The close of the War of the Rebellion, in 1865, found the country confronted by a civil problem quite as grave as the contest of arms that had been composed. It was that of reconstruction1, or the restoration of the States lately in revolt, to their constitutional relations to the union.
The country had just emerged from a gigantic struggle of physical force of four years duration between the two great Northern and Southern sections. That struggle had been from its inception3 to its close, a continuing exhibition, on both sides, of stubborn devotion to a cause, and its annals had been crowned with illustrations of the grandest race and personal courage the history of the world records. Out of a population of thirty million people, four million men were under arms, from first to last, and sums of money quite beyond the limit of ordinary comprehension, were expended4 in its prosecution5. There was bloodshed without stint6. Both sides to the conflict fought for an idea—on the one side for so-called State Rights and local self-government—on the other for national autonomy as the surest guaranty of all rights—personal, local, and general.
The institution of negro slavery, the basis of the productive industries of the States of the South, which had from the organization of the Government been a source of friction7 between the slave-holding and nonslave-holding sections, and was in fact the underlying8 and potent9 cause of the war, went under in the strife10 and was by national edict forever prohibited.
The struggle being ended by the exhaustion11 of the insurgents12, two conspicuous14 problems demanding immediate15 solution were developed: The status of the now ex-slaves, or freedmen—and the methods to be adopted for the rehabilitation16 of the revolted States, including the status of the revolted States themselves. The sword had declared that they had no constitutional power to withdraw from the union, and the result demonstrated that they had not the physical power—and therefore that they were in the anomalous17 condition of States of though not States technically18 in the union—and hence properly subject to the jurisdiction19 of the General Government, and bound by its judgment20 in any measures to be instituted by it for their future restoration to their former condition of co-equal States.
The now ex-slaves had been liberated21, not with the consent of their former owners, but by the power of the conqueror22 as a war measure, who not unnaturally23 insisted upon the right to declare absolutely the future status of these persons without consultation24 with or in any way by the intervention25 of their late owners. The majority of the gentlemen in Congress representing the Northern States demanded the instant and complete enfranchisement26 of these persons, as the natural and logical sequence of their enfreedment. The people of the late slave States, as was to have been foreseen, and not without reason, objected—especially where, as was the case in many localities, the late slaves largely out-numbered the people of the white race: and it is apparent from subsequent developments that they had the sympathy of President Lincoln, at least so far as to refuse his sanction to the earlier action of Congress relative to restoration.
To add to the gravity of the situation and of the problem of reconstruction, the people of the States lately in rebellion were disfranchised in a mass, regardless of the fact that many of them refused to sanction the rebellion only so far as was necessary to their personal safety.
It was insisted by the dominant30 element of the party in control of Congress, that these States were dead as political entities31, having committed political suicide, and their people without rights or the protection of law, as malcontents.
It is of record that Mr. Lincoln objected to this doctrine32, and to all propositions that contemplated33 the treatment of the late rebellious34 States simply as conquered provinces and their people as having forfeited35 all rights under a common government, and under the laws of Nations entitled to no concessions36, or even to consideration, in any proposed measures of restoration. That he had no sympathy with that theory is evidenced by the plan of restoration he attempted to establish in Louisiana.
It was at this point that differences arose between Mr. Lincoln and his party in Congress, which became more or less acute prior to his death and continued between Congress and Mr. Johnson on his attempt to carry out Mr. Lincoln's plans for restoration.
The cessation of hostilities37 in the field thus developed a politico-economic problem which had never before confronted any nation in such magnitude and gravity. The situation was at once novel, unprecedented38, and in more senses than one, alarming. Without its due and timely solution there was danger of still farther disturbance39 of a far different and more alarming character than that of arms but lately ceased; and of a vastly more insidious40 and dangerous complexion41. The war had been fought in the open. The record of the more than two thousand field and naval42 engagements that had marked its progress and the march of the union armies to success, were heralded43 day by day to every household, and all could forecast its trend and its results. But the controversy44 now developed was insidious—its influences, its weapons, its designs, and its possible end, were in a measure hidden from the public—public opinion was divided, and its results, for good or ill, problematical. The wisest political sagacity and the broadest statesmanship possible were needed, and in their application no time was to be lost.
