Roderigo, retired4 from public affairs, was given up entirely5 to the affections of a lover and a father, when he heard that his uncle, who loved him like a son, had been elected pope under the name of Calixtus III. But the young man was at this time so much a lover that love imposed silence on ambition; and indeed he was almost terrified at the exaltation of his uncle, which was no doubt destined7 to force him once more into public life. Consequently, instead of hurrying to Rome, as anyone else in his place would have done, he was content to indite8 to His Holiness a letter in which he begged for the continuation of his favours, and wished him a long and happy reign9.
This reserve on the part of one of his relatives, contrasted with the ambitious schemes which beset10 the new pope at every step, struck Calixtus III in a singular way: he knew the stuff that was in young Roderigo, and at a time when he was besieged11 on all sides by mediocrities, this powerful nature holding modestly aside gained new grandeur12 in his eyes so he replied instantly to Roderigo that on the receipt of his letter he must quit Spain for Italy, Valencia for Rome.
This letter uprooted13 Roderigo from the centre of happiness he had created for himself, and where he might perhaps have slumbered14 on like an ordinary man, if fortune had not thus interposed to drag him forcibly away. Roderigo was happy, Roderigo was rich; the evil passions which were natural to him had been, if not extinguished,—at least lulled15; he was frightened himself at the idea of changing the quiet life he was leading for the ambitious, agitated17 career that was promised him; and instead of obeying his uncle, he delayed the preparations for departure, hoping that Calixtus would forget him. It was not so: two months after he received the letter from the pope, there arrived at Valencia a prelate from Rome, the bearer of Roderigo's nomination18 to a benefice worth 20,000 ducats a year, and also a positive order to the holder19 of the post to come and take possession of his charge as soon as possible.
Holding back was no longer feasible: so Roderigo obeyed; but as he did not wish to be separated from the source whence had sprung eight years of happiness, Rosa Vanozza also left Spain, and while he was going to Rome, she betook herself to Venice, accompanied by two confidential20 servants, and under the protection of a Spanish gentleman named Manuel Melchior.
Fortune kept the promises she had made to Roderigo: the pope received him as a son, and made him successively Archbishop of Valencia, Cardinal21-Deacon, and Vice22-Chancellor. To all these favours Calixtus added a revenue of 20,000 ducats, so that at the age of scarcely thirty-five Roderigo found himself the equal of a prince in riches and power.
Roderigo had had some reluctance23 about accepting the cardinalship25, which kept him fast at Rome, and would have preferred to be General of the Church, a position which would have allowed him more liberty for seeing his mistress and his family; but his uncle Calixtus made him reckon with the possibility of being his successor some day, and from that moment the idea of being the supreme26 head of kings and nations took such hold of Roderigo, that he no longer had any end in view but that which his uncle had made him entertain.
From that day forward, there began to grow up in the young cardinal that talent for hypocrisy27 which made of him the most perfect incarnation of the devil that has perhaps ever existed; and Roderigo was no longer the same man: with words of repentance28 and humility29 on his lips, his head bowed as though he were bearing the weight of his past sins, disparaging30 the riches which he had acquired and which, according to him, were the wealth of the poor and ought to return to the poor, he passed his life in churches, monasteries31, and hospitals, acquiring, his historian tells us, even in the eyes of his enemies, the reputation of a Solomon for wisdom, of a Job for patience, and of a very Moses for his promulgation32 of the word of God: Rosa Vanozza was the only person in the world who could appreciate the value of this pious33 cardinal's conversion34.
