duchess, who required a secretary, had obtained her husband's permission for this ex-clerk of the treasury8 to remain with her in that character. Thus the daughter of Louis XII., after the bright days she had enjoyed, was condemned9 to remain almost alone in her palace, as in a gloomy chamber10; her slightest movements were watched; she was tormented11 by priests whom she despised, and exposed by the grandson of Borgia to unjust harshness. Marot, touched by so many misfortunes, and knowing the part which the queen of Navarre, Renée's cousin, would take in this great trial, addressed her in these touching12 lines:
Ah! Marguerite, écoute la souffrance
Du noble cœur de Renée de France;
Puis comme cœur, plus fort en espérance,
Console-la.
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Tu sais comment hors son pays alla,
Et que parents et amis laissa là;
Mais tu sais quel traitement elle a
En terre étrange![810]
Renée was to suffer a pain still greater than that caused by the dismissal 'beyond the mountains' of her friends from France. That iniquitous13 institution, decorated with the name of the Holy Office, which was destined14 a little later to make thousands of martyrs15 in Spain, the Netherlands, and other countries, desired for the moment to strike the teacher who had excited the greatest terror and hatred16 at Rome. The Inquisition had discovered Calvin's residence. His name and his crime were inscribed17 in the black-book of that cruel institution.[811] Heresy was flourishing at the court of Este; the chief culprit was pointed18 out, and if the others were allowed to depart, he at least must be punished.
=CALVIN'S ARREST.=
Calvin, forewarned of what was going on, was at the palace Del Magistrato, where he and Du Tillet lived, and was hurriedly getting ready for his departure, when the agents of the inquisitors, who were on the watch, arrived, seized the 'pestiferous disturber,' and dragged him away a prisoner.[812] It was not their intention to leave him in a place where the evangelical doctor possessed19 many influential20 friends. They determined21 to have him tried at Bologna, a city in the States of the Pope, not far distant from Ferrara, where they would be entirely22 the masters. The young Frenchman was therefore placed in the charge of some familiars of the Holy Office, and guarded by them was to proceed to that ancient city which boasted of possessing within its walls the ashes of St. Dominick, the founder23 of the Inquisition.
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Calvin began the journey, surrounded by the men appointed to conduct him. He might then have said of himself, as he afterwards said of another: 'Although he hopes still, he is assailed24 by a hundred deaths, so that there is not an opening, be it ever so small, for escape.'[813] The tribunal of the Inquisition, which was never tender, would certainly not be so towards a heretic of this kind. The squadron which had him in charge, turning towards the south, crossed a fertile country and proceeded without obstacle towards the city of Bologna.[814] They had already gone more than halfway25, when some armed men suddenly made their appearance.[815] They stopped the escort, and ordered them to release their prisoner. We do not know whether there was any resistance; but this much is certain, that the inquisitors, little accustomed to yield, saw the doctor taken from them whom they were conducting to certain death. Calvin was set at liberty[816] and strained every nerve to get out of Italy.
His sojourn26 in that country, as we read of it in authentic27 documents, is far from being a blank page, as some have supposed. The last event that we have mentioned, according to Muratori, has even a particular interest. It reminds us of a well-known circumstance in the history of the German reformation, when Luther, returning from Worms, was carried off by horsemen masked and armed from head to foot. But Calvin's case was more serious than that of the Saxon reformer, who was taken to a castle belonging to friends, beyond the reach of danger; while Calvin was left alone, almost in the middle of Italy, and forced to make his way
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through a hostile country, where he ran the risk of being arrested again.
It has been asked who snatched this choice prey28 from the tribunals of Rome, and even in the states of the pope; whence did the blow proceed?[817] It was bold and rash; it exposed its contrivers and agents to great danger, for the papacy and the Inquisition were all-powerful in Italy. A strong affection, a great respect for the reformer, and boundless29 devotion to the cause of truth, can alone account for such an audacious adventure. One person only in the Italian peninsula was capable of contriving30 it and of carrying it out, and that was—is it necessary to say?—the daughter of Louis XII. Everybody ascribed the reformer's liberation to her. It might be expected that the Inquisition, always so suspicious and severe, would be implacable in its vengeance31. Renée escaped, at least for the moment. It is possible that Hercules of Este exerted his influence at the pontifical32 court to hush33 up the affair, and promised to keep the duchess closer in future. He kept his word but too well.