In his annual message to Congress, December 8th, 1863, Mr. Lincoln had to a considerable extent outlined his plan of Reconstruction; principally by a recital45 of what he had already done in that direction. That part of his message pertinent46 to this connection is reproduced here to illustrate47 the broad, humane48, national and patriotic50 purpose that actuated him, quite as well as his lack of sympathy with the extreme partisan51 aims and methods that characterized the measures afterward52 adopted by Congress in opposition53 to his well-known wishes and views, and, also, as an important incident to the history of that controversy and of the time, and its bearing upon the frictions54 that followed between Congress and Mr. Lincoln's successor on that subject. Mr. Lincoln said:
When Congress assembled a year ago the war had already lasted twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land and sea, with varying results. The rebellion had been pressed back into reduced limits; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion, at home and abroad, was not satisfactory. With other signs, the popular elections, then just past, indicated uneasiness among ourselves, while, amid much that was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming from Europe were uttered in accents of pity that we were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. Our commerce was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels55 built upon and furnished from foreign shores; and we were threatened with such additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit56 from European Governments anything hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary Emancipation57 Proclamation, issued in September, was running its assigned period to the beginning of the new year. A month later that final proclamation came, including the announcement that colored men of suitable condition would be received into the army service. The policy of emancipation, and of employing black soldiers, gave to the future a new aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain conflict. According to our political system, as a matter of civil administration, the General Government had no lawful58 power to effect emancipation in any State; and for a long time it had been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military measure. It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it might come, and that, if it should, the crisis of the contest would then be presented. It came, and, as was anticipated, was followed by dark and doubtful days. Eleven months have now passed, and we are permitted to take another review. The rebel borders are pressed still further back, and by the complete opening of the Mississippi the country dominated by the rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical communication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been substantially cleared of insurgent13 control, and influential59 citizens in each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respective States. Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate any restraint upon the extension of slavery into the new Territories, only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits.
Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one hundred thousand are now in the United States military service; about one half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus giving the double advantage of taking so much labor60 from the insurgent cause, and supplying the places which must otherwise be filled with so many white men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any. No servile insurrection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked the measure of emancipation and arming the blacks. Those measures have been discussed in foreign countries, and contemporary with such discussion the tone of sentiment there is much improved. At home the same measures have been fully61 discussed, and supported, criticised, and denounced, and the annual elections following are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the union is past.
Looking now to the present, and future, and with reference to a resumption of national authority within the States wherein that authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a Proclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examination of this Proclamation it will appear, as is believed, that nothing is attempted beyond what is amply justified62 by the Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given, but no man is coerced63 to take it. The man is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes64 the Executive to grant or withhold65 the pardon at his own absolute discretion66, and this includes the power to grant on terms, as is fully established by judicial67 and other authorities.
It is also proffered68 that, if in any of the States named a State Government shall be, in the mode prescribed, set up, such Government shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and that under it the State shall, on the constitutional conditions, be protected against invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional obligation of the United States to guarantee to every State in the union a republican form of government, and to protect the State, in the cases stated, is explicit69 and full. But why tender the benefits of this provision only to a State Government set up in this particular way? This section contemplates70 a case wherein the element within a State favorable to a republican government, in the union, may be too feeble for an opposite and hostile external to or even within the State; and such are precisely71 the cases with which we are dealing72.
Any attempt to guaranty and protect a revived State Government, constituted in whole, or in preponderating73 part, from the very element against whose hostility74 it is to be protected, is simply absurd. There must be a test by which to separate the opposing elements, so as to build only from the sound; and that test is a sufficiently75 liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness.
But if it be proper to require, as a test of admission to the political body, an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, and to the union under it, why also to the laws and Proclamation in regard to slavery? Those laws and Proclamations were enacted76 and put forth77 for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them their fullest effect, there had to be a pledge—for their maintenance. In my judgment they have aided, and will further aid, the cause for which they were intended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish78 a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding79 breach80 of faith. I may add at this point, that while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt to retract81 or modify the Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of the Proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress. For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of these measures shall be included in the oath; and it is believed the Executive may lawfully82 claim it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, when he has clear constitutional power to withhold altogether or grant upon terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. It should be observed, also, that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating83 power of legislation and supreme84 judicial decision.
The proposed acquiescence85 of the National Executive in any reasonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution86 which must, at best, attend all classes by a total revolution of labor throughout whole States. It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted87 people of those States may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their affliction, if, to this extent, this vital matter be left to themselves; while no power of the National Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged88 by the proposition.
The suggestion in the Proclamation as to maintaining the political frame-work of those States on what is called reconstruction, is made in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will save labor and avoid great confusion.
But why any proclamation on this subject? This question is beset89 with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or taken too soon. In some States the elements for resumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive apparently90 for want of a rallying point. Why shall A. adopt the plan of B., rather than B. that of A.? And if A. and B. should agree, how can they know but that the General Government here will reject their plan? By the Proclamation a plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which they may be assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would.
The objection to a premature91 presentation of a plan by the National Executive consists in the danger of committals on points which could be more safely left to further developments. Care has been taken to so shape the document as to avoid embarrassment92 from this source. Saying that, on certain terms, certain classes will be pardoned, with rights restored, it is not said that other classes on other terms will never be included. Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in a specified93 way, it is not saying it will not be accepted in any other way.
The movements, by State action, for emancipation in several of the States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are matters of profound gratulation, and while I do not repeat in detail what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my general views and feelings remain unchanged, and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding these important steps to a great consummation.