It proved a lucky thing for Roderiga that he had assumed this pious attitude, for his protector died after a reign of three years three months and nineteen days, and he was now sustained by his own merit alone against the numerous enemies he had made by his rapid rise to fortune: so during the whole of the reign of Pius II he lived always apart from public affairs, and only reappeared in the days of Sixtus IV, who made him the gift of the abbacy of Subiaco, and sent him in the capacity of ambassador to the kings of Aragon and Portugal. On his return, which took place during the pontificate of Innocent VIII, he decided35 to fetch his family at last to Rome: thither36 they came, escorted by Don Manuel Melchior, who from that moment passed as the husband of Rosa Vanozza, and took the name of Count Ferdinand of Castile. The Cardinal Roderigo received the noble Spaniard as a countryman and a friend; and he, who expected to lead a most retired life, engaged a house in the street of the Lungara, near the church of Regina Coeli, on the banks of the Tiber. There it was that, after passing the day in prayers and pious works, Cardinal Roderigo used to repair each evening and lay aside his mask. And it was said, though nobody could prove it, that in this house infamous37 scenes passed: Report said the dissipations were of so dissolute a character that their equals had never been seen in Rome. With a view to checking the rumours38 that began to spread abroad, Roderigo sent Caesar to study at Pisa, and married Lucrezia to a young gentleman of Aragon; thus there only remained at home Rosa Vanozza and her two sons: such was the state of things when Innocent VIII died and Roderigo Borgia was proclaimed pope.
We have seen by what means the nomination was effected; and so the five cardinals24 who had taken no part in this simony—namely, the Cardinals of Naples, Sierra, Portugal, Santa Maria-in-Porticu, and St. Peter-in-Vinculis—protested loudly against this election, which they treated as a piece of jobbery; but Roderigo had none the less, however it was done, secured his majority; Roderigo was none the less the two hundred and sixtieth successor of St. Peter.
Alexander VI, however, though he had arrived at his object, did not dare throw off at first the mask which the Cardinal Bargia had worn so long, although when he was apprised39 of his election he could not dissimulate40 his joy; indeed, on hearing the favourable41 result of the scrutiny42, he lifted his hands to heaven and cried, in the accents of satisfied ambition, "Am I then pope? Am I then Christ's vicar? Am I then the keystone of the Christian43 world?"
"Yes, holy father," replied Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, the same who had sold to Roderigo the nine votes that were at his disposal at the Conclave44 for four mules45 laden46 with silver; "and we hope by your election to give glory to God, repose47 to the Church, and joy to Christendom, seeing that you have been chosen by the Almighty48 Himself as the most worthy50 among all your brethren."
But in the short interval51 occupied by this reply, the new pope had already assumed the papal authority, and in a humble52 voice and with hands crossed upon his breast, he spoke53:
"We hope that God will grant us His powerful aid, in spite of our weakness, and that He will do for us that which He did for the apostle when aforetime He put into his hands the keys of heaven and entrusted54 to him the government of the Church, a government which without the aid of God would prove too heavy a burden for mortal man; but God promised that His Spirit should direct him; God will do the same, I trust, for us; and for your part we fear not lest any of you fail in that holy obedience55 which is due unto the head of the Church, even as the flock of Christ was bidden to follow the prince of the apostles."
Having spoken these words, Alexander donned the pontifical56 robes, and through the windows of the Vatican had strips of paper thrown out on which his name was written in Latin. These, blown by the wind, seemed to convey to the whole world the news of the great event which was about to change the face of Italy. The same day couriers started far all the courts of Europe.
Caesar Borgia learned the news of his father's election at the University of Pisa, where he was a student. His ambition had sometimes dreamed of such good fortune, yet his joy was little short of madness. He was then a young man, about twenty-two or twenty-four years of age, skilful57 in all bodily exercises, and especially in fencing; he could ride barebacked the most fiery58 steeds, could cut off the head of a bull at a single sword-stroke; moreover, he was arrogant59, jealous, and insincere. According to Tammasi, he was great among the godless, as his brother Francesco was good among the great. As to his face, even contemporary authors have left utterly60 different descriptions; for same have painted him as a monster of ugliness, while others, on the contrary, extol61 his beauty. This contradiction is due to the fact that at certain times of the year, and especially in the spring, his face was covered with an eruption62 which, so long as it lasted, made him an object of horror and disgust, while all the rest of the year he was the sombre, black-haired cavalier with pale skin and tawny63 beard whom Raphael shows us in the fine portrait he made of him. And historians, both chroniclers and painters, agree as to his fixed64 and powerful gaze, behind which burned a ceaseless flame, giving to his face something infernal and superhuman. Such was the man whose fortune was to fulfil all his desires. He had taken for his motto, 'Aut Caesar, aut nihil': Caesar or nothing.