Calvin did not hesitate to take advantage of this rescue; but from that moment we have no sufficient data about him or his route. To find any traces of him, we must examine local traditions, which ought not to be despised, but which do not supply us with historical certainty. It was natural—the map indicates it—that the fugitive34 should turn his steps in the direction of Modena. In the environs of that city there lived a celebrated35 man of letters, Ludovico Castelvetro, who was suspected of heresy. He was an esteemed36 critic and skilful37 translator; he had rendered into Italian one of Melanchthon's writings, and when he quitted Italy many years after this, he passed through Geneva, where he visited some friends. When the ancient villa38 of Castelvetro
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was pulled down in the first half of this century, the workmen discovered a sealed chest, which contained the earliest editions of Calvin's works in marvellous preservation39.[818] The reformer had no doubt heard this scholar mentioned at the court of Ferrara; but there is nothing to prove that he sought a temporary asylum40 under the roof of Melanchthon's translator, who does not appear to have made at that time a frank profession of the Gospel.[819]
=CALVIN'S ROUTE.=
Tradition relates that Calvin, instead of going northwards towards Switzerland, skirted the Apennines, turned to the west, and reached the Val di Grana, between Saluzzo and Coni, where he preached. It is affirmed that the priests of the village of Carigliano so excited the women of the parish, that with savage41 cries they stoned the Frenchman out of the place. It is added that Calvin went thence to Saluzzo, and preached there, but with as little success.[820] In our opinion, these traditions are not sufficiently42 corroborated43 to deserve a place in history. It seems more likely that Calvin took the shortest road to Switzerland and made for the St. Bernard pass. If he had possessed leisure for evangelical excursions, he might no doubt have gone to the Waldensian valleys, which his cousin Olivetan had visited, and where the latter had conceived the project of translating the Bible, at which he himself also labored45 and was still to labor44. But there is no indication of his having ever visited those mountains. He arrived at the city of Aosta.
=THE CITY OF AOSTA.=
The first gleams of the Word of God were beginning, as we have said, to enlighten that cisalpine region which lies at the foot of the St. Bernard, Mont Blanc, and Mont Rosa. Aosta, founded by Augustus, after whom
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it was named, had received an evangelical impulse from Switzerland. The Bernese had thought that if the Divine Word crossing the St. Gothard had made conquests near the banks of the Ticino, it might make others in the valley of Aosta by crossing the St. Bernard. Italian, Bernese, and Genevan documents all bear witness alike to the religious fermentation then prevailing46 in that city. 'The Gospel is spreading beyond the mountains,' wrote Porral, the envoy47 of Geneva at Berne, 'and it must go forward in despite of princes, for it is from God.' Ere long the Roman hierarchy48 made use of their customary weapons against those who embraced the Reform, and Porral announced that the Aostans had 'serious questions with their bishop49, on account of the excommunications, which they could not bear.'[821] We have told how the Bernese plenipotentiaries went to Aosta in November 1535, to confer with the duke of Savoy. They pleaded there in favor of Geneva, and demanded the liberation of Saunier, then a prisoner at Pignerol.[822] They talked with everybody they met about the great questions then under discussion, and invited them to receive the teaching of Holy Scripture50. Some dwellers51 in the valley, both among the nobility and burghers, welcomed the principles of the Reformation.[823] Among those won to the Gospel were the Seigneurs De la Crète and De la Visière, the pious and zealous52 Leonard de Vaudan, Besenval, Tillier, Challans, Bovet, Borgnion, Philippon, Gay, and others.[824]
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But if there were hearts in the valley of Aosta ready to receive the Gospel, there were others determined to resist it. At the head of its opponents were two eminent53 men. Among the laity54 was Count René de Challans, marshal of Aosta, full of enthusiasm for popery and feudalism, and bursting with contempt for the heretics and republicans of Switzerland. Distressed55 at witnessing the reverses suffered by his master, the duke of Savoy, he had sworn that in Aosta at least he would exterminate56 the Lutherans. His fellow-soldier in this crusade was Pietro Gazzini, bishop of Aosta, one of the most famous prelates of Italy. Priests and devotees extolled57 his virtues58 and his learning, but what distinguished59 him most was the haughty60 temper and domineering humor which so often characterizes the priests of Rome. Gazzini was a canon of the Lateran, the first patriarchal church of the west, and served as the channel between the duke and the pope. He was at Rome when evangelical doctrine61 began to spread in his diocese, and he then tried to manage that the council, which was to put an end to heresy, should be held in the states of the duke his master.[825] He even carried his ambition for his sovereign very far. 'It was becoming,' he told the pontiff, 'that the direction of the council should be given to the duke of Savoy by the emperor and the king of France.'[826] The direction of a council given to a secular62 prince by the pope and two other secular princes is an idea apparently63 not in strict harmony with the theocratic64 omnipotence65 of the pontiff, which many men boast of so loudly.