In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power alone can we look, for a time, to give confidence to the people in the contested regions that the insurgent power will not again over-run them. Until that confidence shall be established, little can be done anywhere for what is called reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still be directed to the Army and Navy, who have thus far borne their hardest part nobly and well. And it may be esteemed94 fortunate that in giving the greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms, we do also honorably recognize the gallant95 men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them, to whom, more than to others, the world must stand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled, regenerated96, enlarged and perpetuated97.
Abraham Lincoln. December 8, 1863.
The following is the Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction referred to in the foregoing Message, and further illustrates98 Mr. Lincoln's plan for the restoration of the union:
PROCLAMATION OF AMNESTY AND RECONSTRUCTION. BY THE PRESIDENT ON THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the United States, it is provided that the President "shall have the power to grant reprieves99 and pardons for offenses100 against the United States, except in cases of impeachment101;" and
Whereas, a rebellion now exists whereby the loyal State governments of several States have for a long time been subverted102, and many persons have committed, and are guilty of treason against the United States; and
Whereas, with reference to said rebellion and treason, laws have been enacted by Congress, declaring forfeitures103 and confiscations of property and liberation of slaves, all upon terms and conditions therein stated, and also declaring that the President was thereby104 authorized105 at any time thereafter, by proclamation, to extend to persons who may have participated in the existing rebellion, in any State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, with such exceptions and at such times and on such conditions as he may deem expedient106 for the public welfare; and
Whereas, the Congressional declaration for limited and conditional107 pardon accords with well established judicial exposition of the pardoning power; and
Whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the President of the United States has issued several proclamations, with provisions in regard to the liberation of slaves; and
Whereas, it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged in said rebellion to resume their allegiance to the United States, and to reinaugurate loyal State Governments within and for their respective States; therefore,
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known to all persons who have, directly or by implication, participated in the existing rebellion, except as hereinafter excepted, that a full pardon is hereby granted to them and each of them, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves and in property cases where rights of third parties shall have intervened, and upon the condition that every such person shall take and subscribe108 an oath, and thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate109, and which oath shall be registered for permanent preservation110, and shall be of the tenor111 and effect following, to-wit:
I, ___ __ ___, do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty112 God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the union of the States thereunder; and that I will, in like manner, abide113 by and faithfully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed114, modified or held void by Congress, or by the decision of the Supreme Court; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of the President made during the existing rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me God.
The persons exempted115 from the benefits of the foregoing provisions are all who are, or shall have been, civil or diplomatic officers or agents of the so-called Confederate Government: all who have left judicial stations under the United States to aid the rebellion; all who are or shall have been military or naval officers of said so-called Confederate Government above the rank of Colonel in the army or Lieutenant116 in the Navy; all who have left seats in the United States Congress to aid the rebellion; all who resigned commissions in the army or navy of the United States and afterward aided the rebellion; and all who have engaged in any way in treating colored persons, or white persons in charge of such, otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war, and which persons may have been found in the United States service as soldiers, seamen117, or in any capacity.
And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that whenever, in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina and North Carolina, a number of persons, not less than one-tenth in number of the votes cast in such State at the Presidential election of the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty, each having taken the oath aforesaid and not having since violated it, and being a qualified118 voter by the election laws of the State existing immediately before the so-called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall reestablish a State government which shall be republican, and in no wise contravening119 said oath, such shall be recognized as the true government of the State, and the State shall receive thereunder the benefits of the constitutional provision which declares that "the United States shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on the application of the legislature, or the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence."
And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that any provision which may be adopted by such State government in relation to the freed people of such State, which shall recognize and declare their permanent freedom, provide for their education, and which may yet be consistent as a temporary arrangement with their present condition as a laboring120, landless, and homeless class, will not be objected to by the National Executive.
And it is suggested as not improper121 that, in constructing a loyal State government in any State, the name of the State, the boundary, the subdivisions, the constitution, and the general code of laws, as before the rebellion, be maintained, subject only to the modifications122 made necessary by the conditions hereinbefore stated, and such others, if any, not contravening said conditions, and which may be deemed expedient by those framing the new State government.
To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say, that whether members sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted to seats, constitutionally rests exclusively with the respective houses, and not to any extent with the Executive. And still further, that this proclamation is intended to present to the people of the States wherein the National authority has been suspended; and loyal State governments have been subverted, a mode in and by which the National authority and loyal State governments, may be re-established within said States, or, in any of them; and while the mode presented is the best the Executive can suggest, with his present impressions, it must not be understood that no other possible mode would be acceptable.
Given under my hand at the City of Washington, the eighth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the eighty-eighth.
[L. S.]
By the President: Abraham Lincoln. William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
How the revolted States could be most successfully and expeditiously123 restored to their constitutional relations to the union on the cessation of hostilities, was the momentous124 question of the hour, upon which there were views and schemes as varied125 and antagonistic126 as were the mental differences and political disagreements of those who felt called upon to engage in the stupendous work. As history had recorded no similar conditions, and therefore no demand for the solution of such a problem, there were no examples or historic lights for the guidance of those upon whom the task had fallen.