Caesar posted to Rome with certain of his friends, and scarcely was he recognised at the gates of the city when the deference65 shown to him gave instant proof of the change in his fortunes: at the Vatican the respect was twice as great; mighty49 men bowed down before him as before one mightier66 than themselves. And so, in his impatience67, he stayed not to visit his mother or any other member of his family, but went straight to the pope to kiss his feet; and as the pope had been forewarned of his coming, he awaited him in the midst of a brilliant and numerous assemblage of cardinals, with the three other brothers standing68 behind him. His Holiness received Caesar with a gracious countenance69; still, he did not allow himself any demonstration70 of his paternal71 love, but, bending towards him, kissed him an the forehead, and inquired how he was and how he had fared on his journey. Caesar replied that he was wonderfully well, and altogether at the service of His Holiness: that, as to the journey, the trifling72 inconveniences and short fatigue73 had been compensated74, and far mare75 than compensated, by the joy which he felt in being able to adore upon the papal throne a pope who was so worthy. At these words, leaving Caesar still on his knees, and reseating himself—for he had risen from his seat to embrace him—the pope assumed a grave and composed expression of face, and spoke as follows, loud enough to be heard by all, and slowly enough far everyone present to be able to ponder and retain in his memory even the least of his words:
"We are convinced, Caesar, that you are peculiarly rejoiced in beholding76 us on this sublime77 height, so far above our deserts, whereto it has pleased the Divine goodness to exalt6 us. This joy of yours is first of all our due because of the love we have always borne you and which we bear you still, and in the second place is prompted by your own personal interest, since henceforth you may feel sure of receiving from our pontifical hand those benefits which your own good works shall deserve. But if your joy—and this we say to you as we have even now said to your brothers—if your joy is founded on ought else than this, you are very greatly mistaken, Caesar, and you will find yourself sadly deceived. Perhaps we have been ambitious—we confess this humbly79 before the face of all men—passionately and immoderately ambitious to attain80 to the dignity of sovereign pontiff, and to reach this end we have followed every path that is open to human industry; but we have acted thus, vowing82 an inward vow81 that when once we had reached our goal, we would follow no other path but that which conduces best to the service of God and to the advancement83 of the Holy See, so that the glorious memory of the deeds that we shall do may efface84 the shameful85 recollection of the deeds we have already done. Thus shall we, let us hope, leave to those who follow us a track where upon if they find not the footsteps of a saint, they may at least tread in the path of a true pontiff. God, who has furthered the means, claims at our hands the fruits, and we desire to discharge to the full this mighty debt that we have incurred86 to Him; and accordingly we refuse to arouse by any deceit the stern rigour of His judgments87. One sole hindrance88 could have power to shake our good intentions, and that might happen should we feel too keen an interest in your fortunes. Therefore are we armed beforehand against our love, and therefore have we prayed to God beforehand that we stumble not because of you; for in the path of favouritism a pope cannot slip without a fall, and cannot fall without injury and dishonour89 to the Holy See. Even to the end of our life we shall deplore90 the faults which have brought this experience home to us; and may it please Gad91 that our uncle Calixtus of blessed memory bear not this day in purgatory92 the burden of our sins, more heavy, alas93, than his own! Ah, he was rich in every virtue94, he was full of good intentions; but he loved too much his own people, and among them he loved me chief. And so he suffered this love to lead him blindly astray, all this love that he bore to his kindred, who to him were too truly flesh of his flesh, so that he heaped upon the heads of a few persons only, and those perhaps the least worthy, benefits which would more fittingly have rewarded the deserts of many. In truth, he bestowed95 upon our house treasures that should never have been amassed96 at the expense of the poor, or else should have been turned to a better purpose. He