In the bishop's absence there was a person at Aosta quite worthy66 of supplying his place: this was the
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guardian67 of the Franciscan monastery68, Antonio Savion (Antonius de Sapientibus), a well-informed, zealous man, who afterwards became general of the order, and was one of the fathers of the Council of Trent. Savion uttered a cry of alarm.
One day, when Gazzini was performing his duties in the basilica of St. John, he received letters describing the state of affairs at Aosta. The alarmed prelate did not hesitate. 'When Calvin's heresy was penetrating69 into his diocese,' said Besson, the Savoyard priest, 'he hastened to block up the road.'[827]
As soon as the bishop arrived, he visited every parish with indefatigable70 diligence; he went into the pulpits and 'kept the people in sound doctrine by his sermons.'[828] He told them that 'Satan was prowling about, like a roaring lion, to devour71 them; that they must therefore keep a strict watch and drive back the ferocious72 beast.' To these exhortations73 he added censures74, monitions, and excommunications. All readers of Holy Scripture were to be driven from the fold of the church.
A general assembly of the Estates of the valley to regulate the affairs of the district was held on the 21st of February, 1536. Among the deputies were several friends of the Reformation: De la Crète, Vaudan, Borgnion, and others indicated in the cahier of the Estates.[829] Two subjects in particular filled the majority of the assembly with anxiety. The political and the religious situation of the city appeared equally threatened. Men's eyes were turned to Switzerland, and it was asserted that designs of political conquest were combined in the minds of the Bernese with the too manifest desire
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of religious conquest. At a time when the house of Savoy was exposed to the attack of France, many wanted to see the valley of Aosta take advantage of this to join the Helvetic League and rally under the standard of the Gospel. The members of the assembly were convinced that the Swiss desired 'to canton' all the country, and by that means extend their confederation on both sides of the Alps. But the other danger was still more alarming to the chiefs of the Roman party, and they earnestly represented to the Estates that the attachment75 of the city and valley to the holy see of Rome was threatened; and that the Bernese Lutherans, who were not content with laying hands upon the territory of Vaud, but had introduced and propagated their 'venomous sect,' wanted to do the same in Aosta.[830] The assembly resolved to maintain the Roman-catholic faith and continue loyal to his ducal highness, and it was enacted76 that every transgressor77 should be put to death.[831]
=CALVIN AT AOSTA.=
It is a matter of notoriety that Calvin passed through the city of Aosta; but did he arrive at this epoch78, and was he there during part at least of the session of the Estates? This is affirmed by documents of the 17th and 18th centuries, and his presence there is not impossible; but there is, in our opinion, one circumstance adverse79 to its acceptance. The official documents of the period, and more especially the journals of the assembly of February and March, 1536, make no mention of Calvin's presence, and do not even allude80 to it. It would, however, have been worth the trouble of recording81, if he were only designated, as he was a little later in the Registers of Geneva, as a Frenchman. Two important facts, in a religious point of view, occurred at Aosta in the early months of the year 1536: the
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Assembly of the Estates and the passage of Calvin. The first took place in February and March; the second probably a little later. Tradition makes them coincide, which is more dramatic; history sets each in its right place. But because the reformer did not (during the sitting of the Assembly) play the part assigned to him, it must not be assumed that he never passed through that city.