It is apparent that Mr. Lincoln maintained the indestructibility of the States and the indivisibility of the union—that the resolutions of secession were null and void, and that the States lately in rebellion were never in fact but only in theory out of the union—that they retained inherently, though now dormant127, their State autonomy and constitutional rights as before their revolutionary acts, except as to slavery, and that all their people had to do, to re-establish their former status, as he declared to the Emperor of the French when that potentate128 was about to recognize the Confederacy, was to resume their duties as loyal, law-abiding citizens, and reorganize their State Governments on a basis of loyalty129 to the Constitution and the union. The terms he proposed to formally offer them were first illustrated130 in the case of Louisiana, early in 1863, and later in the foregoing Message and Proclamation; and clearly indicated what was to be his policy and process of reconstruction.
Messrs. Flanders and Hahn were admitted to the House of Representatives as members from Louisiana agreeably to the President's views thus outlined. They had been chosen at an election ordered by the Governor of the State (Gov. Shepley), who had undoubtedly132 been permitted, if not specially29 authorized by the President, to take this step, but they were the last to be received from Louisiana under Mr. Lincoln's plan, as the next Congress resolved to receive no more members from the seceded133 States till joint135 action by the two Houses therefor should be had.
Prior to the election at which these gentlemen were chosen, Mr. Lincoln addressed a characteristic note to Gov. Shepley, which was in effect a warning that Federal officials not citizens of Louisiana must not be chosen to represent the State in Congress, "We do not," said he, referring to the South, "particularly need members of Congress from those States to get along with legislation here. What we do want is the conclusive136 evidence that respectable citizens of Louisiana are willing to be members of Congress and to swear support to the Constitution, and that other respectable citizens are willing to vote for them and send them. To send a parcel of Northern men as Representatives, elected, as would be understood, (and perhaps really so) at the point of the bayonet, would be disgraceful and outrageous137."
Mr. Lincoln would tolerate none of the "carpet-bagging" that afterwards became so conspicuous and offensive under the Congressional plan of Reconstruction.
These steps for reconstruction in Louisiana were followed by the assembling of a convention to frame a new constitution for that State. The convention was organized early in 1864, and its most important act was the prompt incorporation138 of an antislavery clause in its organic law. By a vote of 70 to 16 the convention declared slavery to be forever abolished in the State. The new Constitution was adopted by the people of the State on the 5th day of the ensuing September by a vote of 6,836 in its favor, to 1,566 against it. As the total vote of Louisiana in 1860 was 50,510, the new government had fulfilled the requirement of the President's Proclamation. It was sustained by more than the required one-tenth vote.
In a personal note of congratulation to Gov. Hahn, of Louisiana, the President, speaking of the coming convention, suggested that "some of the colored people be let in, as for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly139 in our ranks." "They would," said he, "probably help in some trying time in the future TO KEEP THE JEWEL OF LIBERTY IN THE FAMILY OF FREEDOM."
This action in regard to Louisiana was accompanied, indeed in some particulars preceded, by similar action in Arkansas. A Governor was elected, an anti-slavery Constitution adopted, a State Government duly installed, and Senators and Representatives in Congress elected, but were refused admission by Congress. Mr. Sumner, when the credentials140 of the Senators-elect were presented, foreshadowing the position to be taken by the Republican leaders, offered a resolution declaring that "a State pretending to secede134 from the union, and battling against the General Government to maintain that position, must be regarded as a rebel State subject to military occupation and without representation on this floor until it has been readmitted by a vote of both Houses of Congress; and the Senate will decline to receive any such application from any such rebel State until after such a vote by both Houses."
A few weeks later, on the 27th of June, 1864, this resolution was in effect reported back to the Senate by the Judiciary Committee, to which it had been referred, and adopted by a vote of 27 to 6. The same action was had in the House of Representatives on the application of the Representatives-elect from Arkansas for admission to that body.
This was practically the declaration of a rupture141 between the President and Congress on the question of Reconstruction. It was a rebuke142 to Mr. Lincoln for having presumed to treat the seceded States as still in any sense States of the union. It was in effect a declaration that those States had successfully seceded—that their elimination143 from the union was an accomplished144 fact—that the union of the States had been broken—and that the only method left for their return that would be considered by Congress was as conquered and outlying provinces, not even as Territories with the right of such to membership in the union; and should be governed accordingly until such time as Congress should see fit (IF EVER, to use the language of Mr. Stevens in the House) to devise and establish some form whereby they could be annexed145 to or re-incorporated into the union.