severed97 from the ecclesiastical State, already weak and poor, the duchy of Spoleto and other wealthy properties, that he might make them fiefs to us; he confided98 to our weak hands the vice-chancellorship, the vice-prefecture of Rome, the generalship of the Church, and all the other most important offices, which, instead of being monopolised by us, should have been conferred on those who were most meritorious99. Moreover, there were persons who were raised on our recommendation to posts of great dignity, although they had no claims but such as our undue100 partiality accorded them; others were left out with no reason for their failure except the jealousy101 excited in us by their virtues102. To rob Ferdinand of Aragon of the kingdom of Naples, Calixtus kindled103 a terrible war, which by a happy issue only served to increase our fortune, and by an unfortunate issue must have brought shame and disaster upon the Holy See. Lastly, by allowing himself to be governed by men who sacrificed public good to their private interests, he inflicted104 an injury, not only upon the pontifical throne and his own reputation, but what is far worse, far more deadly, upon his own conscience. And yet, O wise judgments of God! hard and incessantly105 though he toiled106 to establish our fortunes, scarcely had he left empty that supreme seat which we occupy to-day, when we were cast down from the pinnacle107 whereon we had climbed, abandoned to the fury of the rabble108 and the vindictive109 hatred110 of the Roman barons111, who chose to feel offended by our goodness to their enemies. Thus, not only, we tell you, Caesar, not only did we plunge112 headlong from the summit of our grandeur, losing the worldly goods and dignities which our uncle had heaped at our feet, but for very peril113 of our life we were condemned114 to a voluntary exile, we and our friends, and in this way only did we contrive115 to escape the storm which our too good fortune had stirred up against us. Now this is a plain proof that God mocks at men's designs when they are bad ones. How great an error is it for any pope to devote more care to the welfare of a house, which cannot last more than a few years, than to the glory of the Church, which will last for ever! What utter folly116 for any public man whose position is not inherited and cannot be bequeathed to his posterity117, to support the edifice118 of his grandeur on any other basis than the noblest virtue practised for the general good, and to suppose that he can ensure the continuance of his own fortune otherwise than by taking all precautions against sudden whirlwinds which are want to arise in the midst of a calm, and to blow up the storm-clouds I mean the host of enemies. Now any one of these enemies who does his worst can cause injuries far more powerful than any help that is at all likely to come from a hundred friends and their lying promises. If you and your brothers walk in the path of virtue which we shall now open for you, every wish of your heart shall be instantly accomplished119; but if you take the other path, if you have ever hoped that our affection will wink120 at disorderly life, then you will very soon find out that we are truly pope, Father of the Church, not father of the family; that, vicar of Christ as we are, we shall act as we deem best for Christendom, and not as you deem best for your own private good. And now that we have come to a thorough understanding, Caesar, receive our pontifical blessing121." And with these words, Alexander VI rose up, laid his hands upon his son's head, for Caesar was still kneeling, and then retired into his apartments, without inviting122 him to follow.
The young man remained awhile stupefied at this discourse123, so utterly unexpected, so utterly destructive at one fell blow to his most cherished hopes. He rose giddy and staggering like a drunken man, and at once leaving the Vatican, hurried to his mother, whom he had forgotten before, but sought now in his despair. Rosa Vanozza possessed124 all the vices125 and all the virtues of a Spanish courtesan; her devotion to the Virgin126 amounted to superstition127, her fondness for her children to weakness, and her love for Roderigo to sensuality. In the depth of her heart she relied on the influence she had been able to exercise over him for nearly thirty years; and like a snake, she knew haw to envelop128 him in her coils when the fascination129 of her glance had lost its power. Rosa knew of old the profound hypocrisy of her lover, and thus she was in no difficulty about reassuring130 Caesar.