Calvin had his reasons for taking the Aosta and St. Bernard route. It had been in use for centuries, and he had no doubt learnt during his residence at Basle, what was universally known in Switzerland, that the Bernese had frequent relations with this country, that they had introduced the Gospel there, and that some of the inhabitants had adopted the principles of the Reformation. An ancient document gives us to understand that Calvin passed through Aosta both going and returning.[832] In our opinion that would be quite natural. The reports circulated in Switzerland about that city would induce him to take that road on his way to Italy, and we can easily conceive, as regards his return, that a fugitive would take a road already known to him, and where he was sure of meeting friends. But we do not press this, and are content to follow the traces Calvin left in the country on his return, and which are still to be found there.
=CALVIN'S FARM.=
At the foot of the St. Bernard, very near the city of Aosta, stood a house on some rising ground, where a grange may still be seen. In order to reach it you leave the St. Bernard road a short distance from the city and take a footpath82, near which a little chapel83 now stands. The meadows around it, the abrupt84 peaks rising above it, the Alps hiding their snowy heads in the clouds, the view over Aosta and the valley—all combined to give a picturesque85 aspect to that house.
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If the traveller asks the inhabitants of the country what house that is, he will be told it is 'Calvin's Farm;' and they add that when the reformer was passing through Aosta, he was sheltered there by one of the most zealous of the reformed, Leonard de Vaudan. It was very natural that Calvin should prefer such a retired86 habitation to a house in the city.
We do not know what Calvin did or said at Aosta. The only fact which appears proved—and a monument more than three centuries old attests87 it—is that his presence did not remain unknown, and caused a sensation there more or less lively. The reformer would have run great danger had he been arrested in the city of Bishop Gazzini, 'who by his vehement88 discourses89 was arming all his flock against the heretics, and who, seeing Satan incarnate90 in the evangelical teachers, called upon them to expel the ravenous91 beast.' Such are the expressions made use of by the historian of the diocese.[833] Calvin, already a fugitive, hastened to leave the neighborhood of the city. To these simple and natural facts some extraordinary circumstances have been added. For instance, certain writers have represented the Count of Challans in fierce pursuit of Calvin, and following him with drawn92 sword into the very heart of the mountains. This is a legend tacked93 on to history, as happens far too frequently.
It was natural that Calvin, under the circumstances in which he was placed, should not take the ordinary road, as it was certain he would be looked for there, and he might easily have been overtaken. It would appear, if we follow the traces his passage has left round Aosta, that he sought to escape from the enemies of the Reformation. When we leave 'Calvin's Farm,' and turn to the right, we come to a bridge near Roisan, below the village of Closelina. This is called in the neighborhood
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'Calvin's Bridge.' Calvin crossed it, and thus followed a more difficult and less frequented road than the St. Bernard. If we climb the mountain in the direction of the valley of La Valpeline, we arrive at a col inclosed by Mont Balme, Mont Combin, and Mont Vélan: this is the 'pass of the window,' afterwards named 'Calvin's Window,' and by it the reformer entered Switzerland again.[834]
As we have said, Calvin's passage had made a deep impression in Aosta. The inhabitants of that most catholic city looked upon their opposition94 to the reformer, and the flight to which they compelled him to have recourse, as a glory to their city calculated to bring upon them the admiration95 of the friends of the papacy. Consequently, five years after these events, on the 14th May, 1541, the Aostans erected96 a stone cross in the middle of their city in memory of the act. As this primitive97 monument had become decayed, it was replaced two centuries later (1741) by a column eight feet high, which Senebier mentions, and on which there was this inscription:[835]
'Hanc Calvini fuga erexit anno MDXLI.
Religionis constantia reparavit MDCCXLI.'
Finally, a hundred years later, this was succeeded by the monument, which every traveller can now see as he passes through Aosta, and which we have examined more than once ourselves.[836] There are thus three centuries and three successive monuments. Calvin's passage through the city of Aosta is, therefore, among the number of historic facts commemorated98 on the very
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spot where they occurred, in the most peremptory99 manner.