It was at this point—on the great question of Reconstruction, or more properly of Restoration—that the disagreements originated between the Executive and Congress which finally culminated146 in the impeachment of Mr. Lincoln's successor; and that condition of strained relations was measurably intensified147 when, on the following July 4th, a bill was passed by Congress making provision for the reorganization and admission of the revolted States on the extreme lines indicated by the above action of Congress and containing the very extraordinary provision that the President, AFTER OBTAINING THE CONSENT OF CONGRESS, shall recognize the State Government so established. That measure was still another and more marked rebuke by Congress to the President for having presumed to initiate148 a system of restoration without its consultation and advice. Naturally Mr. Lincoln was not in a mood to meekly149 accept the rebuke so marked and manifestly intended; and so the bill not having passed Congress till within the ten days preceding its adjournment150 allowed by the Constitution for its consideration by the President, and as it proposed to undo131 the work he had done, he failed to return it to Congress—"pocketed" it—and it therefore fell. He was not in a mood to accept a Congressional rebuke. He had given careful study to the duties, the responsibilities, and the limitations of the respective Departments of, the Government, and was not willing that his judgment should be revised, or his course censured151, however indirectly152, by any of its co-ordinate branches.
Four days after the session had closed, he issued a Proclamation in which he treated the bill merely as the expression of an opinion by Congress as to the best plan of Reconstruction—"which plan," he remarked, "it is now thought fit to lay before the people for their consideration."
He further stated in this Proclamation that he had already presented one plan of restoration, and that he was "unprepared by a formal approval of this bill to be inflexibly154 committed to any single plan of restoration, and was unprepared to declare that the free State Constitutions and Governments already adopted and installed in Louisiana and Arkansas, shall be set aside and held for naught155, thereby repelling156 and discouraging the loyal citizens who have set up the same as to further effort, and unprepared to declare a constitutional competency in Congress to abolish slavery in the States, though sincerely hoping that a constitutional amendment157 abolishing slavery in all the States might be adopted."
While, with these objections, Mr. Lincoln could not approve the bill, he concluded his Proclamation with these words:
"Nevertheless, I am fully satisfied with the plan of restoration contained in the bill as one very proper for the loyal people of any State choosing to adopt it, and I am and at all times shall be prepared to give Executive aid and assistance to any such people as soon as military resistance to the United States shall have been suppressed in any such State and the people thereof shall have sufficiently returned to their obedience158 to the Constitution and laws of the United States—in which Military Governors will be appointed with directions to proceed according to the bill."
"It must be frankly159 admitted," says Mr. Blaine in reciting this record in his 'Thirty Years of Congress,' "that Mr. Lincoln's course was in some of its respects extraordinary. It met with almost unanimous dissent160 on the part of the Republican members, and violent criticism from the more radical161 members of both Houses. * * * Fortunately, the Senators and Representatives had returned to their States and Districts before the Reconstruction Proclamation was issued, and found the people united and enthusiastic in Mr. Lincoln's support."
In the last speech Mr. Lincoln ever made, (April 11th, 1865) referring to the twelve thousand men who had organized the Louisiana Government, (on the one-tenth basis) he said:
"If we now reject and spurn162 them, we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse163 them. We say to the white man, you are worthless, or worse. We will neither help you or be helped by you. To the black man we say, 'this cup of liberty which these, your old masters hold to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering164 the spilled and scattered165 contents IN SOME VAGUE AND UNDEFINED WHEN AND WHERE AND HOW.' If this course, discouraging and paralyzing to both white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, they reorganize and sustain the new Government of Louisiana, the converse166 of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of twelve thousand men to adhere to their work and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and grow it, and ripen167 it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance and with energy and daring to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise27. HE WILL YET ATTAIN168 IT SOONER BY SAVING THE ALREADY ADVANCED STEPS TOWARD IT THAN BY RUNNING BACK OVER THEM. Concede that the new Government of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the egg to the fowl169; we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it."
It is manifest that Mr. Lincoln intuitively foresaw the danger of a great body of the people becoming accustomed to government by military power, and sought to end it by the speediest practicable means. As he expressed it, "We must begin and mould from disorganized and discordant170 elements: nor is it a small additional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction."
Louisiana was wholly in possession of the union forces and under loyal influence in 1863, and in his judgment the time had come for reconstructive action in that state—not merely for the purpose of strengthening and crystallizing the union sentiment there, at a great gate-way of commerce, that would become a conspicuous object-lesson to foreign governments in behalf of more favorable influences abroad, but also to the encouragement of union men and the discouragement of the rebellion in all the other revolted States. He had fortified171 his own judgment, as he frankly declared, "by submitting the Louisiana plan in advance to every member of the Cabinet, and every member approved it."
The steps taken in Louisiana were to be but a beginning. The nature of subsequent proceedings172 on his part must be governed by the success of this—that under then existing conditions it was inexpedient, in view of further possible complications, to forecast further proceedings, and especially to attempt to establish, at the outset, and under the chaotic173 conditions of the time, a general system of reconstruction applicable to all the States and to varying conditions. So the beginning was made in Louisiana. It is manifest that the purpose of this immediate action was two-fold—not only to restore Louisiana to the union at the earliest practicable day—but also to so far establish a process of general restoration before Congress should reconvene at the coming December session, that there would be no sufficient occasion or excuse for interfering174 with his work by the application of the exasperating175 conditions that had been foreshadowed by that body.