Lucrezia was with her mother when Caesar arrived; the two young people exchanged a lover-like kiss beneath her very eyes: and before he left Caesar had made an appointment for the same evening with Lucrezia, who was now living apart from her husband, to whom Roderigo paid a pension in her palace of the Via del Pelegrino, opposite the Campo dei Fiori, and there enjoying perfect liberty.
In the evening, at the hour fixed, Caesar appeared at Lucrezia's; but he found there his brother Francesco. The two young men had never been friends. Still, as their tastes were very different, hatred with Francesco was only the fear of the deer for the hunter; but with Caesar it was the desire for vengeance131 and that lust132 for blood which lurks133 perpetually in the heart of a tiger. The two brothers none the less embraced, one from general kindly134 feeling, the other from hypocrisy; but at first sight of one another the sentiment of a double rivalry135, first in their father's and then in their sister's good graces, had sent the blood mantling136 to the cheek of Francesco, and called a deadly pallor into Caesar's. So the two young men sat on, each resolved not to be the first to leave, when all at once there was a knock at the door, and a rival was announced before whom both of them were bound to give way: it was their father.
Rosa Vanazza was quite right in comforting Caesar. Indeed, although Alexander VI had repudiated137 the abuses of nepotism138, he understood very well the part that was to be played for his benefit by his sons and his daughter; for he knew he could always count on Lucrezia and Caesar, if not on Francesco and Goffredo. In these matters the sister was quite worthy of her brother. Lucrezia was wanton in imagination, godless by nature, ambitious and designing: she had a craving139 for pleasure, admiration140, honours, money, jewels, gorgeous stuffs, and magnificent mansions141. A true Spaniard beneath her golden tresses, a courtesan beneath her frank looks, she carried the head of a Raphael Madonna, and concealed142 the heart of a Messalina. She was dear to Roderigo both as daughter and as mistress, and he saw himself reflected in her as in a magic mirror, every passion and every vice. Lucrezia and Caesar were accordingly the best beloved of his heart, and the three composed that diabolical143 trio which for eleven years occupied the pontifical throne, like a mocking parody144 of the heavenly Trinity.
Nothing occurred at first to give the lie to Alexander's professions of principle in the discourse he addressed to Caesar, and the first year of his pontificate exceeded all the hopes of Rome at the time of his election. He arranged for the provision of stores in the public granaries with such liberality, that within the memory of man there had never been such astonishing abundance; and with a view to extending the general prosperity to the lowest class, he organised numerous doles145 to be paid out of his private fortune, which made it possible for the very poor to participate in the general banquet from which they had been excluded for long enough. The safety of the city was secured, from the very first days of his accession, by the establishment of a strong and vigilant146 police force, and a tribunal consisting of four magistrates147 of irreproachable148 character, empowered to prosecute149 all nocturnal crimes, which during the last pontificate had been so common that their very numbers made impunity150 certain: these judges from the first showed a severity which neither the rank nor the purse of the culprit could modify. This presented such a great contrast to the corruption152 of the last reign,—in the course of which the vice-chamberlain one day remarked in public, when certain people were complaining of the venality153 of justice, "God wills not that a sinner die, but that he live and pay,"—that the capital of the Christian world felt for one brief moment restored to the happy days of the papacy. So, at the end of a year, Alexander VI had reconquered that spiritual credit, so to speak, which his predecessors154 lost. His political credit was still to be established, if he was to carry out the first part of his gigantic scheme. To arrive at this, he must employ two agencies—alliances and conquests. His plan was to begin with alliances. The gentleman of Aragon who had married Lucrezia when she was only the daughter of Cardinal Roderigo Borgia was not a man powerful enough, either by birth and fortune or by intellect, to enter with any sort of effect into the plots and plans of Alexander VI; the separation was therefore changed into a divorce, and Lucrezia Borgia was now free to remarry. Alexander opened up two negotiations155 at the same time: he needed an ally to keep a watch on the policy of the neighbouring States. John Sforza, grandson of Alexander Sforza, brother of the great Francis I, Duke of Milan, was lord of Pesaro; the geographical156 situation of this place, an the coast, on the way between Florence and Venice, was wonderfully convenient for his purpose; so Alexander first cast an eye upon him, and as the interest of both parties was evidently the same, it came about that John Sforza was very soon Lucrezia's second husband.