=CALVIN RETURNS TO FRANCE.=
Calvin passed through Switzerland, halted at Basle, and thence proceeded to Strasburg. He determined to choose one of these two cities, in which to pass that studious and peaceful life he desired so much, either in the society of Cop, Gryneus, and Myconius, or of Bucer, Capito, and Hedio. But he desired first to return to Noyon, where he had some business to arrange. Leaving Du Tillet at Strasburg, he started for France, which he could do without imprudence; for he had not left his country under the weight of any judicial100 sentence which he had evaded101. Moreover the government just then was less severe.
The arrival of the young doctor was no sooner known in Paris than many friends of the Gospel hastened to his inn. They were never tired of listening to him. 'There is not in all France,' they told him, 'a man who inspires us with so much admiration as you do.'[837]
But Calvin was eager to reach Noyon, where a severe disappointment awaited him: his brother Charles, the chaplain, was no more.[838] The circumstances of his death filled Calvin with sorrow and with joy. 'Charles openly confessed Jesus Christ on his dying bed,' his surviving brother, Anthony, and his sister Mary told John, 'and desired no other absolution than that obtained from God by faith. Accordingly, the exasperated102 priests had him buried by night, between the four pillars of the gallows103.'
Calvin invited Anthony and Mary to leave a country in which believers were covered with infamy104.
His stay at Noyon was very short. It was not possible for him to go direct to Basle or Strasburg, because of the war between Charles V. and Francis I., which prevented his crossing Champagne105 and Lorraine; but
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he learnt that he could, without encountering any difficulty, pass through Bresse, then ascend106 the Rhone, traverse Geneva, and so reach Basle by way of Lausanne and Berne. He took this road. 'In all this,' says Beza, 'God was his guide.'[839]
Thus drew near to Geneva the great theologian who discerned more clearly than any other man of that day what, in doctrine and in life, was in conformity107 with or opposed to God's truth and will. Whereas his predecessors108 had left some few traditions existing by the side of Scripture, he laid bare the rock of the Word. Truth had become the sole passion of that ardent109 and inflexible110 soul, and he was resolved to dedicate his whole life to it. At that time, however, he had no idea of performing a work like Luther's; and if he had been shown the career that was opening before him, he would have shrunk from it with terror. 'I will try to earn my living in a private station,' he said.[840] The ambition of Francis I. changed everything. That prince, unwittingly, accomplished111 the designs of God, who desired to place the reformer in the centre of Europe, between Italy, Germany, and France.
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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stipulating
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| v.（尤指在协议或建议中）规定，约定，讲明（条件等）( stipulate的现在分词 )；规定，明确要求 | |
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retracting
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| v.撤回或撤消( retract的现在分词 )；拒绝执行或遵守；缩回；拉回 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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expiate
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| v.抵补，赎罪 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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halfway
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sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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contriving
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| （不顾困难地）促成某事( contrive的现在分词 )； 巧妙地策划，精巧地制造（如机器）； 设法做到 | |
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vengeance
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pontifical
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hush
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| int.嘘，别出声；n.沉默，静寂；v.使安静 | |
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fugitive
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celebrated
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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37
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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38
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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39
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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40
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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41
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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43
corroborated
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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46
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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47
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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48
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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50
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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51
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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52
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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56
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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theocratic
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| adj.神权的，神权政治的 | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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transgressor
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| n.违背者 | |
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78
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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81
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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82
footpath
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| n.小路，人行道 | |
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83
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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attests
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| v.证明( attest的第三人称单数 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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incarnate
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| adj.化身的，人体化的，肉色的 | |
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ravenous
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| adj.极饿的，贪婪的 | |
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92
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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tacked
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| 用平头钉钉( tack的过去式和过去分词 )； 附加，增补； 帆船抢风行驶，用粗线脚缝 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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95
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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96
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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98
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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100
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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101
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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102
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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103
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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104
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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105
champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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106
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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107
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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108
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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109
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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110
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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111
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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