On this point Mr. Welles, his Secretary of the Navy, testifies that at the close of a Cabinet meeting held immediately preceding Mr. Lincoln's death, "Mr. Stanton made some remarks on the general condition of affairs and the new phase and duties upon which we were about to enter. He alluded176 to the great solicitude177 which the President felt on this subject, his frequent recurrence178 to the necessity of establishing civil governments and preserving order in the rebel States. Like the rest of the Cabinet, doubtless, he had given this subject much consideration, and with a view of having something practical on which to base action, he had drawn179 up a rough plan or ordinance180 which he had handed to the President.
"The President said he proposed to bring forward that subject, although he had not had time as yet to give much attention to the details of the paper which the Secretary of War had given him only the day before; but that it was substantially, in its general scope, the plan which we had sometimes talked over in Cabinet meetings. We should probably make some modifications, prescribe further details; there were some suggestions which he should wish to make, and he desired all to bring their minds to the question, for no greater or more important one could come before us, or any future Cabinet. He thought it providential that, this great rebellion was crushed just as Congress had adjourned181, AND THERE WERE NONE OF THE DISTURBING ELEMENTS OF THAT BODY TO HINDER AND EMBARRASS US. If we were wise and discreet182, we should reanimate, the States and get their governments in successful operation, with order prevailing183 and the union reestablished, BEFORE CONGRESS CAME TOGETHER IN DECEMBER. This he thought important. We could do better, accomplish more without than with them. There were men in Congress who, if their motives184 were good, were nevertheless impracticable, and who possessed185 feelings of hate and vindictiveness186 in which he did not sympathize and could not participate. Each House of Congress, he said, had the undoubted right to receive or reject members, the Executive had no control in this matter. But Congress had NOTHING TO DO WITH THE STATE GOVERNMENTS, which the President could recognize, and under existing laws treat as other States, give the same mail facilities, collect taxes, appoint judges, marshals, collectors, etc., subject, of course, to confirmation187. There were men who objected to these views, BUT THEY WERE NOT HERE, AND WE MUST MAKE HASTE TO DO OUR DUTY BEFORE THEY CAME HERE."
The subjugated188 States were in a condition that could not be safely permitted to continue for any indefinite period. It would be inconsistent with the purpose of the war, incongruous to the American system and idea of government, and antagonistic to American political, or even commercial or social autonomy. Naturally upon Mr. Lincoln would fall largely the duty and responsibility of formulating189 and inaugurating some method of restoration. With the abolition190 of slavery, the most difficult of settlement of all the obstacles in the way of reconstruction had been removed. Naturally, too, during the later months of the war, when it became manifest that the end of the struggle was near, the question of reconstruction and the methods whereby it could be most naturally, speedily, and effectively accomplished, came uppermost in his mind. A humane, just man, and a sincere, broad-brained, patriot49 and far-seeing statesman, he instinctively191 rejected the many drastic schemes which filled a large portion of the public press of the North and afterwards characterized many of the suggestions of Congressional action. With him the prime purpose of the war was the preservation of the political, territorial192 and economic integrity of the Republic—in a word, to restore the union, without needless humiliation193 to the defeated party, or the imposition of unnecessarily rigorous terms which could but result in future frictions—without slavery—and yet with sufficient safeguards against future disloyal association of the sections; and that purpose had been approved by an overwhelming majority of the people in his re-election in 1864.
In these purposes and methods Mr. Lincoln appears to have had the active sympathy and co-operation of his entire Cabinet, more especially of Mr. Stanton, his Secretary of War. Indeed, Mr. Stanton is understood, from the record, to have been the joint author, with Mr. Lincoln, of the plan of reconstruction agreed upon at the later meetings of the Cabinet immediately prior to Mr. Lincoln's death. Mr. Stanton proposed to put it in the form of a military order—Mr. Lincoln made an Executive order. The plan was embodied194 in what afterwards became known as the "North Carolina Proclamation," determined195 upon by Mr. Lincoln at his last Cabinet meeting and promulgated196 by Mr. Johnson shortly after his accession to the Presidency197 as Mr. Lincoln's successor, and is inserted in a subsequent chapter.
Mr. Lincoln unquestionably comprehended the peculiar198 conditions under which the Republican party had come to the control of the legislative199 branch of the Government, and fully realized the incapacity of the dominant element in that control for the delicate work of restoration and reconstruction—leading a conquered and embittered200 people back peacefully and successfully, without unnecessary friction, into harmonious201 relations to the union.
No such responsibility, no such herculean task, had ever before, in the history of civilization, devolved upon any ruler or political party.