At the same time overtures157 had been made to Alfonso of Aragon, heir presumptive to the crown of Naples, to arrange a marriage between Dana Sancia, his illegitimate daughter, and Goffreda, the pope's third son; but as the old Ferdinand wanted to make the best bargain he could out of it; he dragged on the negotiations as long as possible, urging that the two children were not of marriageable age, and so, highly honoured as he felt in such a prospective158 alliance, there was no hurry about the engagement. Matters stopped at this point, to the great annoyance159 of Alexander VI, who saw through this excuse, and understood that the postponement160 was nothing more or less than a refusal. Accordingly Alexander and Ferdinand remained in statu quo, equals in the political game, both on the watch till events should declare for one or other. The turn of fortune was for Alexander.
Italy, though tranquil161, was instinctively162 conscious that her calm was nothing but the lull16 which goes before a storm. She was too rich and too happy to escape the envy of other nations. As yet the plains of Pisa had not been reduced to marsh163-lands by the combined negligence164 and jealousy of the Florentine Republic, neither had the rich country that lay around Rome been converted into a barren desert by the wars of the Colonna and Orsini families; not yet had the Marquis of Marignan razed165 to the ground a hundred and twenty villages in the republic of Siena alone; and though the Maremma was unhealthy, it was not yet a poisonous marsh: it is a fact that Flavio Blando, writing in 1450, describes Ostia as being merely less flourishing than in the days of the Romans, when she had numbered 50,000 inhabitants, whereas now in our own day there are barely 30 in all.
The Italian peasants were perhaps the most blest on the face of the earth: instead of living scattered166 about the country in solitary167 fashion, they lived in villages that were enclosed by walls as a protection for their harvests, animals, and farm implements168; their houses—at any rate those that yet stand—prove that they lived in much more comfortable and beautiful surroundings than the ordinary townsman of our day. Further, there was a community of interests, and many people collected together in the fortified169 villages, with the result that little by little they attained170 to an importance never acquired by the boorish171 French peasants or the German serfs; they bore arms, they had a common treasury172, they elected their own magistrates, and whenever they went out to fight, it was to save their common country.
Also commerce was no less flourishing than agriculture; Italy at this period was rich in industries—silk, wool, hemp173, fur, alum, sulphur, bitumen174; those products which the Italian soil could not bring forth78 were imported, from the Black Sea, from Egypt, from Spain, from France, and often returned whence they came, their worth doubled by labour and fine workmanship. The rich man brought his merchandise, the poor his industry: the one was sure of finding workmen, the other was sure of finding work.
Art also was by no means behindhand: Dante, Giotto, Brunelleschi, and Donatello were dead, but Ariosto, Raphael, Bramante, and Michael Angelo were now living. Rome, Florence, and Naples had inherited the masterpieces of antiquity175; and the manuscripts of AEschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides had come (thanks to the conquest of Mahomet II) to rejoin the statue of Xanthippus and the works of Phidias and Praxiteles. The principal sovereigns of Italy had come to understand, when they let their eyes dwell upon the fat harvests, the wealthy villages, the flourishing manufactories, and the marvellous churches, and then compared with them the poor and rude nations of fighting men who surrounded them on all sides, that some day or other they were destined to become for other countries what America was for Spain, a vast gold-mine for them to work. In consequence of this, a league offensive and defensive176 had been signed, about 1480, by Naples, Milan, Florence, and Ferrara, prepared to take a stand against enemies within or without, in Italy or outside. Ludovico Sforza, who was more than anyone else interested in maintaining this league, because he was nearest to France, whence the storm seemed to threaten, saw in the new pope's election means not only of strengthening the league, but of making its power and unity151 conspicuous177 in the sight of Europe.