Mr. Lincoln seems to have realized the incapacity of party leaders brought to the surface by the tumult202 and demoralization of the time, whose only exploits and experiences were in the line of destruction and who must approach the task with divided counsel, to cope successfully with the delicate and responsible work of restoration the close of the war had made imperative203. He comprehended the incongruities204 which characterized that great party better than its professed205 leaders, and foresaw the futility206 of any effort on its part, at that time and in its then temper, to the early establishment of any coherent or successful method of restoration. Hence, unquestionably, his prompt action in that behalf, and his failure to call the Congress into special session, to the end that there should be no time unnecessarily consumed and lost in the institution of some efficient form of civil government in the returning States—some form that would have the sanction of intelligent authority competent to restore and enforce public order, without the dangers of delay and consequent disorder207 that must result, and did afterwards result, from the protracted208 debates sure to follow and did follow the sudden precipitation of the questions of reconstruction and reconciliation209 upon a mass of Congressmen totally inexperienced in the anomalous conditions of that time, or in the methods most needed for their correction.
That Mr. Lincoln contemplated the ultimate and not remote enfranchisement of the late slaves, is manifest from his suggestion to Gov. Hahn, of Louisiana, hereinbefore quoted in connection with the then approaching Convention for the re-establishment of State Government there, and again still more manifest from his last public utterance210 on April 11, 1865, deprecating the rejection211 by Congress of his plan for the restoration of Louisiana, in which, he said, speaking of that action by Congress rejecting the Louisiana bill: "Grant that the colored male desires the elective franchise. He will attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps towards it than by running back over them."
It is also apparent in the light of the succeeding history of that time and of that question, that if Mr. Lincoln's views had been seconded by Congress, the enfranchisement of the negro would have been, though delayed, as certain of accomplishment212, and of a vastly higher and more satisfactory plane—and the country saved the years of friction and disgraceful public disorder that characterized the enforcement of the Congressional plan afterwards adopted.
As to the success of Mr. Lincoln's plans, had they been sanctioned, or even had they not been repudiated213 by Congress, Mr. Blaine, in his book, asserts that Mr. Lincoln, "By his four years of considerate and successful administration, by his patient and positive trust in the ultimate triumph of the union, realized at last as he stood upon the edge of the grave—he had acquired so complete an ascendancy214 over the public, control in the loyal states, that ANY POLICY MATURED AND ANNOUNCED BY HIM WOULD HAVE BEEN ACCEPTED BY A VAST MAJORITY OF HIS COUNTRYMEN."
It was indicative of the sagacious foresight215 of Mr. Lincoln that he did not call the Congress into special session at the close of the war, as would have been natural and usual, before attempting the establishment of any method for the restoration of the revolted States. The fact that he did not do so, but was making preparations to proceed immediately in that work on his own lines and in accordance with his own ideas, and with the hearty216 accord of his entire Cabinet, of itself affords proof that he was apprehensive217 of obstruction218 from the same element of his party that subsequently arose in opposition to Mr. Johnson on that question, and that he preferred to put his plans into operation before the assembling of Congress in the next regular winter session, in order that he might be able then to show palpable results, and induce Congress to accept and follow up a humane, peaceful and satisfactory system of reconstruction. Mr. Lincoln undoubtedly hoped thus to avoid unnecessary friction. Having the quite unlimited219 confidence of the great mass of the people of the country, of both parties and on both sides of the line of hostilities, there seem to be excellent reasons for believing that he would have succeeded, and that the extraordinary and exasperating differences and local turmoils220 that followed the drastic measures which were afterward adopted by Congress over the President's vetoes, would have been in a very large degree avoided, and THERE WOULD HAVE BEEN NO IMPEACHMENT—either of Mr. Lincoln had he lived, or of Mr. Johnson after him.
It was the misfortune of the time, and of the occasion, which determined Mr. Lincoln to institute a plan of restoration during the interim221 of Congress, that the Republican party, then in absolute control of Congress, was in no sense equipped for such a work. Its first and great mission had been the destruction of slavery. Though not phrased in formal fashion, that was the logic28 of its creation and existence. It was brought into being purely222 as an anti-slavery party, illustrated in the fact that its membership included every pronounced anti-slavery man, known as abolitionists, in the United States. All its energies, during all its life up to the close of the war had been bent223 to that end. It had been born and bred to the work of destruction. It came to destroy slavery, and its forces had been nurtured224, to the last day of the war, in pulling down—in fact, did not then wholly cease.
The work of restoration—the rebuilding of fallen States—had now come. The Republican party approached that work in the hot blood of war and the elation2 of victory—a condition illy fitting the demands of exalted225 statesmanship so essential to perfect political effort.
Never had nation or party thrust upon it a more delicate duty or graver responsibility. It was that of leading a conquered people to build a new civilization wholly different from the one in ruins. It was first to reconcile two races totally different from each other, so far as possible to move in harmony in supplanting226 servile by free labor, and the slave by a free American citizen. The transition was sudden, and the elements antagonistic in race, culture, self-governing power—indeed, in all the qualities which characterize a free people.
There was a wide margin227 for honest differences between statesmen of experience. A universal sentiment could not obtain. The accepted political leaders of the time were illy equipped to meet the issue—much less those who had been brought to prominence228, and too often to control, in the hot blood of war and the frictions of the time, when intemperate229 denunciation and a free use of the epithets230 of "rebel," and "traitor," had become a ready passport to public honors. It was a time when the admonition to make haste slowly was of profound significance. A peril231 greater than any other the civil war had developed, overhung the nation. Greater than ever the demand for courage in conciliation—for divesting232 the issues of all mere153 partyism, and the yielding of something by the extremes, both of conservatism and radicalism233.
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1
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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elation
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| n.兴高采烈，洋洋得意 | |
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inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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stint
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| v.节省，限制，停止；n.舍不得化，节约，限制；连续不断的一段时间从事某件事 | |
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friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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rehabilitation
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| n.康复，悔过自新，修复，复兴，复职，复位 | |
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anomalous
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| adj.反常的；不规则的 | |
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technically
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| adv.专门地，技术上地 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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unnaturally
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| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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entities
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| 实体对像； 实体，独立存在体，实际存在物( entity的名词复数 ) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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heralded
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| v.预示( herald的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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pertinent
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| adj.恰当的；贴切的；中肯的；有关的；相干的 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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frictions
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| n.摩擦( friction的名词复数 )；摩擦力；冲突；不和 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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elicit
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| v.引出,抽出,引起 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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coerced
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| v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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authorizes
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的名词复数 ) | |
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withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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contemplates
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的第三人称单数 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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preponderating
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的现在分词 ) | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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retract
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| vt.缩回，撤回收回，取消 | |
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lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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abrogating
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的现在分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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84
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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85
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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86
destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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87
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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89
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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90
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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91
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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92
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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93
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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94
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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95
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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96
regenerated
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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98
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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99
reprieves
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| n.（死刑）缓期执行令( reprieve的名词复数 )；暂缓，暂止v.缓期执行（死刑）( reprieve的第三人称单数 ) | |
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100
offenses
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| n.进攻( offense的名词复数 )；（球队的）前锋；进攻方法；攻势 | |
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101
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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102
subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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103
forfeitures
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| n.（财产等的）没收，（权利、名誉等的）丧失( forfeiture的名词复数 ) | |
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104
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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105
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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106
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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107
conditional
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| adj.条件的，带有条件的 | |
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108
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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109
inviolate
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| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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110
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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111
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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112
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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113
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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114
repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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117
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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118
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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119
contravening
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| v.取消，违反( contravene的现在分词 ) | |
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120
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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121
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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122
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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123
expeditiously
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| adv.迅速地，敏捷地 | |
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124
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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125
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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126
antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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127
dormant
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| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
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128
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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129
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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130
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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131
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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132
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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133
seceded
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
secede
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| v.退出，脱离 | |
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135
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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136
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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137
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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138
incorporation
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| n.设立，合并，法人组织 | |
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139
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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140
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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141
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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142
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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143
elimination
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| n.排除，消除，消灭 | |
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144
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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145
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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146
culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
initiate
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| vt.开始，创始，发动；启蒙，使入门；引入 | |
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149
meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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150
adjournment
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| 休会； 延期； 休会期； 休庭期 | |
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151
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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152
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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153
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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154
inflexibly
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| adv.不屈曲地，不屈地 | |
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155
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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156
repelling
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| v.击退( repel的现在分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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157
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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158
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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159
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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160
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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161
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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162
spurn
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| v.拒绝，摈弃；n.轻视的拒绝；踢开 | |
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163
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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164
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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165
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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166
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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167
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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168
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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169
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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170
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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171
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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172
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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173
chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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174
interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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175
exasperating
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| adj. 激怒的 动词exasperate的现在分词形式 | |
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176
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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178
recurrence
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| n.复发，反复，重现 | |
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179
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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180
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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181
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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183
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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184
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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185
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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186
vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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187
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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188
subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
formulating
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| v.构想出( formulate的现在分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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190
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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191
instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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192
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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193
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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194
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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195
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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196
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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197
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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198
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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199
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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200
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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202
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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203
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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204
incongruities
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| n.不协调( incongruity的名词复数 )；不一致；不适合；不协调的东西 | |
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205
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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206
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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207
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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208
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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209
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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210
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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211
rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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212
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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213
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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214
ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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215
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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217
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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218
obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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219
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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220
turmoils
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| n.混乱( turmoil的名词复数 )；焦虑 | |
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221
interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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222
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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223
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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224
nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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225
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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226
supplanting
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的现在分词 ) | |
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227
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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228
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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229
intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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230
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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231
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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232
divesting
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| v.剥夺( divest的现在分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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233
radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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