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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thorny
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| adj.多刺的，棘手的 | |
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retired
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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exalt
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| v.赞扬，歌颂，晋升，提升 | |
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destined
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indite
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reign
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beset
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besieged
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grandeur
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uprooted
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| v.把（某物）连根拔起( uproot的过去式和过去分词 )；根除；赶走；把…赶出家园 | |
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slumbered
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lulled
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lull
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agitated
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nomination
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holder
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confidential
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cardinal
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vice
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reluctance
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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cardinalship
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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27
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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28
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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29
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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30
disparaging
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| adj.轻蔑的，毁谤的v.轻视( disparage的现在分词 )；贬低；批评；非难 | |
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31
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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32
promulgation
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| n.颁布 | |
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33
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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34
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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35
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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36
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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37
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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38
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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39
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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40
dissimulate
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| v.掩饰，隐藏 | |
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41
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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42
scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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43
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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44
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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45
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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46
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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47
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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48
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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49
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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50
worthy
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|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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51
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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52
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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53
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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54
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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56
pontifical
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|
| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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57
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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58
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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59
arrogant
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|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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60
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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61
extol
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| v.赞美，颂扬 | |
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62
eruption
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| n.火山爆发；（战争等）爆发；（疾病等）发作 | |
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63
tawny
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| adj.茶色的，黄褐色的；n.黄褐色 | |
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64
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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65
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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66
mightier
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| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
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67
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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68
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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69
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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70
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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71
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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72
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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73
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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74
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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75
mare
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| n.母马，母驴 | |
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76
beholding
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|
| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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77
sublime
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|
| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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78
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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79
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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80
attain
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|
| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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81
vow
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|
| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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82
vowing
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的现在分词形式） | |
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83
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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84
efface
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|
| v.擦掉，抹去 | |
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85
shameful
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|
| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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86
incurred
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|
| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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87
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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88
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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89
dishonour
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|
| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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90
deplore
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|
| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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91
gad
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| n.闲逛；v.闲逛 | |
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92
purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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93
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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94
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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95
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
amassed
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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98
confided
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|
| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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99
meritorious
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|
| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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100
undue
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|
| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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101
jealousy
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|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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102
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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103
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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104
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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106
toiled
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|
| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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107
pinnacle
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|
| n.尖塔，尖顶，山峰；(喻)顶峰 | |
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108
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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109
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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110
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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111
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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112
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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113
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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114
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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115
contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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116
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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117
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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118
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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119
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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120
wink
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| n.眨眼，使眼色，瞬间；v.眨眼，使眼色，闪烁 | |
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121
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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122
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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123
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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124
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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125
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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126
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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127
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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128
envelop
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| vt.包，封，遮盖；包围 | |
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129
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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130
reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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131
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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132
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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133
lurks
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| n.潜在，潜伏；（lurk的复数形式）vi.潜伏，埋伏（lurk的第三人称单数形式） | |
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134
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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135
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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136
mantling
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| 覆巾 | |
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137
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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138
nepotism
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| n.任人唯亲；裙带关系 | |
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139
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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140
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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141
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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142
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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143
diabolical
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|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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144
parody
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| n.打油诗文，诙谐的改编诗文，拙劣的模仿；v.拙劣模仿，作模仿诗文 | |
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145
doles
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| 救济物( dole的名词复数 )； 失业救济金 | |
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146
vigilant
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|
| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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147
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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148
irreproachable
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| adj.不可指责的，无过失的 | |
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149
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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150
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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151
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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152
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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153
venality
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| n.贪赃枉法，腐败 | |
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154
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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155
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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156
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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157
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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158
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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159
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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160
postponement
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| n.推迟 | |
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161
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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162
instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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163
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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164
negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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165
razed
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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166
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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167
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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168
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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169
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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170
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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171
boorish
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| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
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172
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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173
hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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174
bitumen
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| n.沥青 | |
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175
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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176
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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177
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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